Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Settler state'
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1
Ingo, Paulina. "Encountering post-settler state dynamics : understanding Namibia’s housing challenges and state housing policy." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/70594.
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The urbanisation and housing crisis in contemporary Namibia has been the subject of intense
debates in recent years. Much of these debates have focused on the post-independence
government, which has been blamed for inadequate policies and lack of political to provide
adequate houses for its citizens. Many observers saw the housing crisis as yet another
instance of corruption and nepotism within the government and property development
institutions in the country. Such a narrative has come to dominate both public and private
spaces, leading to social agitation and the formation of a social movement – the Affirmative
Reposition (AR), which has positioned itself as people‘ saviour.
This thesis has analysed the urbanisation and housing crisis, and attempts to take the
discussion beyond this simplistic perspective, thus filling a gap in housing debates in the
country by focusing on the bigger picture. It questions the ‗state is to blame‘ narrative for
being reductive – reducing all post-independence development problems to the state. By
questioning the current narrative on the housing crisis, the analysis adopted a broad historical
and political economy approach, and views the housing provision crisis as having both
historical and post-independence roots.
The central aim of the thesis was therefore to offer a counter narrative to the foregoing
narrative on the housing crisis by offering a deeper analysis of both historical and postindependence factors that contributed to the crisis, and to link the crisis to the broader
African development question. This was done through a number of stages: First, through an
analysis of the colonial historical context and its implications for post-independence
development; second, by analysing phenomena after independence that resulted from the fall
of colonialism; and finally, by analysing realities of the people in urban areas. The approach
adopted for the analysis of the housing crisis was therefore grounded on discourses of
Africa‘s development crisis, including those of economic collapse and ‗failed‘ or vampire‘
states.
More specifically, the analysis explored the role played by the colonial history and the crisis
of expectations after independence. The analysis pointed to many factors that contributed to
the housing crisis after Namibia‘s independence, but also argues that apportioning the blame for the crisis to the post-independence government is rather reductive and has resulted in
limited and incomplete understanding of the housing crisis.
The analysis suggests that the country‘s settler period should be a critical starting point to
understanding the post-independence housing crisis. By focusing attention on the postindependence government and placing the blame for the housing crisis directly at its door
steps, it is easy to end up neglecting historical factors and their consequential effects and
manifestations after independence. These are not peculiar to Namibia, but have also been
experienced in other post-colonial states in the region. These were often responsible for the
demands, expectations and challenges that were encountered after independence, which any
explanation that focuses on the government and its failures fail to fully explain.Thesis (PhD)--University Pretoria, 2019.
Anthropology and Archaeology
PhD
Unrestricted
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Lynas, Matthew Gibson. "The state and the making of the white settler agriculture in Natal c.1820-c.1990." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2012. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=192257.
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Contributions to the historiography of Natal’s agricultural development were limited and generally descriptive pre-1980s and fragmented thereafter. This thesis aims to address this by providing a more comprehensive understanding of agrarian land use which recognises not only monocultural dominance in the search for revenue by the colonial state but addresses the struggle of isolated white mixed farming communities in developing a viable agrarian economy. The postannexation years from 1843 was a period of transition marked by financial stringencies which limited the options for the governance of Natal. In particular this determined the nature of state relationships with landowners and Africans within the colony and set the precedents which impacted on agrarian land use during the second half of the nineteenth century. Chapter 1 provides a review of historical literature which considers the contributions of the main ‘schools of historical thought’ which interact in offering theoretical explanation on the aims of the state and settlers and the tensions with the rights of the indigenous people of Natal in relation to land. Natal, in comparison to the Cape was an isolated colony, deemed to have limited agrarian prospects and faced with political and economic challenges which dictated agrarian priorities. Chapter 2 considers the contextual precedents which impacted on settlement. The attraction of emigrants and agricultural settlement from mid-nineteenth century is recounted in Chapter 3 and the determination of such communities in overcoming subsistence conditions, coalescing into distinctive cultural identities, is developed in chapter 4 which highlights the dominance and influence of a landowning society on the direction of the colony in economic, political and social terms. Chapters 5 to 9 shift the focus to a white mixed farming community in the second half of the nineteenth century dependent on a vibrant African peasantry for staples, restricted by infrastructure, markets and the limitations of indigenized science and environmental knowledge. The traumatic events described in chapters 5 and 6 articulate the demand for organized state intervention in mixed agriculture in Natal. The role of the state changed with the Alfred Milner influence on the post bellum reconstruction of South Africa’s government administration from the first decade of the twentieth century. The promotion of science and technological change in South African agriculture and the apparatus for its dissemination marked a ‘tipping point’ in relation to the profile of mixed agriculture. The dominance of white landowner power is portrayed in chapter 7 reflecting the responses of both state and white farmers in the expansion of monocultural commercial land use. Chapters 8 and 9 turn the emphasis to mixed agriculture in providing understanding of the machinery of the state in promoting agricultural modernization and in assessing its assimilation at an individual level of white mixed farming in Natal in pre and post World War II years. This brings distinctiveness to this thesis because it deals with cultural, political as well as the economic and social determinants of change impacting on the agrarian history of Natal and allows conclusions to be drawn on the intensity of state support in promoting white agrarian prosperity.
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Brownell, Josiah Begole. "Rhodesia's war of numbers : racial populations, political power, and the collapse of the settler state, 1960-1979." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.528441.
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Velasco, Gustavo. "Natural resources, state formation and the institutions of settler capitalism : the case of Western Canada, 1850-1914." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3437/.
Full textAbstract:
A renewed discussion about inequality and economic divergence between countries has re-introduced the debate about the role played by natural resources, geography and the institutions of settler capitalism as promoters of growth and development in the long-term. Countries like Canada, Argentina, Australia and New Zealand, among others, expanded their frontiers of settlement, created important infrastructural transformations, received millions of immigrants and capital and became the most important producers of natural resources for exports during the first era of globalization (c. 1850-1914). Comparative studies that study these countries’ development have particularly praised the democratic distribution of land in small lots, like in the United States and Canada, which created a class of successful farmers. With the help of Geographic Information system (GIS), this dissertation revisits the political economy of Western Canada settlement by using a historical economic geography approach. Previous investigations on Western Canada settlement used decennial census records to estimate where settlers established themselves. This method is problematic as the expansion of the frontier of settlement happened on a very dynamic period where settlers moved frequently from one region to another. The use of annual postal records, instead, provides a more complete understanding of the region. As postal facilities opened where immigrants had already established themselves, the location of post offices gives a more nuanced understanding of the evolution of the frontier of settlement. This study reconstructed the historical postal and railroad networks that revealed an uneven pattern of settlement with more details. Similarly, by analyzing updated homesteads entries and cancellations data during the period, this dissertation found that farmers’ failures were more frequent than the classical literature assumed, particularly after the 1890s, a period scholars regarded as one of more stable settlement. The production of space and the formation of the institutions in Western Canada from the 1850s to 1914 shows the dynamic of capitalist expansion and natural resources exploitation in a new territory. The location of post offices helps to understand in a granular form the uneven development of regions and the emergence of small communities that later became nodes of an important railroad network.
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Fanstone, Ben Paul. "The pursuit of the 'good forest' in Kenya, c.1890-1963 : the history of the contested development of state forestry within a colonial settler state." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/25290.
