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Journal articles on the topic 'Seventeenth century England'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 January 2023

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1

Hall, Van Beck, David D. Hall, David Grayson Allen, and Philip Chadwick Foster Smith. "Seventeenth-Century New England." Journal of American History 73, no. 1 (June 1986): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1903624.

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2

Lockridge, Kenneth, David D. Hall, and David Grayson Allen. "Seventeenth-Century New England." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 17, no. 3 (1987): 675. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204631.

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3

Thompson, Roger, David D. Hall, and David Grayson Allen. "Seventeenth-Century New England." New England Quarterly 58, no. 4 (December 1985): 602. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/365564.

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4

MATAR, N. I. "MUSLIMS IN SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY ENGLAND." Journal of Islamic Studies 8, no. 1 (January 1, 1997): 63–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/8.1.63.

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5

Paul S. Lloyd. "Household Medicine in Seventeenth-Century England." Pharmacy in History 58, no. 3-4 (2016): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.26506/pharmhist.58.3-4.0109.

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6

Evans, Robert C., and Harold Love. "Scribal Publication in Seventeenth Century England." Sixteenth Century Journal 25, no. 2 (1994): 435. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2542912.

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7

Frost, William, and William Kupersmith. "Roman Satirists in Seventeenth-Century England." Eighteenth-Century Studies 21, no. 2 (1987): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2739119.

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8

Boorman, Stanley, and Harold Love. "Scribal Publication in Seventeenth-Century England." Notes 51, no. 3 (March 1995): 899. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/899291.

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9

Richardson, R. C., and Barry Reay. "Popular Culture in Seventeenth-Century England." Economic History Review 39, no. 3 (August 1986): 465. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2596355.

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10

Sommerville, John, and Barry Reay. "Popular Culture in Seventeenth-Century England." American Historical Review 91, no. 5 (December 1986): 1192. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1864426.

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11

MacLean, G. "Scribal Publication in Seventeenth-Century England." Modern Language Quarterly 55, no. 4 (January 1, 1994): 461–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00267929-55-4-461.

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12

Müßig, Ulrike. "Constitutional conflicts in seventeenth-century England." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 76, no. 1-2 (2008): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181908x277563.

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AbstractIn the constitutional conflicts of the 17th century, both Crown and Parliament justified actions contrary to the other's will by reference to necessity. The Crown held the raising of additional finance to be necessary; the Parliament, its raising of a militia. The competence to determine a time of necessity, and to decide on the public good in it, was the key to sovereignty. In a series of cases reaching a peak in Hampden, the courts handed the Crown an unrestrained Prerogative. With the Militia Ordinance, a disturbed Parliament then claimed the competence for deciding on the public good in an emergency, even against the King's will, because its judgements as opposed to the king's discretion in his Royal prerogative were based on the common law which bound even the King. The concept of Parliament as a court of common law is often under-emphasized, though this is at the heart of the Parliament's claim to sovereignty achieved in 1689, because the Monarch could veto legislative acts, but he could not veto judgements.

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13

Evans, Jennifer. "Household Medicine in Seventeenth-Century England." Social History 42, no. 4 (September 28, 2017): 550–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2017.1359976.

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14

Hirst, Derek. "Local Affairs in Seventeenth-Century England." Historical Journal 32, no. 2 (June 1989): 437–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00012267.

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15

E. Pearlman. "Typological Autobiography in Seventeenth-Century England." Biography 8, no. 2 (1985): 95–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bio.2010.0640.

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16

Barry, Jonathan. "Educating physicians in seventeenth-century England." Science in Context 32, no. 2 (June 2019): 137–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889719000188.

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ArgumentThe tension between theoretical and practical knowledge was particularly problematic for trainee physicians. Unlike civic apprenticeships in surgery and pharmacy, in early modern England there was no standard procedure for obtaining education in the practical aspects of the physician’s role, a very uncertain process of certification, and little regulation to ensure a suitable reward for their educational investment. For all the emphasis on academic learning and international travel, the majority of provincial physicians returned to practice in their home area, because establishing a practice owed more to networks of kinship, patronage and credit than to formal qualifications. Only when (and where) practitioners had to rely solely on their professional qualification to establish their status as young practitioners that the community could trust would proposals to reform medical education, such as those put forward to address a crisis of medicine in Restoration London, which are examined here, be converted into national regulation of medical education in the early nineteenth century, although these proposals prefigured many informal developments in medical training in the eighteenth century.

