Journal articles: 'Settler state'

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Jokic, Dallas. "Cultivating the Soil of White Nationalism: Settler Violence and Whiteness as Territory." Journal of Critical Race Inquiry 7, no. 2 (October 28, 2020): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/jcri.v7i2.13537.

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This paper considers the emergence of white nationalist movements in Canada and their relationship to settler colonialism. How do ideas of Canada as a white nation, and fear mongering about white Canadians being “replaced” come to be so effective in a context in which white people have typically been the replacers themselves? While the Canadian state frames itself as multicultural, many of its laws and practices cultivate white nationalist beliefs, affects, and feelings. The state informally deputizes white settlers as owners and protectors of private property and uses them to dispossess Indigenous peoples from their land in order to appropriate it. This deputization protects both the material territory of the state and the affective and ideological justification for the continuation of settler colonialism. Private ownership of land cannot be understood merely as a legal capitalist relation, but is feltby many settlers as a deep, primordial connection to the land. Acts of settler violence both express and shape the racialized core of Canada. I propose thinking about settler private property as what I call “settler whitespace,” which is not only protective and expansive, but also involves the fabrication of an idea of white nativity to Canadian territory. This racialization of space serves to naturalize racist violence, cultivate hypermasculine expressions of whiteness, and ground white claims of exclusive belonging to Canada, all characteristic of the resurgent far-right. The property regime of Canada is not just part of its territorializing project; it lays the groundwork for white nationalist movements.

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Nath, Nisha, and Willow Samara Allen. "Settler Colonial Socialization in Public Sector Work: Moving from Privilege to Complicity." Studies in Social Justice 16, no. 1 (January 24, 2022): 200–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v16i1.2648.

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In this piece, we ask, what are the risks of a pedagogy and politics that begins and ends with privilege? What does it mean to declare privilege when embedded in institutions of the settler colonial state? These questions are raised through an ongoing project where we interview provincial public sector workers on Treaty 6, 7 and 8 (Alberta, Canada) and Coast Salish Territories (British Columbia, Canada) about their implications in settler colonialism through public sector work. In the project, we articulate the interdisciplinary framework of settler colonial socialization to consider the space between individuals and structures – the meso-space where settlers are made by learning how to take up the work of settler colonialism. For these reasons, in our research we ask, “what do the pedagogical processes of settler colonial socialization tell us about how systemic colonial violence is sustained, and how it might be disrupted or refused in public sector work?” In this paper, we narrow our focus to the declarations of privilege that many of our interview participants are making. We reflect on these declarations and consider whether focusing on settler complicity and Indigenous refusals can better support a decolonial politics for settlers working in the public sector. We argue that declarations of privilege risk reproducing settler-centric logics that maintain settler colonialism, settler jurisdiction, and settler certainty, and we reflect on how to orient participants (and ourselves) towards the material realization of relational accountability and towards imagining otherwise.

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Mackey, Eva. "Unsettling Expectations: (Un)certainty, Settler States of Feeling, Law, and Decolonization1." Canadian Journal of Law and Society / Revue Canadienne Droit et Société 29, no. 02 (July 18, 2014): 235–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cls.2014.10.

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AbstractGuaranteeing “certainty” (for governments, business development, society, etc.) is often the goal of state land rights settlements with Indigenous peoples in Canada. Certainty is also often seen as an unequivocally desirable and positive state of affairs. This paper explores how certainty and uncertainty intersect with the challenges of decolonization in North America. I explore how settler certainty and entitlement to Indigenous land has been constructed in past colonial and current national laws, land policies, and ideologies. Then, drawing on data from fieldwork among activists against land rights, I argue that their deep anger about their uncertainty regarding land and their futures helps to reveal how certainty and entitlement underpin “settler states of feeling” (Rifkin). If one persistent characteristic of settler colonialism is settler certainty and entitlement, then decolonization, both for settlers and for jurisprudence, may therefore mean embracing uncertainty. I conclude by discussing the relationship between certainty, uncertainty, and decolonization.

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Mo'e'hahne, Ho'esta, and Alex Trimble Young. "Indigenous Mobility and Settler State Transfer." Transfers 5, no. 3 (December 1, 2015): 146–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/trans.2015.050313.

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The Exiles, United States, 1961, Kent Mackenzie (producer, director, and writer), starring Yvonne Williams, Homer Nish, Tommy Reynolds, Rico Rodriguez, Clifford Ray Sam, Clydean Parker, and Mary Donahue. 2008 DVD release by Milestone Films.

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Jacobs, Margaret D. "Seeing Like a Settler Colonial State." Modern American History 1, no. 2 (March 16, 2018): 257–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mah.2018.5.

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In 1998, the Canadian historian and politician Michael Ignatieff wrote: “All nations depend on forgetting: on forging myths of unity and identity that allow a society to forget its founding crimes, its hidden injuries and divisions, its unhealed wounds.” Ironically, Ignatieff's home country has belied his assertion. Canada has engaged in collective remembering of one of its hidden injuries—the Indian residential schools—through a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) from 2009 to 2015. Australia, too, has reckoned since the 1990s with its own unhealed wounds—the separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children from their families, or, in common parlance, the “Stolen Generations.”

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Barnes, Helen Moewaka, Belinda Borell, and Time McCreanor. "Theorising the structural dynamics of ethnic privilege in Aotearoa." International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcis.v7i1.120.