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This is a study of the creation and evolution of state forestry within colonial Kenya in social, economic, and political terms. Spanning Kenya’s entire colonial period, it offers a chronological account of how forestry came to Kenya and grew to the extent of controlling almost two million hectares of land in the country, approximately 20 per cent of the most fertile and most populated upland (above 1,500 metres) region of central Kenya . The position of forestry within a colonial state apparatus that paradoxically sought to both ‘protect’ Africans from modernisation while exploiting them to establish Kenya as a ‘white man’s country’ is underexplored in the country’s historiography. This thesis therefore clarifies this role through an examination of the relationship between the Forest Department and its African workers, Kenya’s white settlers, and the colonial government. In essence, how each of these was engaged in a pursuit for their own idealised ‘good forest’. Kenya was the site of a strong conservationist argument for the establishment of forestry that typecast the country’s indigenous population as rapidly destroying the forests. This argument was bolstered against critics of the financial extravagance of forestry by the need to maintain and develop the forests of Kenya for the express purpose of supporting the Uganda railway. It was this argument that led the colony’s Forest Department along a path through the contradictions of colonial rule. The European settlers of Kenya are shown as being more than just a mere thorn in the side of the Forest Department, as their political power represented a very real threat to the department’s hegemony over the forests. Moreover, Kenya’s Forest Department deeply mistrusted private enterprise and constantly sought to control and limit the unsustainable exploitation of the forests. The department was seriously underfunded and understaffed until the second colonial occupation of the 1950s, a situation that resulted in a general ad hoc approach to forest policy. The department espoused the rhetoric of sustainable exploitation, but had no way of knowing whether the felling it authorised was actually sustainable, which was reflected in the underdevelopment of the sawmilling industry in Kenya. The agroforestry system, shamba, (previously unexplored in Kenya’s colonial historiography) is shown as being at the heart of forestry in Kenya and extremely significant as perhaps the most successful deployment of agroforestry by the British in colonial Africa. Shamba provided numerous opportunities to farm and receive education to landless Kikuyu in the colony, but also displayed very strong paternalistic aspects of control, with consequential African protest, as the Forest Department sought to create for itself a loyal and permanent forest workforce. Shamba was the keystone of forestry development in the 1950s, and its expansion cemented the position of forestry in Kenya as a top-down, state-centric agent of economic and social development.
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Zabawa, Zachary Adam. "Where to now? : First Nation-led research, self-determination, and the role of the settler state in British Columbia." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/62728.
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Following the Calder Decision in 1970, subsequent legal rulings in Canada have defined the government’s duty to recognize First Nations’ pre-existing rights to their Traditional Territory, undermining the racist discovery doctrine and terra nullius arguments of the Crown’s claim to radical title to the Province of British Columbia. In doing so, the courts have declared the importance of First Nation historical research, specifically Oral History evidence, in demonstrating Aboriginal Rights and Title. With this, an industry of consultants and academics has arisen to aid in the collection of place-based Traditional Knowledge held and protected by community members. Employing scientific rigor and GIS, various studies documenting land use, occupancy, and Traditional Knowledge have proven to be effective means of resistance for First Nations by securing vital concessions of revenue and management authority from the Province. Yet, these studies are vulnerable to reproducing essentialist images of First Nation culture and have limited utility on their own in Aboriginal Title litigation. This thesis seeks to demonstrate how recent legal accommodations by the Canadian Courts and secure Web 2.0 technologies open space for the deployment of First Nation-led participatory research for both Aboriginal Title litigation and cultural revitalization efforts. The need for this research was identified via a community-based research approach focusing on experiential learning and dialogue with Elders from two communities of the St‘át‘imc Nation and interviews with experts in the field. The application of community-led participatory research more directly addresses the barriers to research and compromises in representation made for efficacy of the current research paradigm. By allowing for the production of research outputs that expand the reach of community voices to promote understanding and empathy in their own communities and settler society, community-led participatory research can ultimately result in greater space for First Nation self-definition and determination. Therefore, First Nation research strategies should supplement quantitative land use studies with long-term participatory research projects more appropriate for addressing the dualism of First Nation Self-determination - external decolonization and internal cultural revitalization.Forestry, Faculty of
Graduate
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Bowden, Dustin D. "Evaluation of the Performance of a Downward Flow Inclined Gravity Settler for Algae Dewatering." Cleveland State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=csu1431545628.
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Beckermann, Kay Marie. "Newspapers as a Form of Settler Colonialism: An Examination of the Dakota Access Pipeline Protest and American Indian Representation in Indigenous, State, and National News." Diss., North Dakota State University, 2019. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/31546.
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Settler colonial history underlies much of contemporary industry, including the extraction and transportation of crude oil. It presents itself in a variety of contexts; however, this disquisition applies a traditional Marxist perspective to examine how settler colonialism is present in news media representation of American Indian activists during the Dakota Access Pipeline protest. Rather than focus on the benefit of using colonized labor for financial gain, this disquisition pushes Marxism into settler colonialism in which the goal is to eliminate the Indigenous and continue to widen the gap between social classes.
This research is important for two reasons. First, the media are powerful, making it the perfect vehicle to disseminate inaccurate representations of American Indians. These incorrect representations come in the form of media frames that created an altered reality for news audiences. Second, the term settler colonialism, in particular its relationship with American Indian protest, has been little studied in the American field of communication.
A comparative qualitative content analysis was applied to media artifacts from the protest that occurred in North Dakota. Artifacts were discovered using a constructed week approach of two online versions of print publications?the Bismarck (ND) Tribune and the New York Times?and one digital only news site, Indian Country Today. One hundred twenty four artifacts were examined in total.
Five dominant frames emerged from the analysis: blame, cultural value, water, American Indian stereotypes, and confrontation. These frames were considered dominant due to the number of coded excerpts that appeared in at least 20% of the artifacts. The frames either contribute to or resist settler colonialism based on the publication in which it appears. The Bismarck Tribune contributed the most to settler colonialism; the New York Times neither rejected nor acknowledged it while Indian Country Today resisted through recognition of America?s settler colonial past, sovereignty, and government-directed violence.
The implication of this research is that elimination of the American Indian is ubiquitous in American news media. The mainstream media contributes to widening the gap between social classes, ensuring the dominant class stays in power and Indigenous issues are ignored.
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Olsson, Jan. "A crucial watershed in Southern Rhodesian politics : The 1961 Constitutional process and the 1962 General Election." Thesis, Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-923.
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The thesis examines the political development in Southern Rhodesia 1960-1962 when two processes, the 1961 Constitutional process and the 1962 General Election, had far-reaching consequences for the coming twenty years. It builds on a hypothesis that the Constitutional process led to a radicalisation of all groups, the white minority, the African majority and the colonial power. The main research question is why the ruling party, United Federal Party (UFP) after winning the referendum on a new Constitution with a wide margin could lose the ensuing election one year later to the party, Rhodesian Front (RF) opposing the constitution. The examination is based on material from debates in the Legal Assembly and House of Commons (UK), minutes of meetings, newspaper articles, election material etc. The hypothesis that the Constitutional process led to a radicalization of the main actors was partly confirmed. The process led to a focus on racial issues in the ensuing election. Among the white minority UFP attempted to develop a policy of continued white domination while making constitutional concessions to Africans in order to attract the African middle class. When UFP pressed on with multiracial structural reforms the electorate switched to the racist RF which was considered bearer of the dominant settler ideology. Among the African majority the well educated African middleclass who led the Nationalist movement, changed from multiracial reformists in late 1950‟s to majority rule advocates. After rejecting the 1961 Constitution they anew changed from constitutional reformists to supporter of an armed struggle. Britain‘s role was ambivalent trying to please all actors, the Southern Rhodesian whites and Africans but also the international opinion. However, it seems to have been its own neo colonial interests that finally determined their position and its fault in the move towards Unilateral Declaration of Independence and the civil war was huge. On the main research question the analysis points to two reasons. Firstly, the decision by the Nationalists to boycott the election and the heavy-handed actions they took to achieve this goal created a white back-lash against the ruling party and the loss of the second vote advantage. Secondly, when the ruling party decided to make the repeal of the Land Apportionment Act a key election issue they lost not only indifferent voters but also a major part of its normal electorate. They threatened the Settler State‟s way of life for the white minority.
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Darke, Nicola Susan. "Afrikaner Nationalism and the Production of a White Cultural Heritage: An analysis of selected works undertaken by Dirk Visser and Gabriel Fagan from 1967-1993." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/13640.
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This dissertation entitled The Afrikaner Nationalism and the Production of a White
Cultural Heritage: An analysis of selected works undertaken by Dirk Visser and
Gabriel Fagan from 1967-1993 examines the construct of a white settler heritage
as promoted and implemented through various restorations and reconstructions of
DutchNOC buildings. The primary rationale of this study is to critically assess the
actions of the main protagonists in the creation of this heritage, that is, the
Department of Public Works, the National Monuments Council, Anton Rupert (and
his Historic Homes of South Africa), the Simon van der Stel Foundation, the
Institute of South African Architects and the provincial institutes. Directly related to
this issue is the assessment as to whether the isolationist nature of the South
Africa contributed to the plethora of stylistic restoration and reconstructions
undertaken during the apartheid era.