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17

R., T. K., and Richard Grassby. "The Business Community in Seventeenth-Century England." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 28, no. 2 (1997): 269. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206417.

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18

Ward, Joseph P., and Richard Grassby. "The Business Community of Seventeenth-Century England." Sixteenth Century Journal 27, no. 4 (1996): 1101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2543923.

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19

Winn, James A., and Diane Kelsey McColley. "Poetry and Music in Seventeenth-Century England." Notes 55, no. 4 (June 1999): 904. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/899597.

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20

Godin, Benoît. "Representation of Innovation in Seventeenth-Century England." Contributions to the History of Concepts 11, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 24–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2016.110202.

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Our present understanding of innovation is closely linked to science and research on the one hand and economy and industry on the other. It has not always been so. Back in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the concept was mainly used in religious and political discourses. In these contexts, actors used it in a pejorative sense. Innovation, imagined as a radical transformation, was considered a peril to the established social order. Such was natural philosophers’ understanding. This article documents Francis Bacon’s work as an eminent example of such a representation. To Bacon, natural philosophy and innovation are two distinct spheres of activity. It is documented that Bacon’s uses of the concept of innovation are found mainly in political, legal, and moral writings, not natural philosophy, because to Bacon and all others of his time, innovation is poli tical.

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21

Roseveare, Henry, and Richard Grassby. "The Business Community of Seventeenth-Century England." Economic History Review 49, no. 2 (May 1996): 391. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2597934.

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22

Howson, Barry. "Eschatology in Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century England." Evangelical Quarterly: An International Review of Bible and Theology 70, no. 4 (September 12, 1998): 325–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-07004004.

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This essay examines the eschatological thought of seventeenth-century England. In the introduction a brief background study of sixteenth-century Continental and English Protestant eschatology is given. The rest of the essay is a comparative study looking at the eschatological thought of a variety of seventeenth-century commentators from different denominations. In particular, it examines: their thought on the nearness and nature Christ’s Return; their interpretations of the Book of Revelation; their views on the signs of the end, the Papacy, the Jews, the Turks, the Millennium; their date setting; and their practical application of Christ’s Return to believers. In the conclusion of the essay some practical lessons from this study are made. The historical value of this essay is that it concisely presents the details of seventeenth-century English eschatology that so dominated the thoug.ht of a wide range of people. The practical value is that it helps twentieth-century evangelicals see that eschatology has been a dominate theme of the church in the past from which we can draw lessons for the present.

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23

Kassell, Lauren, and Robert Ralley. "Prayer and Physic in Seventeenth-Century England." Early Science and Medicine 26, no. 5-6 (December 15, 2021): 480–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-12340030.

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Abstract Historians have often represented prayer as an instrumental response to illness. We argue instead that prayer, together with physic, was part of larger regimes to preserve health and prevent disease. We focus on early modern England, through the philosophical writings of the physician, Robert Fludd, and the medical records of the clergyman, Richard Napier. Fludd depicted health as a fortress and illness as an invasion by demons; the physician counsels the patient in maintaining and restoring moral and bodily order. Napier documented actual uses of prayer. As in Fludd’s trope, through prayer, Napier and his patients enacted their aspiration for health and their commitment to a Christian order in which medicine only worked if God so willed it. Prayer, like physic, was a key part of a regime that the wise practitioner aimed to provide for his patients, and that they expected to receive from him.

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24

Solt, Leo F., and David S. Katz. "Sabbath and Sectarianism in Seventeenth-Century England." American Historical Review 96, no. 3 (June 1991): 871. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2162500.

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25

Doughtie, Edward, and Diane Kelsey McColley. "Poetry and Music in Seventeenth-Century England." Yearbook of English Studies 30 (2000): 295. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3509281.