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Colonial praxis has been imposed on the culture, epistemologies and praxis of indigenous Maori in Aotearoa, entrenching the settler cultural project that ensures the continuation of the colonial state, producing damaging disparities. This article theorises ways in which settler privilege works at multiple levels supporting settler interests, aspirations and sensibilities. In institutions, myriad mundane processes operate through commerce, law, media, education, health services, environment, religion and international relations constituting settler culture, values and norms. Among individuals, settler discursive/ideological frameworks are hegemonic, powerfully influencing interactions with Maori to produce outcomes that routinely suit settlers. In the internalised domain, there is a symbiotic sense of belonging, rightness, entitlement and confidence that the established social hierarchies will serve settler interests. This structure of privilege works together with overt and implicit acts of racism to reproduce a collective sense of superiority. It requires progressive de-mobilising together with anti-racism efforts to enable our society to move toward social justice.

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Park, Augustine S. J. "Settler Colonialism, Decolonization and Radicalizing Transitional Justice." International Journal of Transitional Justice 14, no. 2 (March 19, 2020): 260–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijtj/ijaa006.

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Abstract Although transitional justice has been mobilized to address violence perpetrated under regimes of settler colonialism that are also established liberal democracies, this article theorizes the inability of paradigmatic transitional justice to confront settler colonialism. The liberal teleology of transitional justice risks working to realize the self-supersessionist goal of replacing the colony with a ‘post-colonial’, settler/settled polity. Drawing on Indigenous scholars, decolonization is explored through refusal, resurgence and prefiguration. The article advances a counterfactual proposition: If transitional justice is radicalized it has the potential to contribute to decolonization through decentring the state, inter-nationalizing the justice relation, challenging the legitimacy of the settler regime and abandoning liberal teleology. The article argues for a decolonizing acceptance of indeterminacy and uncertainty.

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Fobear, Katherine. "Queer Settlers: Questioning Settler Colonialism in LGBT Asylum Processes in Canada." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 30, no. 1 (May 6, 2014): 47–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.38602.

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Refugee and forced migration studies have focused primarily on the refugees’ countries of origin and the causes for migration. Yet it is also important to also critically investi- gate the processes, discourses, and structures of settlement in the places they migrate to. This has particular signifi- cance in settler states like Canada in which research on refugee and forced migration largely ignores the presence of Indigenous peoples, the history of colonization that has made settlement possible, and ways the nation has shaped its borders through inflicting control and violence on Indigenous persons. What does it mean, then, to file a refugee claim in a state like Canada in which there is ongoing colonial violence against First Nations communities? In this article, we will explore what it means to make a refugee claim based on sexual orientation and gender identity in a settler-state like Canada. For sexual and gender minority refugees in Canada, interconnected structures of col- onial discourse and regulation come into force through the Canadian asylum and resettlement process. It is through this exploration that ideas surrounding migration, asylum, and settlement become unsettled.

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Lumley, D. J., P. Balmér, and J. Adamsson. "Investigations of Secondary Settling at a Large Treatment Plant." Water Science and Technology 20, no. 4-5 (April 1, 1988): 133–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.1988.0161.

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The sedimentation phase of the activated sludge process has a large influence on the effluent quality of secondary wastewater treatment plants. Increasingly stringent effluent guidelines emphasize the need to improve the performance of secondary settlers. Full scale studies of rectangular settlers, at a secondary treatment plant with an average flow of 4 m3/s, were made. The non-settleable fraction of the effluent suspended solids defines an upper limit to settler efficiency. Polymer can be used to enhance settling when dealing with peak flow situations. The mass of solids in the settler, needed to calculate a mass balance of the activated sludge process, can be estimated by a simple model based on the sludge blanket depth and the average concentration of the sludge blanket at a central location in a settler. On-line instruments are useful for monitoring rapid and periodic changes in the state of the activated sludge process.

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Rana, Aziz. "Settler wars and the national security state." Settler Colonial Studies 4, no. 2 (December 17, 2013): 171–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2201473x.2013.846386.

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Sheintuch, Moshe. "Steady state modeling of reactor-settler interaction." Water Research 21, no. 12 (December 1987): 1463–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0043-1354(87)90129-1.

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Jafri, Beenash. "Reframing Suicide." GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 27, no. 4 (October 1, 2021): 577–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10642684-9316852.

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Abstract What can narratives of suicide tell us about diasporic and Indigenous relationships to the white settler state? This article engages relational critique to examine trans/femme/bisexual South Asian Canadian filmmaker Vivek Shraya's short film I want to kill myself (2017) and queer Cree/Métis filmmaker Adam Garnet Jones's feature film Fire Song (2015). Both films challenge the spectacularity of suicide, effectively situating suicide on a continuum of “slow death.” However, the films also stage distinct relationships between suicide, community, and the state that emerge from diasporic and Native positionalities within a white settler society. Whereas Shraya's diasporic struggle with suicide is alleviated by forging community within settler spaces, Fire Song counters pathologizing depictions of reserve communities by emphasizing resurgent Indigenous practices and their refusal of settler logics.

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Leblanc, Deanne Aline Marie. "The Roles of Settler Canadians within Decolonization: Re-evaluating Invitation, Belonging and Rights." Canadian Journal of Political Science 54, no. 2 (March 17, 2021): 356–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423920001274.

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AbstractThis article, grounded within the argument that liberal citizenship and recognition-based approaches to decolonization are inappropriate responses to Indigenous calls to decolonize, proposes an alternative approach premised on re-evaluating non-Indigenous understandings of invitation, belonging and rights within the Canadian settler state. I suggest that non-Indigenous peoples consider themselves “foreigners” in need of invitation onto Indigenous lands and that, as colonial denizens, non-Indigenous Canadians take up an ethos that encourages them to re-evaluate their lives and relations with Indigenous peoples, Indigenous lands and the settler state. Such re-evaluations would encourage settlers to question the sovereignty of the state and their daily relations, as well as encourage them to place responsibilities to others above inwardly focused rights. I contend that identifying and acting upon such an ethos can provide a way through which non-Indigenous peoples can appropriately and seriously meet Indigenous peoples’ calls for change.