This study comprises two sections: first, the examination of the intellectual
theoretical texts of Foucault, Nora and others pertaining to power, ideology, history
and memory, as well as the seminal texts of Jokilehto and Choay which discuss
the stylistic and historicist conservation theories of Viollet-le-Duc; and second, the
analysis of selected case studies undertaken by Fagan on behalf of the state (The
Castle of Good Hope and De Tuynhuys) and Visser on behalf of Rupert and
Historic Homes of South Africa (Drostdy of Graaff-Reinet).
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McComsey, Michelle. "Seeing and being seen : Aboriginal community making in Redfern." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/seeing-and-being-seen-aboriginal-community-making-in-redfern(59ce4c49-ee58-4a35-a796-f926ef5aff9c).html.
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This thesis focuses on processes of Aboriginal community-making in Redfern, an inner city suburb of Sydney, Australia. It addresses the ways in which the Australian state governs Aboriginal people by developing 'projects of legibility' (and illegibility) concerning Aboriginal community sociality. To address Redfern Aboriginal community-making requires focusing on the ambiguities arising from the contemporary policy of 'Aboriginal self-determination' and adopting an ethnohistorical approach to Aboriginal community-making that has arisen under this policy rubric. By ethnohistorical I refer to the engagement of Aboriginal people in Redfern in Aboriginal community-making policy practices and not a historiography of these policies. Attention will be paid to past and present negotiations concerning the (re)development of the Redfern Aboriginal community and their intersections in the state-led redevelopment process Aboriginal community- makers were engaged in during the course of my research in 2005-2007. These negotiations centre on attempts made to reproduce certain forms of sociality that both reveal and obscure Aboriginal social relations when inscribed in the category 'Aboriginal community'. This analysis is meant to contribute to the limited anthropological research that exists on urban Aboriginal experiences generally and research conducted on Aboriginal experiences in southeastern Australia. It addresses the complex social field of Aboriginal community-making practices that exist in Australia where Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Australians are located within the bureaucratic structures of the state, institutional networks, as well as non-government community organisations. This research contributes to understanding 'the institutional construction of indigeneity' (Weiner 2006: 19) and how this informs the (re)development of urban Aboriginal communities.
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Harris, Zachary. "Internal Colonialism: Questioning The Soviet Union As A Settler Colonial State Through The Deportation Of The Crimean Tatars/Uranium Fever: Willful Ignorance In Service Of Utopia." W&M ScholarWorks, 2020. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1616444393.
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Internal Colonialism: Questioning the Soviet Union as a Settler Colonial State Through the Deportation of the Crimean Tatars This study examines the deportation of the Crimean Tatars by the Soviet Union in 1944 and questions whether it was an example of settler colonialism in action. The Soviet Union’s actions throughout its history have often been deemed colonial and imperialist, however settler colonial theory has rarely been applied to Soviet studies. At a surface level, the deportation appears to fit into settler colonial theory, however upon further scrutiny it becomes clear that it fails to satisfy the necessary conditions. The evidence presented in this essay shows that the deportation of the Crimean Tatars was an event, not a lasting structural change in the Soviet Union. Settler colonial theory posits that settler colonialism is not confined to a single event and is impervious to regime change. The deportation of the Crimean Tatars was the project of a single leader, Joseph Stalin, and the majority of its effects were limited to a short period of time during and after his rule. The event had less to do with the ethnicity of the Crimean Tatars and more with securing the Soviet Union’s borders with Turkey and maintaining control over the Black Sea. The study concludes that although the deportation of the Crimean Tatars is not proof of settler colonialism in action in the Soviet Union, the topic is worth further investigation, as it is dangerous to exclude any powerful nation from such examination. Uranium Fever: Willful Ignorance in Service of Utopia This essay explores public knowledge of the dangers of radium and uranium in the United States between the 1920s and 1960s. It is often assumed that Americans were not aware that radioactive materials presented a danger to their health. Through the examination of mass media, court cases, and newspapers of the time, it becomes clear that not only did Americans know about the dangers of radiation, but that there was a concerted effort by the government and corporations with business interests in radioactive materials to minimize these fears and convince Americans that the dangers were necessary in order to bring about a utopian future of unlimited energy. Americans consciously chose to remain ignorant and ignore clear evidence that radioactive materials were dangerous and willingly followed the propaganda produced by these actors. The reasons Americans chose this path varied from a desire for profit to patriotism.
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Guediri, Kaoutar. "A history of anti-partitionist terspectives in Palestine 1915-1988." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/13970.
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The diplomatic and political deadlock in what has come to be known as the Palestine/Israel conflict, has led to the re-emergence of an anti-partition discourse that draws its arguments from the reality on the ground and/or from anti-Zionism. Why such a re-emergence? Actually, anti-partitionism as an antagonism depends on its corollary, partitionism, and as such, they have existed for the same period of time. Furthermore, the debate between antipartitionists and pro-partitionists – nowadays often referred to as a debate between the one-state and the two-state solution – is not peculiar to the period around 2000. It echoes the situation in the late 1910s when the British were settling in Palestine and authorising the Zionist settler colonial movement to build a Jewish homeland thus introducing the seeds of partition and arousing expressions of anti-partitionism. This dissertation aims to articulate a political history of the antipartitionist perspectives against the backdrop of an increasing acceptance of Palestine's partition as a solution. This account runs from 1915 and the first partition – that of the Arab territories of the Ottoman Empire – to 1988 and the Palestinian recognition of the principle of partition. Thus, I argue that the antipartitionist perspectives have persisted throughout history. Such a historical perspective enabled me to consider the acceptance of partition as the result of a shift from a “national and territorial liberation” strategy to the search for “sovereignty and national independence”, a shift that was operated in the Palestinian national movement as well as in the Zionist movement, and which made statehood the main objective. In this regard, the Palestinian acceptance of the principle of partition and of a two-state solution may be regarded as a legitimation of the Israeli colonial settler state.
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Ryan, Mary Kathleen. "The Democratic Kaleidoscope in the United States: Vanquishing Structural Racism in the U.S. Federal Government." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/88831.
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This dissertation is broadly concerned with the relationship between democracy and race in the United States federal government. To analyze this problem, I rely on archival research from the 1967-8 National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (commonly known as the Kerner Commission, after chairperson Governor Otto Kerner) to examine how the discussion and management of hundreds of so-called "race riots" in the summer of 1967 both challenges civil disobedience and embodies structural racism. Employing a content analysis of the final 425-page Kerner Commission government report, I assess the categorization, labeling, and language used to describe and document the hundreds of "race riots" and related state violence through acts of police misconduct that engulfed the country in the summer of 1967. I rely heavily on the report and background research itself, as well as major books related to race riots and presidential commissions, such as Anthony Platt's 1971 The Politics of Riot Commissions and Steven Gillon's 2018 Separate and Unequal. I incorporate theories of exit and the entitlement to rights advanced in literature by scholars like Jennet Kirkpatrick, James C. Scott, and Hannah Arendt. This dissertation is concerned with the relationship between morality and civic participation in democratic politics. I analyze Christopher Kutz's book Complicity: Ethics and Law for a Collective Age to delve into the ramifications of democracy and US citizenship being considered a kind of "collective project" and further contemplate what obligations and implications exist for citizens in US democracy against racial injustice. Since the Kerner Commission coincided with the rise of "law and order" politics in the nation's political vernacular, it represents a unique opportunity to witness an ideological shift toward a Garrison state and neoliberal ethos, both of which undermine the country's espoused democratic values, resting on the grammar of equality and justice for all. The Kerner Commission can provide valuable lessons in studies of political domination that remain pertinent to overcoming oppression and injustice today.Doctor of Philosophy
This dissertation is broadly concerned with the relationship between democracy and race in the United States federal government. American democracy espouses moral virtues related to freedom and justice for all, and yet structural racism remains pervasive in how the government operates. To analyze this problem, I rely on archival research from the 1967-8 National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (commonly known as the Kerner Commission, after chairperson Governor Otto Kerner) to examine how the discussion and management of hundreds of so-called “race riots” in the summer of 1967 both challenges civil disobedience and embodies structural racism. I rely heavily on the report and background research itself to do a content analysis. I also use major books related to race riots and presidential commissions, such as Anthony Platt’s 1971 The Politics of Riot Commissions and Steven Gillon’s 2018 Separate and Unequal. Given that this dissertation is concerned with how morality shapes civic participation in democratic politics, I analyze Christopher Kutz’s book Complicity: Ethics and Law for a Collective Age. Since the Kerner Commission coincided with the rise of “law and order” politics in the nation’s political vernacular, it represents a unique opportunity to witness an ideological shift toward a Garrison state and neoliberal ethos, both of which undermine the country’s espoused democratic values, resting on the grammar of equality and justice for all. Individual advocates as well as scholars can learn valuable lessons from the Kerner Commission about oppression and injustice in today’s society.