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26

Clarkson, L. A., and Richard Grassby. "The Business Community of Seventeenth-Century England." William and Mary Quarterly 55, no. 1 (January 1998): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2674337.

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27

Herrup, Cynthia B. "LAW AND MORALITY IN SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY ENGLAND*." Past and Present 106, no. 1 (1985): 102–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/106.1.102.

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28

Slack, P. "Government and Information in Seventeenth-Century England." Past & Present 184, no. 1 (August 1, 2004): 33–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/184.1.33.

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29

Rose, Jacqueline. "Religion and revolution in seventeenth-century England." Seventeenth Century 29, no. 3 (July 3, 2014): 293–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.2014.937452.

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30

Bailey, Candace Lea. "Music Theory in Seventeenth-Century England (review)." Notes 59, no. 2 (2002): 363–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/not.2002.0155.

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31

Chapman, Mark D. "Book Reviews : Baptism in Seventeenth-Century England." Expository Times 109, no. 11 (August 1998): 349–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452469810901116.

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32

Ito, Seiichiro. "Registration and credit in seventeenth-century England." Financial History Review 20, no. 2 (May 14, 2013): 137–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565013000097.

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The English law reform movement produced numerous proposals for land registries during the Interregnum, but the idea of land registration took on economic connotations only after the Restoration, when controversy arose over the role of registration as a settled and reliable basis of credit. While the discourse of law reform was confined to the context of English law, the debate over whether and how land registries should be established extended to the economic field, and to international arenas in which England competed with, and sometimes imitated, her rivals in trade, particularly Holland. On one side of the debate, advocates of land registration insisted that registries would clarify the ownership of land, offer a firm foundation for credit, and consequently, improve English trade. On the other side, opponents of registration argued that such excessive openness of information would be hazardous to credit. For both advocates and opponents alike, the central issue was the role of registration in creating more reliable credit.

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33

Barry, Jonathan. "Educating physicians in seventeenth-century England - ADDENDUM." Science in Context 32, no. 3 (August 27, 2019): 353. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026988971900022x.

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ArgumentThe tension between theoretical and practical knowledge was particularly problematic for trainee physicians. Unlike civic apprenticeships in surgery and pharmacy, in early modern England there was no standard procedure for obtaining education in the practical aspects of the physician’s role, a very uncertain process of certification, and little regulation to ensure a suitable reward for their educational investment. For all the emphasis on academic learning and international travel, the majority of provincial physicians returned to practice in their home area, because establishing a practice owed more to networks of kinship, patronage and credit than to formal qualifications. Only when (and where) practitioners had to rely solely on their professional qualification to establish their status as young practitioners that the community could trust would proposals to reform medical education, such as those put forward to address a crisis of medicine in Restoration London, which are examined here, be converted into national regulation of medical education in the early nineteenth century, although these proposals prefigured many informal developments in medical training in the eighteenth century.

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34

Hartle, Paul. "?QuaintEpigrammatist?: Martial in late seventeenth-century England." Neophilologus 79, no. 2 (April 1995): 329–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00999788.

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35

Carruthers, Bruce G., and Richard Grassby. "The Business Community of Seventeenth-Century England." American Historical Review 103, no. 1 (February 1998): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650824.

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36

Newton, H. "The Dying Child in Seventeenth-Century England." PEDIATRICS 136, no. 2 (July 6, 2015): 218–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1542/peds.2015-0971.

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37

Popkin, Richard H. "Sabbath and sectarianism in seventeenth-century England." History of European Ideas 10, no. 6 (January 1989): 749–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(89)90119-8.

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38

Boulton, Jeremy. "Residential mobility in seventeenth-century Southwark." Urban History 13 (May 1986): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926800007963.