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King, Mike. "Settler Colonialism, Race-Making Criminalization and State Violence." Journal of Urban History 46, no. 3 (October 14, 2019): 701–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144219880881.

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Carroll, Shawna Marie, and Rubén Gaztambide-Fernández. "Youth subjectification and resistance in the settler state." Curriculum Inquiry 46, no. 4 (August 7, 2016): 343–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03626784.2016.1210944.

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Njuguna, Grace Wanjiru. "The Origin of European Settlement in Molo in the Early Colonial Period up to 1918." Editon Consortium Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Studies 1, no. 2 (September 30, 2019): 81–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.51317/ecjahss.v1i2.79.

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The study examined the origin of European settlement in Molo in the early colonial period up to 1918. The study commenced in the year 1904 when land alienation for white settlement in Molo started. It was also in 1904 when the first settlers, Major Webb and Jasper Abraham, settled in Mariashoni and Kweresoi (Kuresoi) in Molo area respectively. Settler dominance in Molo was essentially a consequence of discriminatory economic policies adopted by the colonial state. The white settlers aimed to make strides in agricultural production because of their cumulative experiences, availability of infrastructure, capital and government support. The Colonial Capitalism Theory guided this study. Data was collected from informants through oral interviews and from the Kenya National Archives in Nairobi. Informants were identified through snowball sampling. Secondary sources such as books, journals and articles were also used. Data was analysed historically, thematically and logically. Finally, data has been presented in a qualitative form, which is descriptive in nature.

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Palmer, Meredith Alberta. "Rendering settler sovereign landscapes: Race and property in the Empire State." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 38, no. 5 (May 16, 2020): 793–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263775820922233.

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This article examines the politics of race, indigeneity, and landscape in US American enactments of property. Its substance is the homelands of the Haudenosaunee, now territorialized as upstate New York. The 2005 US Supreme Court case City of Sherrill v. Oneida Indian Nation denied the Oneida of the Haudenosaunee the right to expand their sovereignty onto former reservation lands through the purchase of land title. In this article, I follow the genesis of the term “non-Indian character” of an area, first written in the Sherrill decision. In tracing the genealogy of this term, I examine the racial tenets embedded in US land survey tools and discourse of property-making after the Revolutionary War. I then discuss how efforts of the Holland Land Company, New York state agents, and yeoman settlers rendered settler sovereign landscapes through acts of Haudenosaunee dispossession and concepts of Indian inferiority. As Indigenous people continue to challenge US legal concepts of property today, the settler state has reauthorized this framing of Native American sovereignty that is bounded and may only recede territorially. I consider how racist understandings of Indian inferiority maintain land as property, to show how US sovereignty rests territorially on anti-indigenous concepts of race and place.

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Spitzer, Aaron John. "Constituting settler colonialism: the ‘boundary problem’, liberal equality, and settler state-making in Australia’s Northern Territory." Postcolonial Studies 22, no. 4 (October 2, 2019): 545–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13688790.2019.1690763.

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Maxwell, Krista. "Settler-Humanitarianism: Healing the Indigenous Child-Victim." Comparative Studies in Society and History 59, no. 4 (September 29, 2017): 974–1007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417517000342.

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AbstractVictims of colonial, Indigenous child-removal policies have attracted public expressions of compassion from Indigenous and settler-state political leaders in Canada since the 1990s. This public compassion has fueled legal and political mechanisms, leveraging resources for standardized interventions said to “heal” these victims: cash payments, a truth-telling forum, therapy. These claims to healing provide an entry-point for analyzing how and why the figure of the Indigenous child-victim, past and present, is morally and politically useful for settler-states and their public cultures. I use the formulation of “settler-humanitarianism” to express how liberal interventions of care and protection, intended to ameliorate Indigenous suffering, align with settler-colonialism's enduring goal of Indigenous elimination (Wolfe 2006). Removal of Indigenous children was integral to the late nineteenth-century formation of the Canadian and Australian settler-states. Missionaries and colonial administrators represented these practices as humanitarian rescue from depraved familial conditions. Settler-humanitarians have long employed universalizing moral registers, such as “idleness” and “neglect,” to compel state interventions into Indigenous families. More recently, “trauma” has emerged as a humanitarian signifier compelling urgent action. These settler-humanitarian registers do political work. Decontextualized representations of Indigenous children as victims negate children as social actors, obscure the particularities of how collective Indigenous suffering flows from settler-colonial dispossession, and oppose children's interests with those of their kin, community, and nation. I analyze how and why Aboriginal healing as settler-humanitarianism has been taken up by many Indigenous leaders alongside settler-state agents, and examine the ongoing social and political effects of the material and discursive interventions it has spawned.

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Urrieta, Jr., Luis, and Dolores Calderón. "Critical Latinx Indigeneities: Unpacking Indigeneity from Within and Outside of Latinized Entanglements." Association of Mexican American Educators Journal 13, no. 2 (June 11, 2019): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.24974/amae.13.2.432.