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Cowing, Jessica. "Settler States Of Ability: Assimilation, Incarceration, And Native Women's Crip Interventions." W&M ScholarWorks, 2020. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1616444427.
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Titled Settler States of Ability: Assimilation, Incarceration, and Native Women’s Crip Interventions, my dissertation examines narratives of Native women and youth incarcerated in federal institutions such as boarding schools and psychiatric facilities in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Native women and youth have been subject to forms of assimilation that assert gender conformity and ablebodiedness/ablemindedness as qualifications for inclusion in U.S. national life. Nevertheless, they were and have remained key narrators of Native/Indigenous cultural histories and the long-term effects of historic and ongoing colonization and incarceration. Each chapter focuses on a particular historical moment in which narratives—memoir, literature, congressional testimony, and archival records—critique settler techniques of gender assimilation that have historically relied on ableism, a system of oppression that targets disabled people. For example, Native women and youth have long been at the forefront of health and environmental activism. Throughout 2016 Native women and youth led the opposition to the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL). Considering the centrality of their activism, this project examines how the federal government has long recognized Native women and youths’ political power. The Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) targeted them as the primary subjects of assimilation projects intended to mold ablebodied/ableminded, healthy, productive, and gender conforming subjects beginning with sites of homemaking and domesticity. In other words, understanding the significance of Native/Indigenous health and environmental activism requires uncovering the ways in which the settler state has historically undermined Native/Indigenous political agency. My dissertation traces how this biopolitical management of Native/Indigenous life, or what I call processes of settler ableism, targets Native women and youth in different ways and in multiple time periods. To tell the story of Native women and youths’ rhetorical resistance to ableist gender assimilation methods, I analyze and do close readings of nineteenth-century American literature, Native/Indigenous memoir, congressional testimony, and archival records. I foreground this study of assimilation tactics with Native/Indigenous scholarship on settler colonialism, a framework for recognizing that Indigenous tribal nations predate the formation of the United States. Additionally, I draw on critical disability theory to examine state institutions as spaces and contexts for enforcing Native/Indigenous assimilation as an embodied process, and settler cultures and political forms, such as heteronormative nuclear family structures. I argue that Native narratives of colonization and incarceration critique federal modes of assimilation such as the boarding school system and contest historical arguments that Native women and youth required rigorous training in order to embody industrious forms of settler domesticity.
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Griffiths, Philip Gavin, and phil@philgriffiths id au. "The making of White Australia: Ruling class agendas, 1876-1888." The Australian National University. Faculty of Arts, 2007. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20080101.181655.
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This thesis argues that the colonial ruling class developed its first White Australia policy in 1888, creating most of the precedents for the federal legislation of 1901. White Australia was central to the making of the Australian working class, to the shaping of Australian nationalism, and the development of federal political institutions. It has long been understood as a product of labour movement mobilising, but this thesis rejects that approach, arguing that the labour movement lacked the power to impose such a fundamental national policy, and that the key decisions which led to White Australia were demonstrably not products of labour movement action.
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It finds three great ruling class agendas behind the decisions to exclude Chinese immigrants, and severely limit the use of indentured coloured labour. Chinese people were seen as a strategic threat to Anglo-Australian control of the continent, and this fear was sharpened in the mid-1880s when China was seen as a rising military power, and a necessary ally for Britain in its global rivalry with Russia. The second ruling class agenda was the building of a modern industrial economy, which might be threatened by industries resting on indentured labour in the north. The third agenda was the desire to construct an homogenous people, which was seen as necessary for containing social discontent and allowing free institutions, such as parliamentary democracy.
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These agendas, and the ruling class interests behind them, challenged other major ruling class interests and ideologies. The result was a series of dilemmas and conflicts within the ruling class, and the resolution of these moved the colonial governments towards the White Australia policy of 1901. The thesis therefore describes the conflict over the use of Pacific Islanders by pastoralists in Queensland, the campaign for indentured Indian labour by sugar planters and the radical strategy of submerging this into a campaign for North Queensland separation, and the strike and anti-Chinese campaign in opposition to the use of Chinese workers by the Australasian Steam Navigation Company in 1878. The first White Australia policy of 1888 was the outcome of three separate struggles by the majority of the Anglo-Australian ruling classto narrowly restrict the use of indentured labour in Queensland, to assert the right of the colonies to decide their collective immigration policies independently of Britain, and to force South Australia to accept the end of Chinese immigration into its Northern Territory. The dominant elements in the ruling class had already agreed that any serious move towards federation was to be conditional on the building of a white, predominantly British, population across the whole continent, and in 1888 they imposed that policy on their own societies and the British government.
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Preston, David L. "The texture of contact: European and Indian settler communities on the Iroquoian borderlands, 1720-1780." W&M ScholarWorks, 2002. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623399.
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This dissertation is a comparative study of cultural relationships between European and Indian settler communities along the Six Nations' borders with New York and Pennsylvania from 1720 to 1780. It particularly examines "everyday encounters" between ordinary peoples---a dimension of colonial social and economic life that has usually escaped historians' attention. Palatine, Scots, Irish, Dutch, and English colonists not only lived close to Indian villages but also frequently interacted with Iroquois, Delawares, and other natives. Frontier farms, forts, churches, and taverns were scenes of frequent face-to-face meetings between colonists and Indians. My dissertation explores the dynamics of settler-Indian encounters and how they changed over time in the Mohawk, Susquehanna, and Ohio valleys. Ordinary people powerfully shaped the larger patterns of cultural contact through their routine negotiations.;The dissertation establishes a new vantage point by exploring northeastern North America as the "Iroquoian borderlands" rather than the Middle Colonies' frontiers. It also employs comparative history to highlight the structural similarities and differences of the Six Nations' borders with nearby colonies. Both Pennsylvania and New York enjoyed alliances with the Six Nations that sustained a period of peaceful relations in the eighteenth century. But Pennsylvania's settlement expansion sparked a triangular contest over land between natives, European squatters, and proprietors that resulted in open warfare and native dispossession by the 1750s.;New York enjoyed the longest span of peace with the native nations on its borders. In the Mohawk Valley, strong religious, economic, social, and military ties enabled Indian and colonial communities to coexist for most of the eighteenth century. It was not until the American Revolution that New York experienced the same racially charged warfare that Pennsylvania and other British colonies had experienced much earlier. The Revolution overturned the patterns of accommodation that prevailed between the Iroquois and the New York colonists. It uprooted the British-Iroquois alliance and led to dispossession for many Iroquois in punitive postwar treaties with the U.S. The comparative context more precisely reveals the means whereby the permeable Iroquoian borderlands of the early eighteenth century were transformed into juridically and racially defined state and national borders by the 1780s.
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McCall, Ronald J. "Never Quite Settled: Southern Plain Folk on the Move." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1121.
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This thesis explores the settlement of the Mississippi Territory through the eyes of John Hailes, a Southern yeoman farmer, from 1813 until his death in 1859. This is a family history. As such, the goal of this paper is to reconstruct John’s life to better understand who he was, why he left South Carolina, how he made a living in Mississippi, and to determine a degree of upward mobility.
Local, state, and federal government records provide the general context of this study and accurately track John’s movements and land purchases within the territory. John's frequent movements and the land he bought suggest that he was a herder and relied on hogs and cattle for a living. This contextual biography suggests that John was mobile, that he was sensitive to land policies and market pressures, and that he maintained a yeoman's standard of living throughout his life.