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It is nearly two decades since Tony Wrigley first discussed the possible effects that the experience of London life may have had on changing the society of seventeenth-century England. Despite some excellent work on certain aspects of London's social history, however, his qualification still stands: ‘too little is known of the sociological differences between life in London and life in provincial England to afford a clear perception of the impact of London's growth upon the country as a whole’. Among the obstacles to this latter goal are that metropolitan and provincial society are often seen as qualitatively different and, perhaps in consequence, comparisons between the two have not been seriously attempted. What is needed is a model which might serve to embrace the experiences of both urban and rural inhabitants within a common framework.

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39

Daniel, Robert W. "Godly Preaching, in Sickness and Ill-Health, in Seventeenth-Century England." Studies in Church History 58 (June 2022): 134–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2022.7.

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This article examines the myriad ways that sickness affected, and was exacerbated by, puritan preaching in seventeenth-century England. The term ‘puritan’ is deployed here to encompass Church of England, and later Nonconformist, ministers who espoused the significance of preaching God's word as a pastoral duty. By exploring occasions of, and motivations for, sermonizing when sick, such a study reveals that illness played a much larger role in the pulpit performances of England's preachers, especially amongst puritan clerics, than has hitherto been acknowledged.

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40

Woods, Robert L., and J. A. Sharpe. "Crime in Seventeenth-Century England: A County Study." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 15, no. 3 (1985): 519. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204151.

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41

Shapiro, Barbara, and Conal Condren. "The Language of Politics in Seventeenth-Century England." American Historical Review 101, no. 2 (April 1996): 480. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2170445.

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42

Sharpe, Kevin. "Religion, Rhetoric, and Revolution in Seventeenth-Century England." Huntington Library Quarterly 57, no. 3 (July 1994): 255–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3817603.

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43

Appelbaum (book author), Robert, and Rebecca Totaro (review author). "Literature and Utopian Politics in Seventeenth-Century England." Renaissance and Reformation 38, no. 3 (January 1, 2002): 41–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v38i3.8804.

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44

Cockburn, J. S., and J. A. Sharpe. "Crime in Seventeenth-Century England: A County Study." American Historical Review 90, no. 2 (April 1985): 410. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1852703.

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45

Donaghy, Paige. "Before Onanism: Women’s Masturbation in Seventeenth-Century England." Journal of the History of Sexuality 29, no. 2 (May 2020): 187–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.7560/jhs29203.

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46

Hamlin, Hannibal, and Reid Barbour. "Literature and Religious Culture in Seventeenth-Century England." Sixteenth Century Journal 34, no. 2 (July 1, 2003): 485. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20061433.

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47

McQuade, Paula, and Robert Appelbaum. "Literature and Utopian Politics in Seventeenth-Century England." Sixteenth Century Journal 34, no. 3 (October 1, 2003): 841. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20061570.

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48

Willen, Diane, and Phyllis Mack. "Visionary Women: Ecstatic Prophecy in Seventeenth-Century England." American Historical Review 99, no. 2 (April 1994): 555. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2167343.

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49

Griswold, Wendy, and J. A. Sharpe. "Crime in Seventeenth-Century England: A County Study." Contemporary Sociology 14, no. 2 (May 1985): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2070186.

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50

d'Huart, J. P., M. Nowak-Kemp, and T. M. Butynski. "A seventeenth-century warthog skull in Oxford, England." Archives of Natural History 40, no. 2 (October 2013): 294–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2013.0176.

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There are two widely recognized species of warthog: the Cape warthog, Phacochoerus aethiopicus ( Pallas, 1766 ), and the common warthog, P. africanus ( Gmelin, 1788 ). On this basis, it has been assumed that the first warthog specimen arrived in Europe in about 1766. This paper documents the discovery of a common warthog skull in the Tradescant Collection at Oxford University Museum of Natural History (OUMNH) that probably reached Europe sometime between 1656 and 1678, and that was listed in the Ashmolean Museum 1685 catalogue. This specimen represents the oldest evidence for a warthog in Europe. The skull pre-dates the 1766 naming of the Cape warthog by more than 80 years, and the 1788 naming of the common warthog by at least 100 years. It is surprising that this skull was never the subject of scientific investigations. This is particularly astonishing as, prior to being transferred to the OUMNH in the 1860s, it was in the Ashmolean Museum from at least 1685.

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