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This article engages an important, but difficult conversation about the erasure of indigeneity in narratives, curriculum, identities, and racial projects that uphold settler colonial logics that fall under the rubric of Hispanic, Latina/o/x, and Chicana/o/x. These settler colonial logics include violence by these groupings against Indigenous people, or indios, that has been part of Mexican and U.S. history in the Southwest. We examine Hispanic, Latina/o/x, and Chicana/o/x settlers’ complicity with myths that support white settler futurity, including through social studies curricula and contemporary discourses of the U.S. as a nation of immigrants. The problematics of Hispanidad and Latinidad are also engaged as part of officialized U.S. state regulation and as an expression of mestizaje based on indigenism (indigenismo). Indigenismo worked hand-in-hand with mestizaje and functioned not so much as a celebration of racial mixture, but as state eugenicist programs of Indigenous erasure throughout Latin America, and by extension in Latino communities in the U.S. Finally, we provide diverse examples of how this process works to advance a theory and praxis of Critical Latinx Indigeneities to decolonize Latinidad and mestizaje in order to envision Indigenous futurities within and outside of the Latinized entanglements of the present.

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Smith, Andrea Lynn. "Settler Colonialism and the Revolutionary War." Public Historian 41, no. 4 (November 1, 2019): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2019.41.4.7.

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The centerpiece of New York State’s 150th anniversary of the Sullivan Expedition of 1779 was a pageant, the “Pageant of Decision.” Major General John Sullivan’s Revolutionary War expedition was designed to eliminate the threat posed by Iroquois allied with the British. It was a genocidal operation that involved the destruction of over forty Indian villages. This article explores the motivations and tactics of state officials as they endeavored to engage the public in this past in pageant form. The pageant was widely popular, and served the state in fixing the expedition as the end point in settler-Indian relations in New York, removing from view decades of expropriations of Indian land that occurred well after Sullivan’s troops left.

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GAILMARD, SEAN. "Building a New Imperial State: The Strategic Foundations of Separation of Powers in America." American Political Science Review 111, no. 4 (July 11, 2017): 668–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055417000235.

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Separation of powers existed in the British Empire of North America long before the U.S. Constitution of 1789, yet little is known about the strategic foundations of this institutional choice. In this article, I argue that separation of powers helps an imperial crown mitigate an agency problem with its colonial governor. Governors may extract more rents from colonial settlers than the imperial crown prefers. This lowers the Crown’s rents and inhibits economic development by settlers. Separation of powers within colonies allows settlers to restrain the governor’s rent extraction. If returns to settler investment are moderately high, this restraint is necessary for colonial economic development and ultimately benefits the Crown. Historical evidence from the American colonies and the first British Empire is consistent with the model. This article highlights the role of agency problems as a distinct factor in New World institutional development, and in a sovereign’s incentives to create liberal institutions.

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Hafez, Shady. "How to Buy a Coffee in a Settler State:." South Atlantic Quarterly 118, no. 4 (October 1, 2019): 898–910. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-7825713.

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Kitigan Zibi Anishinabeg is an Algonquin community located roughly one and a half hours from Canada’s capital, Ottawa. It is a primarily English-speaking community located in the French-speaking province of Quebec. This essay will explore the complexities and difficulties associated with being an English-speaking Indigenous community that resides within the boundaries of French-speaking Quebec. In exploring this topic, this essay will uncover the often unexplored realities of Indigenous communities that are caught between the competing histories of colonial empires such as France and Britain and how those past colonial conflicts, and, in turn, the imposition of linguistic dominations, inform current difficulties around decolonization, nationhood, and Indigenous liberation.

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Henderson, Jennifer. "Transparency, Spectatorship, Accountability: Indigenous Families in Settler-State “Postdemocracies”." ESC: English Studies in Canada 38, no. 3-4 (2013): 299–330. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/esc.2013.0009.

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Sumner, Kandice A. ""There's Something About HER"." Girlhood Studies 12, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 18–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2019.120304.

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In this article I examine my lived experience as a Black girl in a white settler state using an autoethnographic approach within the framework of critical race and feminist theory to unpack the deleteriousness of existing as a Black female in a white educational settler state. Drawing on my doctoral research, I conclude that greater attention, in terms of theory and praxis as well as compassion, needs to be applied to the educational journeys of Black girls in white settler states, particularly in predominantly white schools.

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Johnston, Caleb, and Geraldine Pratt. "Tlingipino Bingo, settler colonialism and other futures." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 35, no. 6 (November 10, 2017): 971–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263775817730699.

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We present an analysis of Tlingipino Bingo, which is the latest iteration of our on-going experiment to work with performance as a means of translating and transforming scholarly work to generate more informed and nuanced public debate about migrant labour. Tlingipino Bingo was a collaboration between white settler academics and Filipino and Tlingit artists in Whitehorse Canada, created in a context of rapid Filipino migration and racialised tensions between Filipino migrants and First Nations peoples in Whitehorse. It brought the communities together to participate in an interactive bingo game and to exchange stories of disparate but resonate experiences of colonialism. We document the public event of Tlingipino Bingo to interrogate how deeply settler colonialism burrows into everyday life, including practices of racialised immigrants, the ways that a model minority discourse functions within state multiculturalism, and to imagine other futures beyond settler colonialism, which could possibly include white settlers as allies. We venture that the performance might also help to think strategically about critical responses to contemporary claims of dispossession by white citizens in Canada and elsewhere, as well as their destructive nostalgia for a lost national time of whiteness.

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Ben-Youssef, Nadia, and Sandra Samaan Tamari. "Enshrining Discrimination: Israel's Nation-State Law." Journal of Palestine Studies 48, no. 1 (2018): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2018.48.1.73.