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Preston, David L. "The texture of contact: Indians and settlers in the Pennsylvania backcountry, 1718-1755." W&M ScholarWorks, 1997. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626135.
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Feeley, Stephen D. "Behind the United Front: The Effects of Anglo-Powhatan Relations on Settler Conflict and Consensus in Virginia, 1607-1675." W&M ScholarWorks, 2000. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626261.
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Caldeira, Rute Margarida Rodrigues. "Disputed meanings and divergent views : a study of the MST leaders and settlers in Rio State, Brazil." Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.426456.
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Serrott, Kyle Douglas. "Seeing Red: Settler Colonialism and the Construction of the “Indian Problem” in United States Federal Indian Law and Policy." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1618249252083926.
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Mansour, Awad Issa. "Orientalism, total war and the production of settler colonial existence : the United States, Australia, apartheid South Africa and the Zionist case." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3153.
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Picking up on current research about settler colonialism, this study uses a modified version of a model explaining modern-state formation to explain settler-colonial formation. Charles Tilly identified two simultaneous processes at work – war-making and state-making which produced modern states in Western Europe. Settler-colonial systems engage(d) in a particular type of war to produce their existence: total war. Hence, a modified version of total-war-making and settler-colonial-existence-making (production) occuring in the settler-colonial-creation phase is proposed. However, before this conceptual analytical framework could be developed, it was necessary to examine the meanings of terms such as 'nation' and ‘nation-state’ as well as concepts such as settler-colonialism and total war. The sample of relevant literature analyzed revealed inconsistencies in the meanings of the terms when applying W.H. Newton-Smith’s theory of meaning, suggesting the influence of what Edward Said identified as the workings of orientalism. This has conceptual implications on terms such as settler-colonialism and the meaning of the type of war it wages upon the indigenous nations. It also has implications on developing a conceptual analytical tool to understand the dynamics of the production of the settler-colonial existence. Thus, the terms and concepts needed to be de-orientalized before using them in the modified model which was then used to examine initially three settler-colonial cases: the United States, Australia and Apartheid South Africa. The modified analytical model was able to highlight particular dynamics relevant to settler-colonial systems and was then used – with the incremental and imbricate research done in the first three chapters – to examine the Zionist case. It illustrated that while the cases of the United States and Australia were able pass their creation phases, the Apartheid case could not and subsequently collapsed. The Zionist case seems to be still in its settler-colonial-creation phase. This has implications on current analysis concerning the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.
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D'Alessandro, Marco. "Cognitive Modeling of high-level cognition through Discrete State Dynamic processes." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/11572/290039.
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Modeling complex cognitive phenomena is a challenging task, especially when it is required to account for the functioning of a cognitive system interacting with an uncertain and changing environment. Psychometrics offers a heterogeneous corpus of computational tools to infer latent cognitive constructs from the observation of behavioral outcomes. However, there is not an explicit consensus regarding the optimal way to properly take into account the intrinsic dynamic properties of the environment, as well as the dynamic nature of cognitive states. In the present dissertation, we explore the potentials of relying on discrete state dynamic models to formally account for the unfolding of cognitive sub-processes in changing task environments. In particular, we propose Probabilistic Graphical Models (PGMs) as an ideal and unifying mathematical language to represent cognitive dynamics as structured graphs codifying (causal) relationships between cognitive sub-components which unfolds in discrete time. We propose several works demonstrating the advantage and the representational power of such a modeling framework, by providing dynamic models of cognition specified according to different levels of abstraction.
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D'Alessandro, Marco. "Cognitive Modeling of high-level cognition through Discrete State Dynamic processes." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11572/290039.
Full textAbstract:
Modeling complex cognitive phenomena is a challenging task, especially when it is required to account for the functioning of a cognitive system interacting with an uncertain and changing environment. Psychometrics offers a heterogeneous corpus of computational tools to infer latent cognitive constructs from the observation of behavioral outcomes. However, there is not an explicit consensus regarding the optimal way to properly take into account the intrinsic dynamic properties of the environment, as well as the dynamic nature of cognitive states. In the present dissertation, we explore the potentials of relying on discrete state dynamic models to formally account for the unfolding of cognitive sub-processes in changing task environments. In particular, we propose Probabilistic Graphical Models (PGMs) as an ideal and unifying mathematical language to represent cognitive dynamics as structured graphs codifying (causal) relationships between cognitive sub-components which unfolds in discrete time. We propose several works demonstrating the advantage and the representational power of such a modeling framework, by providing dynamic models of cognition specified according to different levels of abstraction.
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Dildine, James Lowell 1951. "When the dust settles: A case study of the effects of the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act on a National Park Service repository." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278575.
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This thesis is based on research conducted at the National Park Service (NPS) Western Archeological and Conservation Center (WACC) for the purpose of making determinations regarding funerary objects according to the guidelines required by the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA Public Law 101-601). The analysis is intended to show that only a nominal amount of artifacts stored at WACC are actually subject to NAGPRA guidelines regarding funerary objects and perhaps more importantly that the curation procedures and conditions surrounding the acquisition of these objects has negatively impacted their research value.
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Maltby, Tomas. "European energy security policy-making in the context of EU enlargement : the role of newer member states as agenda-setters, 2004-2013." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2014. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/european-energy-security-policymaking-in-the-context-of-eu-enlargement-the-role-of-newer-member-states-as-agendasetters-20042013(e1619bcf-7150-4af7-a740-914dfb457acc).html.
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This research analyses the extent to which three newer (European Union) EU member states, Poland, Bulgaria and Latvia have attempted and succeeded in shaping the development of the EU's energy security policy, focusing on natural gas. This explores the argument that EU membership affects the formation of national foreign and energy policy as well as procedures of policy-making, and that newer member states have also been able to shape EU level policy-making through the ‘uploading’ of national preferences. The research engages with relevant conceptual issues to develop and utilise a framework which is a synthesis of literature on EU agenda-setting, policy framing, Europeanisation and the social construction of energy ‘crises’ and (in)security. This conceptual frame is then used to explore and evaluate the influence of newer member states on EU energy policy agenda-setting, policy-making and policy implementation. Evaluating the obstacles and opportunities for influence, an empirically rich data set is analysed to test the extent to which five theoretically derived hypotheses account for member state influence. Five mechanisms are identified as potentially key factors in explaining the degree of influence which member states have. The thesis suggests that one is the impact of supply disruptions and price rises on perceptions and constructions of national and EU energy security. This can contribute towards a context that is conducive to the arguments about policy change and projection being made, a policy window, and is a reflection of the social construction of energy insecurity and energy crises. Diplomatic skill and learning to ‘play the EU game’, being active in Council summits and technocratic level(s), and engaging in consensual policy-making that adheres to EU norms and interests is seen as important. Another key factor is the role of Russia as a major and sometimes monopoly gas supplier, in constraining, enabling, and influencing the strength of national interests - the extent of political will and EU energy policy activism. A fourth factor is considered to be the extent to which institutionalised sub-EU regional and strategic alliances exist and are prioritised as an arena to develop coordinated policies and preferences. The final conceptually derived factor is related to the strength of administrative capacity, in terms of well-coordinated institutions at the national and EU level, and sufficient personnel and resources. The thesis also provides a study of the development of EU energy policy since the 1950s in chapter two, and chapters three to five focus on the three country case studies; Poland, Bulgaria and Latvia. These empirical chapters include in each case a history of their energy policy and relations with both the EU and Russia. The thesis concludes with an analysis of the empirical findings using comparative country case manner approach, along with conceptual (and methodological) observations based on the testing of the hypotheses.
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Longoni, Gian Marco. "How civil conflicts end: Fragmented and competitive armed oppositions and the outcomes of civil conflicts (1989-2017)." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11572/315015.
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In the last three decades, civil conflicts have become more complex and intractable than in the past. One reason for this development is the proliferation of rebel groups within the armed oppositions involved in these conflicts. Today, armed oppositions are more likely to be movements composed of loosely connected or competing rebel groups rather than unitary blocs. Yet, despite their centrality to the dynamics of conflict, different structural characteristics of and competitive and power relations within armed oppositions have not been taken in adequate account as possible predictors of civil conflict outcomes. To further our knowledge and cover this gap in the scholarship, the dissertation investigates how and to what extent the fragmentation, internal competition, and internal power distribution of armed oppositions affect civil conflict termination.