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In July 2018, the Israeli Knesset passed Basic Law: Israel – The Nation-State of the Jewish People (Nation-State Law). This article highlights three of the law's central premises: the entrenched supremacy of Jewish settlers; the erasure of indigenous Palestinians; and, with reference to borders, the effective annexation of those parts of historic Palestine that were occupied in 1967. The authors reflect on the passage of the law within a broader history of settler colonialism and in the current global context of growing authoritarianism and overt institutionalized racism. The passage of such a colonial piece of constitutional legislation in 2018 is a testament to the continued resistance of Palestinians and the growing movement for Palestinian rights. The authors argue that the alternative to the exclusionary Nation-State Law, a rights-based, people-centered framework, is a promising avenue to not only secure Palestinian rights, but also advance a universal struggle for equality and historical justice.

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Masri, Mazen. "Colonial imprints: settler-colonialism as a fundamental feature of Israeli constitutional law." International Journal of Law in Context 13, no. 3 (February 15, 2017): 388–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744552316000409.

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AbstractMany constitutional questions in Israel are dealt with through the lens of the nation-state paradigm where the state is constitutionally associated with an ethnically and religiously defined majority group. Thus, many of the challenges that face Israeli society and the legal system are often presented as a result of an exceptionally antagonistic majority–minority relationship in a nation-state. This paper offers a novel way of analysing the Israeli constitutional regime using the framework of settler-colonialism. It argues that adding the settler-colonial lens will help better understand many features of Israeli constitutional law. Drawing on theoretical frameworks developed by theorists of colonialism, the paper explores a number of foundational aspects of Israeli constitutional law and demonstrates how they were shaped, and continue to be shaped, by settler-colonialism. The paper argues that settler-colonialism is one of the central features that animate Israeli constitutional law.

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Pappe, Ilan. "The Israeli Nationality Law: A Blueprint for a Twenty-first Century Settler-Colonial State." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 18, no. 2 (November 2019): 179–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2019.0214.

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This article examines the recent Israeli Nationality Law within a historical context. It argues that the law in many ways manifests the settler-colonial identity of the State of Israel and as such the law embodies clearly both the achievements of the Zionist movement and Zionist future designs. The law is not an extreme right-wing document but rather an accurate reflection of the major characteristics of the Zionist settler-colonial movement in Palestine. Like all settler-colonial movements, the Zionist movement strove to include as few Palestinians as possible in it. The incomplete implementation of this goal during the 1948 Nakba has informed Israeli policies since 1948 and are the best explanation for the 2018 Nationality Law.

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Oksanen, Aslak-Antti. "The Rise of Indigenous (Pluri-)Nationalism: The Case of the Sámi People." Sociology 54, no. 6 (December 2020): 1141–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038520943105.

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Indigenous peoples have found the nationalist language of peoples’ inherent right to self-determination helpful in articulating their political demands. Gerald Taiaiake Alfred’s model of indigenous nationalism explains the emergence of this form of indigenous self-assertion as a reaction to settler-colonial incursions. However, it cannot account for the timing of its recent successes in unsettling the status quo of indigenous–settler-state relations. This article addresses this limitation by incorporating Michael Keating’s concept of post-sovereignty, which highlights the supranational plane constraining states’ freedom of action, while providing indigenous peoples with laws and norms above state level to appeal to. Additionally, Keating’s concept of plurinationalism is drawn upon to capture the emerging reconfiguration of indigenous–settler-state relations. This combined conceptual framework is used to illuminate the Sámi people’s relations to the Nordic states as expressive of emergent indigenous nationalism, formed in reaction to settler-colonialism and enabled by international norms, laws and global indigenous peoples’ networks.

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Kepkiewicz, Lauren, and Sarah Rotz. "Toward anti-colonial food policy in Canada? (Im)possibilities within the settler state." Canadian Food Studies / La Revue canadienne des études sur l'alimentation 5, no. 2 (May 4, 2018): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15353/cfs-rcea.v5i2.202.

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This perspective piece teases out some of the tensions between the development of a national food policy, which has gained significant traction in Canada over the past few years, and Indigenous food sovereignty, which long predates the Canadian government and its policies and has a rich history and current practice of organizing. Drawing from our observations and discussions at conferences, workshops, and events, and pointing to key aspects of discourse commonly embedded in such discussions, we critically reflect on how settler engagements with Indigenous peoples in developing a national food policy may reify, rather than dismantle, colonial relationships. Additionally, we emphasize the importance of process and the ability for settlers to accept discomfort and incommensurability if we are to move towards spaces that embody solidarity, respect, and resistance.

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Soldatic, Karen. "Disability’s Circularity: Presence, Absence and Erasure in Australian Settler Colonial Biopolitical Population Regimes." Studies in Social Justice 14, no. 2 (January 7, 2021): 306–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v14i2.2259.

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In this paper, I explore the ways in which settler-colonial states utilize the category of disability in immigration and Indigenous population regimes to redress settler-colonial anxieties of white fragility. As well documented within the literature, settler-colonial governance operates a particular logic of population management that aims to replace longstanding Indigenous peoples with settler populations of a particular kind. Focusing on the case of Australia and drawing on a range of historical and current empirical sources, the paper examines the central importance of the category of disability to this settler-colonial political intent. The paper identifies the breadth of techniques of governance to embed, normalize and naturalize white settler-colonial rule. The paper concludes with the suggestion that the state mobilization of the category of disability provides us with a unique way to identify, understand and analyse settler-colonial power and the interrelationship of disability, settler-colonial immigration regimes and Indigenous people under its enterprise.