The dissertation develops a theory that sees the fragmentation of, a moderate and severe competition, and a dispersed distribution of power within armed oppositions as having an impact on the fighting effectiveness of the rebels, the countereffort of the government, bargaining problems, and the intensity of the conflict. This impact shapes, in turn, how civil conflicts end. This theory is tested with a nested analysis consisting of a large-N and a small-N analysis. Through the large-N analysis, the dissertation demonstrates that, at a general level, these characteristics of armed oppositions indeed affect how civil conflicts end. Through the small-N analysis, the dissertation further illustrates the causal mechanisms linking these characteristics to specific civil conflict outcomes.
With these findings, the dissertation makes two important contributions. First, it provides generalisable conclusions that remedy the limited generalisability of the scholarship on the phenomena under study. Second, it provides indications on how to resolve conflicts in which the involved oppositions are fragmented and bedevilled by internal competition, thus helping disentangle the proverbial complexity of multi-party civil conflicts.
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Duranti, Mattia. "Bromine-Based Electrolyte Properties for a Semi-Organic Redox Flow Battery." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11572/276465.
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Redox Flow Batteries are chemical based energy storage systems that accumulate energy in liquid electrolytes. Dissolved redox active substances undergo redox reactions in an electrochemical cell and so charge and discharge a battery. Recently, the introduction of organic materials as electrolytes raised research interest. Electrolytes that operate with the bromine/bromide redox couple are interesting due to their high energy density and fast reversible kinetics. They are used in combination with several anodic chemistries (e.g. Zinc, Hydrogen, Quinone), including organic materials.Due to the corrosive and volatile nature of bromine, practical electrolytes use Bromine Complexing Agents (BCAs) in order to bind bromine in a less volatile form and deal with safety issues. These additives have a strong influence on the battery’s operation by influencing the concentration of redox active species, the cell voltage and the electrolyte conductivity. Nevertheless, very little is known about the real properties of aqueous acidic bromine electrolytes, both in pure dilution and in presence of BCAs, which influence on the electrolyte is not predictable so far.
The aim of this PhD project is to provide a comprehensive understanding of the behavior of an electrolyte based on bromine and bromide, with particular reference to the one used in semi-organic flow batteries. Along this work an analysis on the performance of a AQDS-Bromine flow battery cell was executed and an extensive study on the physico-chemical behavior of the positive electrolyte was
developed. A review of the flow battery technology and of the metrics and methods available for diagnostics was firstly performed as a basis to define macro characteristics,such as State of Charge (SoC) and State of Health (SoH). The cycling behavior of an AQDS-Bromine flow battery was investigated by cell tests and possible degradation mechanisms have been highlighted and explained by interpretation of electrochemical measurements. Following, a broad characterization of the bromine-based electrolyte was performed, producing extended experimental data on physico-chemical properties and a modeling framework for the prediction of the electrolyte behavior.
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Orrù, Elena <1979>. "Gli aiuti di Stato nel settore del trasporto aereo. Inquadramento normativo e giurisprudenziale alla luce dell'acquis communautaire e delle recenti tendenze a livello comunitario." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2007. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/105/.
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Ibanez, Nohemy Rezende. "A relaÃÃo pedagÃgica entre tÃcnicos e pequenos produtores rurais assentados: o (des) encontro de discursos, saberes e prÃticas." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 1995. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=19402.
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nÃo hÃConstitui-se intenÃÃo central deste estudo analisar o modo como se estabeleceram as relaÃÃes entre tÃcnicos do Estado e pequenos produtores rurais assentados em Ãreas de Assentamento da Reforma AgrÃria do CearÃ, explicitando os encontros e, ou confrontos de suas prÃticas, seus saberes e sua articulaÃÃo com a questÃo do poder, identificando ao mesmo tempo as possibilidades e os limites da construÃÃo de uma prÃxis educativa entre esses sujeitos e agentes. A escolha deste objeto de estudo està referenciada no percurso prÃtico e teÃrico que vivi na Secretaria da EducaÃÃo do Estado e em outras experiÃncias profissionais junto aos pequenos produtores rurais assentados e suas organizaÃÃes associativas. A reflexÃo teÃrico/prÃtica empreendida teve como campo de observaÃÃo uma experiÃncia concreta â a implementaÃÃo do Programa de Apoio à GestÃo de OrganizaÃÃes de Pequenos Produtores Rurais â que se desenvolveu no espaÃo geogrÃfico e polÃtico de Ãreas de assentamento, no perÃodo de novembro de 1993 a julho de 1994. O Programa foi o resultado de uma histÃria de luta dos assentados junto a instituiÃÃes pÃblicas, na tentativa de viabilizar um processo de cooperaÃÃo tÃcnico-administrativa compatÃvel com seus interesses e necessidades. Para empreender a anÃlise do objeto de estudo, busquei como suporte teÃrico-metodolÃgico a contribuiÃÃo de algumas categorias e concepÃÃes marxistas ou que compartilham dessa interpretaÃÃo, como Estado, trabalho, prÃxis, saber social e poder, instrumentos fundamentais para a compreensÃo mais global do homem como sujeito de sua histÃria e das relaÃÃes que estabelece entre os demais homens e estes com a realidade. Considerando que a prÃxis educativa à uma dimensÃo da prÃxis humana, pontuei como achados deste trabalho os espaÃos potencializadores dessa prÃxis. Processos educativos se gestaram ao longo dos encontros e desencontros de prÃticas, de saberes e poderes, entre assentados e tÃcnicos e destes com as instituiÃÃes que fomentaram o Programa, e legitimaram a presenÃa do Estado. NÃo apenas os encontros (caminhos), mas as oposiÃÃes de prÃticas, saberes e poderes (descaminhos) traduzem a potencialidade de construÃÃo de uma prÃxis educativa, cujas sementes tiveram na experiÃncia do Programa de Apoio um solo fÃrtil para sua germinaÃÃo.
It constitutes the central intent of this study to examine how relations were established between the technicians of the State and smallholder rural settlers settled in Areas of Settlement Land Reform of CearÃ, explaining the encounters and/or confrontations of their practices, their knowledge and their articulation with the power question, identifying both the possibilities and the limits of the construction of an educational praxis between these subjects and agents. The choice of this object of study is referenced in the practical and theoretical path that I lived in the Secretaria da EducaÃÃo do Estado and in other professional experiences along the smallholder rural settlers and their membership organizations. The theoretical / practice reflection had undertaken as observation field a concrete experience - the implementation of the following program: Programa de Apoio à GestÃo de OrganizaÃÃes de Pequenos Produtores Rurais - that was developed in the geographical and political space settlement areas, from November 1993 to July 1994. The program was the result of a history of struggle of the settlers with public institutions in an attempt to enable a process of technical and administrative cooperation compatible with their interests and needs. To undertake the analysis of the object of study, I sought as a theoretical-methodological support the contribution of some marxist categories and conceptions or those that share this interpretation, as State, work, praxis, social knowledge and power, essential tools for a more global understanding of man as the subject of his history and of the relationships that he establishes between other men and them with reality. Whereas the educational praxis is a dimension of human praxis, I pointed out as discoveries of this study, the potentiating spaces of this praxis. Educational processes gave birth over the comings and goings of practices, knowledge and powers, between settlers and technicians and those with institutions that fostered the Program, and legitimized the presence of the state. Not only the meetings (paths), but the oppositions of practices, knowledge and powers (waywardness) translate the potentiality of construction of such an educational praxis whose seeds had in the experiment of the Support Program, a fertile soil for germination.
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Martin, Samantha L. "A Gentle Unfolding: The Lived Experiences of Women Healers in South-central Indiana." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1398799871.
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Senate, University of Arizona Faculty. "Faculty Senate Minutes May 6, 2013." University of Arizona Faculty Senate (Tucson, AZ), 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/301423.
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Whittington, Elissa. "Settler-colonial politics in B.C.'s consultation and accommodation policy: a critical analysis." Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/10811.