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Soldatic, Karen. "Disability’s Circularity: Presence, Absence and Erasure in Australian Settler Colonial Biopolitical Population Regimes." Studies in Social Justice 14, no. 2 (January 7, 2021): 306–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v14i2.2259.

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In this paper, I explore the ways in which settler-colonial states utilize the category of disability in immigration and Indigenous population regimes to redress settler-colonial anxieties of white fragility. As well documented within the literature, settler-colonial governance operates a particular logic of population management that aims to replace longstanding Indigenous peoples with settler populations of a particular kind. Focusing on the case of Australia and drawing on a range of historical and current empirical sources, the paper examines the central importance of the category of disability to this settler-colonial political intent. The paper identifies the breadth of techniques of governance to embed, normalize and naturalize white settler-colonial rule. The paper concludes with the suggestion that the state mobilization of the category of disability provides us with a unique way to identify, understand and analyse settler-colonial power and the interrelationship of disability, settler-colonial immigration regimes and Indigenous people under its enterprise.

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Kangalawe, Hezron. "“Drinking too much, they can’t Work”: The Settlers, the Hehe Work Discipline and Environmental Conservation in Mufindi, Tanzania, 1920-1960." Tanzania Zamani: A Journal of Historical Research and Writing 13, no. 1 (December 31, 2021): 125–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.56279/tza20211315.

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The colonial state’s relation with the settlers and with plantation owners in Tanganyika was largely precarious. This article uses the Mufindi area to navigate the contrasting views of the settlers and the colonial state on poor response of the black labourers to work and ‘poor environmental management’ amidst increasing number of ‘natives’ between 1920 and 1960. The available data indicates that the colonial state remained a settlers’ broker in securing farming land while acting as the guardian of the natives’ interests of land ownership. As such, state responses exhibited a high degree of pragmatism. In Mufindi area of Iringa district, German settlers specialized in tea farming while British nationals were engaged in wheat production in the Sao Hill. The settlers, despite their numerical inferiority, pressed hard the government to grant them more land and create policies to compel Africans to work on their farms. Building on primary and secondary sources, this article adds to the existing historiography on colonial agriculture by analyzing the settler complaints over labourers’ low work discipline in previously unexplored area of Mufindi.

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Scott, Dayna Nadine. "Extraction Contracting: The Struggle for Control of Indigenous Lands." South Atlantic Quarterly 119, no. 2 (April 1, 2020): 269–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-8177759.

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This article outlines the contemporary dynamics of “consent by contract,” argued to be a mode of governance that attempts to define the social, political, ecological, and economic relations regarding the use of Indigenous lands solely through confidential bargaining and agreement-making between private extraction companies and First Nations, but in fact affords the state a key role in setting the terms. Ultimately, it is not only that the settler state law sets the context for what can be negotiated between the parties, but also that state actors actively facilitate the agreement-making, influence the parameters of the deal, and are invested in the outcomes. Crucially, the settler state also draws inferences adverse to Indigenous land interests from the very fact of these negotiations. The phenomenon of “extraction contracting,” purported to be a mode of private governance, in fact engages crucial public and constitutional governance questions. I conclude that the contracts are not so much proliferating through autonomous actors seeking to fill a void in the public law regime as the settler law is holding open the gap for the private law mechanisms to fill, because the contractual regime serves a purpose in the settler state’s interests. Specifically, the private contractual regime normalizes and facilitates the state’s provision of access to Indigenous lands for extractive capital. Extraction contracting, then, is a crucial node in the contemporary contest over jurisdiction between the settler state and the surging Indigenous resistance.

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Mendelsohn, Barak. "State Authority in the Balance: The Israeli State and the Messianic Settler Movement." International Studies Review 16, no. 4 (October 18, 2014): 499–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/misr.12159.

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Wesley, Jared, and Sylvia Wong. "Beyond Fragments: The Canadian State and the Origins of Alberta Political Culture." International Journal of Canadian Studies 60 (March 1, 2022): 60–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ijcs.60.x.60.

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This article traces the origins of Alberta political culture to an unlikely source: the federal government’s immigration marketing posters from the early-twentieth century. Through a qualitative document analysis of the “Last Best West” campaign, the findings reveal how the Government of Canada helped cultivate values of settler colonialism, populism, individualism, frontier masculinity, and moral traditionalism among the settler population. The article closes with a discussion of how these values continue to influence Alberta politics today.

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Lentin, Ronit. "Palestinian Lives Matter: Racialising Israeli Settler-Colonialism." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 19, no. 2 (November 2020): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2020.0238.

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Against the background of recent developments in Israel's racial rule over the Palestinians, the Black Lives Matter protests, and in view of Israel's declared intention to annex occupied Palestinian territories, this article theorises Israel's permanent war against the Palestinians as first, state of exception, second, racial state, and third, settler-colony. The paper critiques the focus on ethnicity as an analytical frame by Israeli scholars and posits race as a key concept in analising Zionist settler-colonialism. It proposes that rather than being a solution to European antisemitism, Zionism adopted discourses of race approximating those expressed by antisemitic regimes. As the Black Lives Matter movement proliferates, the article concludes by proposing that Palestine and the question of Palestine are becoming a truly global issue.

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Gernaey, K. V., U. Jeppsson, D. J. Batstone, and P. Ingildsen. "Impact of reactive settler models on simulated WWTP performance." Water Science and Technology 53, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 159–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.2006.018.