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This thesis explores technologies of power that operate in British Columbia’s policy for consultation with Indigenous peoples about proposed land and resource decisions. I use the concept of settler colonialism to analyze the contents of British Columbia’s consultation and accommodation policy to assess whether and how the policy is oriented toward settler-colonial relationships. I analyze a British Columbia provincial policy document entitled Updated Procedures for Meeting Legal Obligations When Consulting First Nations Interim. By focusing on this policy document, I examine how power operates through settler state law and policy. I critically analyze three technologies of power that operate in British Columbia’s consultation and accommodation policy: the administrative law principle of procedural fairness, recognition politics, and the assumption of legitimate settler sovereignty. I consider how the policy’s focus on process reveals colonial power dynamics. Furthermore, I argue that recognition politics operate in the policy because Indigenous difference is recognized and some space is made for Indigenous actors to exercise authority, however the settler state retains final decision- making authority, which shows a colonial hierarchy of power. Finally, I consider how the assumption of legitimate settler state sovereignty that underlies B.C.’s law and policy is a source of authority through which the settler state has various types of power under the policy, including definitional power and final decision-making power.Graduate
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MACGILLIVRAY, Emily. "Red and Black Blood: Teaching the Logic of the Canadian Settler State." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/6651.
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I examine Ontario history textbooks to demonstrate how the portrayal of the white settler fantasy of Canada being peacefully colonized and settled is enforced through the temporality and geography of the Canadian settler state, leading to the erasure of connections between indigenous and black communities in the development of the settler state. The temporality of the settler state is enforced through the Indian Act and the Multiculturalism Act, which work together to deny shared time between indigenous peoples, black peoples, and settlers. Settlers are positioned as inhabiting the here and now as reflected in the temporality of the modern settler state, while indigenous peoples are consigned to a status of primitivity, and black peoples are positioned as hailing from a primitive place, yet recently arriving in Canada. The temporality of the Indian Act is represented geographically through the reserve system, which works within the Indian Act to replace indigenous sovereignty and nationhood with Indian Bands, while the temporality of the Multiculturalism Act is represented geographically through the image of Canada as a cultural mosaic, which enforces the divide-and-conquer strategies of the settler state. If indigenous peoples and black peoples are always positioned as temporally and spatially distant, then it follows that their histories developed discretely. However, through analyzing how, what Patrick Wolfe terms, a “logic of elimination” (105) is deployed within the Canadian settler state, it become clear that settler colonialism and transatlantic slavery have always been engaged in an intimate and mutually reinforcing relationship in Canada. By moving beyond the temporality and geography of the settler state, not only does it becomes clear that the connections between indigenous and black peoples are actually foundational to the Canadian settler state’s current formation, but space is also created to develop alliances between indigenous and black peoples. Developing alliances is integral to imagining a reconfiguration of the current settler state that moves beyond divide-and-conquer politics, and towards a more just way of organizing societies that takes seriously the flesh-and-blood of all individual subjects and the human species as whole (Wynter 47).Thesis (Master, Gender Studies) -- Queen's University, 2011-08-12 15:55:33.498
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Landsberg, Rivka. "Birthing in a settler state: the resurgence of Indigenous birth practices in "Canada"." Thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/13328.
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Since colonial contact, settlers have been targeting the Indigenous female reproductive body. They attempted to severe the inherent connection between the Indigenous female body and the land through extreme resource extraction. This project investigates the impacts of colonization on Indigenous birthing practices and the current Indigenous birth resurgence happening within the colonial confines of Canada. In this context Indigenous birth resurgence is defined as the honouring and reclaiming of Indigenous teachings that support sovereignty over the Indigenous female body. This investigation is presented through semi-structured interviews with seven Indigenous birthworkers residing and practicing on Ktunaxa and Sinixt land. Three key themes were observed throughout these interviews the first being that each birthworker had a very hard time finding any traditional teachings surrounding birth from their communities due to colonization displacing this vital information, secondly all of the birthworkers had to go through Western Eurocentric education in order to be granted “qualifications” to practice birthwork, and finally each of the birthworkers stated that if Indigenous birth resurgence is fully realized it would have a profoundly positive effect on Indigenous families and Indigenous health in general.. The interviews and key findings are further investigated through a podcast entitled Reclaiming Birth in a Settler StateGraduate
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Maxwell, Krista. "Making History Heal: Settler-colonialism and Urban Indigenous Healing in Ontario, 1970s-2010." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/29809.
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This thesis focuses on the interrelationship between Canadian colonial histories and Indigenous healing. I begin by problematising how colonialism is invoked in contemporary scholarship on Aboriginal health and healing, and arguing for more precise historical methods and a more relational understanding of colonial processes. Historicising Indigenous agency is integral to this analysis. Whilst colonial continuities in contemporary Canadian public policy discourse is an important theme, I also attend to social movements, institutions, professions, and political and economic forces beyond the state.
Indigenous healing as a socio-political movement itself has a history dating at least to the late 1960s. Urban Indigenous healing discourse is characterised by linking present-day suffering to collective historical losses, and valorizing the reclamation of Indigenous identity, knowledge and social relations. Drawing on urban Indigenous social histories from Kenora and Toronto, I consider the urban healing movement as an example of Indigenous resistance influenced by the international decolonization and North American Red Power movements, but which over time has also engaged with dominant institutions, professions, policies, and discourses, such as the concept of trauma. My analysis considers professionals and patients invoking historical trauma as political agents, both responding to and participating in broader shifts in the moral economy. These shifts have created the conditions of possibility for public victimhood to become a viable strategy for attracting attention and resources to suffering and injustice.
The thesis highlights the centrality and complexity of self-determination in urban Indigenous healing, drawing on historical and ethnographic analysis from three southern Ontario cities. I analyse how the liberal multiculturalism paradigm dominant in health policy and health care settings contributes to mental health professionals’ failure to recognise Aboriginal clients and issues. I argue that characterising pan-Aboriginal and ethno-national healing as approaches in opposition to one another produces an insufficiently nuanced analysis in the context of urban Indigenous subjectivities and social relations, where both approaches are valuable for different reasons. The thesis urges greater attention to the role of languages and local histories, and to the threat which dominant policy discourses on residential schools and mental health pose to the maintenance of distinct ethno-national histories, epistemologies and traditions in urban Indigenous healing.
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Neuman, Auden. "Wounded Subjects: White Settler Nationals in Toronto G20 Resistance Narratives." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/7575.
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This project engages theories of settler colonialism, biopower, and the state of exception to analyze the operations of rights-based narratives of citizenship in relation to political dissent in Canada. I argue that a normalized state of exception founds the white supremacist, settler colonial state, bringing Canadian citizenship into being as a (white) racialized, (cis)gendered, and (hetero)sexualized construct. By examining “resistance narratives” about the Toronto G20 that emerged in the post-G20 climate, my work argues that, in treating the policing practices employed during the G20 as exceptional and in (re)producing the exaltation of white heterosexual cis-masculine citizens, these narratives normalize and reinforce the daily operations of the exception, which targets Indigenous, racialized, and other “Others” in Canada. Finally, my work critically engages with the space of the Eastern Detention Centre (EDC) as a temporary camp set up to detain G20 arrestees, and with the narrative of “Torontonamo” that emerged to describe and explain the EDC. Reading the EDC in the context of other spatial organizations of the exception in Canada, I argue that the “Torontonamo” narrative reasserts race thinking in relation to the normalized operations of the exception. In so doing, it (re)produces white citizen-subjects as the proper recipients of national and international human rights, while abandoning racialized populations to the space of the camp. Ultimately, my work writes against the hegemonic view of the Toronto G20 as an exceptional event in Canadian history. I contend that G20 policing practices were only a hyper-visible example of the normalized operations of the exception within settler colonialism.Thesis (Master, Gender Studies) -- Queen's University, 2012-09-29 21:16:51.694
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Fowkes, Lisa. "Settler-state ambitions and bureaucratic ritual at the frontiers of the labour market: Indigenous Australians and remote employment services 2011–2017." Phd thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/160842.