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Including a reactive settler model in a wastewater treatment plant model allows representation of the biological reactions taking place in the sludge blanket in the settler, something that is neglected in many simulation studies. The idea of including a reactive settler model is investigated for an ASM1 case study. Simulations with a whole plant model including the non-reactive Takács settler model are used as a reference, and are compared to simulation results considering two reactive settler models. The first is a return sludge model block removing oxygen and a user-defined fraction of nitrate, combined with a non-reactive Takács settler. The second is a fully reactive ASM1 Takács settler model. Simulations with the ASM1 reactive settler model predicted a 15.3% and 7.4% improvement of the simulated N removal performance, for constant (steady-state) and dynamic influent conditions respectively. The oxygen/nitrate return sludge model block predicts a 10% improvement of N removal performance under dynamic conditions, and might be the better modelling option for ASM1 plants: it is computationally more efficient and it will not overrate the importance of decay processes in the settler.

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Dotson, Kristie. "On the way to decolonization in a settler colony: Re-introducing Black feminist identity politics." AlterNative: An International Journal of Indigenous Peoples 14, no. 3 (July 16, 2018): 190–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1177180118783301.

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In this paper, I explain Black feminist identity politics as a practice that is ‘on the way’ to settler decolonization in a US context for the fact that it makes demands that we attend to our “originating” stories and, in doing so, 1) generate potential for difficult coalitions for decolonization in settler colonial USA and 2) promoting a range of refusals (Simpson 2014) that aid in resisting the completion of settler colonialism in North America, which is still an uncompleted project. Ultimately, I claim Black feminist identity politics, properly understood, is a practice that aids in retaining the possibility of decolonization in a settler colonial state by resisting the historical unknowing that facilitates settler futurity. It is not itself settler decolonization, but rather it is “on the way” to such decolonization as it keeps open the need for decolonial futurity.

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Aurylaite, Kristina. "Decolonial Gestures in Canada’s Settler State: Contemporary Indigenous Writers Jordan Abel and Leanne Simpson." Baltic Journal of English Language, Literature and Culture 7 (July 14, 2017): 4–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/bjellc.07.2017.01.

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This paper discusses the ways recent texts by two Indigenous Canadian writers, Jordan Abel’s collection of conceptual poetry Un/Inhabited and Leanne Simpson’s short stories and poems Islands of Decolonial Love, engage in what Walter Mignolo terms ‘decolonial gestures’ to expose the workings of contemporary settler colonialism and counter their effects. The theoretical section explains the specificities of settler colonialism that make decolonization in the sense of regaining freedom from the colonizers impossible; it then discusses the possibilities for decolonization that exist in settler countries, particularly those that refer to cultural and artistic practices. The analytical section focuses on the different strategies Abel and Simpson use in their work to enact what Mignolo calls ‘epistemic disobedience.’ Abel resorts to decolonial violence in appropriating selected texts of the genre of the Western and erasing from them to undo their loaded ideological messages. Simpson’s work, marked by explicitly confrontational rhetoric, focuses on Indigenous characters and communities, foregrounding their colonial traumas and the role of traditional knowledge and cultural practices in healing them. The paper argues that the decolonial gestures Abel and Simpson undertake work to reject the mainstream rhetoric of reconciliation, inviting Indigenous people to recognize the workings of settler colonialism and look for ways of extricating from them.

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Harvey, Megan. "Story People: Stó:lō-State Relations and Indigenous Literacies in British Columbia, 1864–1874." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 24, no. 1 (May 12, 2014): 51–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1024997ar.

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The Stó:lō are a group of approximately 28 different communities, which share a common language and culture in what is now generally known as the Lower Fraser Valley of southwestern British Columbia. Between 1864 and 1874, Stó:lō and neighbouring tribes presented four petitions to the colonial and (after 1871) federal government. The survival of so many Indigenous texts from this era that speak directly to the state offers a rare interpretive opportunity. In a relatively brief period of time, colonial and then provincial authorities rapidly obtained increased control over both lands and people in the emerging province. Simultaneously, Halkomelem-speaking peoples in the region swiftly developed new cultural literacies, among which was a facility with one of the central technologies of settler power: writing. As we will see in the following discussion, the earliest forms of Indigenous writing we have for this period are about land and Stó:lō peoples’ relationships with settler authorities. This series of petitions traces an important shift in settler-Indigenous relations, while also revealing a great deal about Indigenous ideas around literacy and how settler appropriation of Stó:lō land was challenged from the very earliest days. Throughout, a focus on story demonstrates how the struggles over land that have characterized Indigenous-state relations in British Columbia are also, inextricably, a struggle for narrative power.

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Pasternak, Shiri, and Tia Dafnos. "How does a settler state secure the circuitry of capital?" Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 36, no. 4 (June 7, 2017): 739–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263775817713209.

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Indigenous peoples interrupt commodity flows by asserting jurisdiction and sovereignty over their lands and resources in places that form choke points to the circulation of capital. In today’s economy, the state has begun to redefine its “resilience” in terms of its relative success in the protection and expansion of critical infrastructure. We find that there has been a political re-organization of governing authority over Indigenous peoples in Canada as a result, which is driven by greater integration of the private sector as national security “partners.” The securitization of “critical infrastructure”—essentially, supply chains of capital, such as private pipelines and public transport routes—has become the priority in mitigating the potential threat of Indigenous jurisdiction. New political and socio-temporal imperatives have led to shifts in risk evaluation, management, and mitigation practices of state administration, in cooperation with the private sector, to neutralize Indigenous disruption to supply chain infrastructure. In this paper, we examine two forms of risk mitigation: first, the configuration of Indigenous jurisdiction as a “legal risk” by the Department of Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada; and second, the configuration of Indigenous jurisdiction as a source of potential “emergency.” Built on the literal ground of historical patterns of land grabs and migration, logistical space configures new networks of infrastructure into circuitries of production that cast into vivid relief the imperfections of settler sovereignty and the vital systems of Indigenous law.

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Ronit Lentin. "Palestine/Israel and State Criminality: Exception, Settler Colonialism and Racialization." State Crime Journal 5, no. 1 (2016): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.13169/statecrime.5.1.0032.

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Reed‐Sandoval, Amy. "Settler‐State Borders and the Question of Indigenous Immigrant Identity." Journal of Applied Philosophy 37, no. 4 (February 21, 2020): 543–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/japp.12417.

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Rowse, Tim. "Neoliberal Indigenous Policy: Settler Colonialism and the “Post-Welfare” State." Australian Journal of Politics & History 62, no. 3 (September 2016): 481–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12287.

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Mendoza, Marcela. "The cattle-ranching economy in the Bolivian Chaco during the 1800s." Revista Cadernos do Ceom 35, no. 57 (December 20, 2022): 183–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.22562/2022.57.09.

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The Bolivian Chaco on the margins of Pilcomayo River was a contested area during the 1800s. Tobas and other Indigenous Peoples boldly resisted the state’s occupation of their territories, keeping the frontier unstable for decades. I argue that Bolivian settlers gradually occupied the pastures along the river using violence, encouraged by state policies, and supported by army officers stationed in forts. Local merchants, Franciscan missionaries, and Avá-Guaraní neófitos played important roles in this process. I sought to better understand the viewpoints of state administrators and settlers. The views of Toba people remained opaque, beyond their actions to protect their lands from the ranchers’ encroachment. My approach combined ethnographic and historical methods to shed light on the expansion of the cattle-ranching economy from a perspective inspired in settler colonial studies.

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Overto, John. "War and Economic Development: Settlers in Kenya, 1914–1918." Journal of African History 27, no. 1 (March 1986): 79–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700029212.

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The First World War is perhaps the least studied period in the historiography of European settlement in Kenya. This paper reverses the previously held view of settler economic decline and disarray. Despite apparent problems of shipping shortages, closure of markets and loss of white manpower, settler products were grown and exported in ever-increasing quantities during the war years. The grain and livestock industries were stimulated by new wartime markets whilst plantation crops, chiefly sisal and coffee, continued the impetus of pre-war activity and substantial new planting took place. Prosperity and development, not reversal and decline, were the keynotes of the settler wartime economy. With this new evidence and understanding, it is possible to re-interpret much of the early history of colonial Kenya. The fundamental vulnerability and stuttering growth of white settlement before 1914 gave way to the gradual assertion of the settler economy over the African, with state support, during and after the war. But this assertion and growth was founded upon abnormal economic circumstances: on cheap and available labour, insatiable markets and a pre-occupied colonial state. The post-war crises of labour and market contraction, and the pre-eminence of the settler sector after 1920, therefore must be traced to this accelerated and artificial growth in the settler economy in 1914–18.

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Mytrunec, Michael. "Canadian Narcotics Policy: A Relic of Settler Colonialism." Political Science Undergraduate Review 4, no. 1 (April 21, 2019): 58–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur108.

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In this paper, I examine the formation and enforcement of Canadian narcotics policy through the lens of settler colonialism. By examining the rationale for Canadian policies towards opium, cannabis, and quat, I challenge the notion that public health and safety played a material role the formation of Canadian narcotics policy. Rather, racialized targeting of minority groups was a key driver for creating laws to prohibit certain narcotics and incidentally target undesirable subcultures. Evidence that punitive and enforcement-oriented strategies for controlling narcotic drugs are ineffective have frequently been met by the continuation of these very strategies, further undermining the stated purposes for enacting strict drug laws. Language of “law and order” and the propensity to crack down on drug users, coupled with racial profiling and police biases, has continued the disproportionate racial impacts of drug laws, and the successes of narcotics policy in entrenching the status quo have outweighed their failures in reducing drug consumption. I conclude that, as it exists currently, Canadian narcotics policy is inseparable from Canada’s past as a settled, colonial nation-state.

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Grant, Daragh. "“Civilizing” the Colonial Subject: The Co-Evolution of State and Slavery in South Carolina, 1670–1739." Comparative Studies in Society and History 57, no. 3 (June 25, 2015): 606–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417515000225.

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AbstractSouth Carolina was a staggeringly weak polity from its founding in 1670 until the 1730s. Nevertheless, in that time, and while facing significant opposition from powerful indigenous neighbors, the colony constructed a robust plantation system that boasted the highest slave-to-freeman ratio in mainland North America. Taking this fact as a point of departure, I examine the early management of unfree labor in South Carolina as an exemplary moment of settler-colonial state formation. Departing from the treatment of state formation as a process of centralizing “legitimate violence,” I investigate how the colonial state, and in particular the Commons House of Assembly, asserted an exclusive claim to authority by monopolizing the question of legitimacy itself. In managing unfree laborers, the colonial state extended its authority over supposedly private relations between master and slave and increasingly recast slavery in racial terms. This recasting of racial slavery rested, I argue, on a distinction, pervasive throughout English North America, which divided the world into spheres of savagery and civility. Beneath the racial reordering of colonial life, the institution of slavery was rooted in the same ideological distinction by which the colonial state's claims to authority were justified, with the putative “savagery” of the slave or of the Indian being counterpoised to the supposed civility of English settlers. This article contributes to the literatures on Atlantic slavery and American colonial history, and invites comparison with accounts of state formation and settler colonialism beyond Anglo-America.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Settler state'

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