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This thesis explores how policy is enacted – in this case, the
Australian Government’s labour market program for remote
unemployed people, initially known as the Remote Jobs and
Communities Program (RJCP) and then the Community Development
Programme (CDP). It outlines the development and delivery of the
program from 2011, when the then Labor Government identified the
need for a specific remote employment program, placing the
employment participation of remote Indigenous people (who made up
over 80% of the remote unemployed) at centre stage. It examines
the changes that occurred to the program following the 2013
election of a Coalition Government, including the introduction of
‘continuous’ Work for the Dole.
The focus of the thesis is on how patterns of practice have
emerged in these programs, in particular: how providers have
responded; how frontline workers navigate their roles; and how
‘Work for the Dole’ actually operates. What emerges is a gulf
between bureaucratic and political ambitions for these programs
and the ways in which participants and frontline workers view and
enact them. This is more than a problem of poor implementation or
the subversions of street-level bureaucrats and clients. There is
evidence of a more fundamental failure of technologies of
settler-state government as they are applied to remote Indigenous
peoples. On the remote, intercultural frontiers of the labour
market, the limits of centralised attempts at ‘reform’ become
clear. Practices intended to tutor Indigenous people in the ways
of the labour market are emptied of meaning. The Indigenous
people who are the targets of governing efforts fail to conform
with desired behaviours of ‘self-governing’ citizens, even in
the face of escalating penalties. As a result, government
ambitions to transform the behaviours and subjectivities of
Indigenous people are reduced to bureaucratic rituals,
represented in numbers and graphs on computer screens in
Canberra.
40
Griffiths, Philip Gavin. "The making of White Australia: Ruling class agendas, 1876-1888." Phd thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/47107.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis argues that the colonial ruling class developed its first White Australia policy in 1888, creating most of the precedents for the federal legislation of 1901. White Australia was central to the making of the Australian working class, to the shaping of Australian nationalism, and the development of federal political institutions. It has long been understood as a product of labour movement mobilising, but this thesis rejects that approach, arguing that the labour movement lacked the power to impose such a fundamental national policy, and that the key decisions which led to White Australia were demonstrably not products of labour movement action. ¶ It finds three great ruling class agendas behind the decisions to exclude Chinese immigrants, and severely limit the use of indentured “coloured labour”. ...
41
Callahan, Manuel. "Mexican border troubles : social war, settler colonialism and the production of frontier discourses, 1848-1880 /." Thesis, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3116266.
Full text
42
Penick, Monica Michelle 1972. "The Pace Setter Houses: livable modernism in postwar America." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/3628.
Full textAbstract:
In 1946, House Beautiful's editor-in-chief Elizabeth Gordon launched the Pace Setter House Program, an annual series of exhibition houses that proposed a new modern architecture for postwar America. Set in direct opposition to Arts & Architecture's Case Study Houses, the Pace Setter houses criticized orthodox modernism, and offered a "livable" and distinctly American alternative. Organic design, particularly the work of Frank Lloyd Wright, further informed this new concept of American modernism, adding a rich layer of humanism, naturalism, and democratic idealism. Rejecting the Case Study prototype of universal solutions and prefabrication, the Pace Setter houses advocated a solution in which the craft of building guaranteed regional variation, artistic quality and individual expression. House Beautiful's Pace Setter Program, with its implicit organic roots, underscored one of the most charged architectural debates of the postwar period: the renewed tension between the specific and the general, the regional and the international, the individual and the collective. With the establishment of the Pace Setter House Program, Gordon developed a mature paradigm for the postwar house -- and simultaneously created a dynamic public forum for architectural debate. With the Pace Setters as counterpoint, she lashed out against the architectural current to attack what she viewed as the greatest threat to American design: the unlivable, autocratic, and foreign modernism of the International Style. Gordon's role in the larger architectural debate was critical, not only in her vociferous opposition to what she viewed as a blind continuation of an oppressive modernist lineage, but in her stalwart support of alternative design tropes. The Pace Setter Houses and their architects -- ranging from Cliff May to Alfred Browning Parker to Harwell Harris -- represented one battlefield in the aesthetic and philosophical struggle between the emerging modernisms of the postwar period. Accompanied by Gordon's insistent voice and publications, the Pace Setters became ammunition in an architectural revolution that, for House Beautiful, lasted nearly twenty years. The Pace Setters chronicled the emergence of a vital strand of American modernism, and provided a lens through which to view the ultimate integration and acceptance of modernism within the mainstream of middle-class America.
43
Redhouse, Vincent Peter. "Be honest, apologize, and give me my land back: how settler colonial states should reconcile with their indigenous peoples." Master's thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/138058.
Full textAbstract:
In order for a state to be legitimate vis-à-vis its citizens,
those citizens must be reasonably able to, minimally, trust that
it is both able and willing to create laws that are morally just.
For liberal theories of legitimacy, generally speaking, just
laws are laws that respect the individual rights of persons. The
settler colonial states of Australia and the United States have
throughout their history failed to respect the rights of
indigenous peoples qua individuals. There exists, then, a large
amount of evidence suggesting that it would be reasonable for
those peoples to not trusting those states. And, in so far as it
is reasonable for indigenous peoples of those states to not trust
that their respective states are able and willing to create just
laws for them, those states are illegitimate.
Given both the size, severity, and consistency of the wrongs
committed against indigenous peoples by their respective settler
colonial states it is not enough for those states to simply cease
in their wrongdoing. The states in question must engage in a
deliberate effort to generate the trust necessary for them to
become legitimate. Political reconciliation, aimed at addressing
the unique historical wrongs committed against indigenous
peoples, can begin to generate that trust. However, political
reconciliation alone will be insufficient. Given the substantial
amount of evidence against the settler colonial states, we would
be wrong in assuming a priori following reconciliation that they
would be capable of making just laws for their respective
indigenous citizens or willing to make such laws.
Moreover, reconciliation does not necessarily address the wrong
of failing to respect indigenous sovereignty. In order for that
wrong to be addressed, indigenous peoples must be able to
collectively secede. By choosing not to secede following
reconciliation, an indigenous people would signal that they do
trust their settler colonial state to make just laws for them,
and to that extent that it is legitimate.
44
Whynacht, Ardath J. "The Road to Health is Paved with 'Good Intentions': A Cautionary Three Part Tale for Global Health in the Spirit of Reproductive Justice." 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10222/13167.
Full textAbstract:
The following paper explores three case studies of large-scale forced and coercive surgical sterilizations on indigenous women in Canada, the United States and Peru. The author utilizes settler colonialism as explanation for the complicity of these states in reproductive rights abuses and identifies some risk factors for reproductive rights abuses in future social welfare and global health aid projects.
45
McDonald, Kathryn. "Perspectives on effectiveness: what works in a juvenile fire awareness and intervention program?" Thesis, 2010. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/16037/.
Full textAbstract:
Deliberate lighting of fires by juveniles is both a public health concern and a community issue. This collaborative multiagency project aimed to establish best practice guidelines for child and youth firesetter programs in Australia.
The study proceeded in two parts. Firstly, the practices and perceived effectiveness of the Victorian Juvenile Fire Awareness and Intervention Program (JFAIP) were investigated and contrasted with other Australian and
overseas programs (US, Canada and NZ). Reviewing the literature, extensive interviewing, comparative analysis of approaches and site visits enabled the development of criteria associated with juvenile firesetter programs that were well designed, well implemented, and appeared to provide effective interventions.
Secondly, pre and post fire-specific and psychosocial risk factors were investigated with a sample of 29 firesetter boys (7-13 years)referred to the JFAIP using the firesetting risk interview (FRI) and children’s firesetting interview (CFI). Children’s recidivism was also prospectively followed-up for 12 months. Pre and post findings on the FRI suggested that all JFAIP clients benefited from the intervention. From the parent’s perspective, lower fire-specific risk factors were reported after the intervention, but as expected psychosocial risks remained unchanged. From the child’s perspective on the CFI, some fire-specific risk variables had improved. Of the 29 children in the sample, nine participants were dentified as recidivists. Thus a third of the sample, although receiving an intervention, continued to light fires. Recidivist and nonrecidivist children were also compared on FRI and CFI and significant differences were found in both fire-specific and psychosocial risk factors.
The study highlighted that high risk and low risk clients participate in fire safety education programs in Australia. Low risk clients benefited from a fire safety intervention emphasising education. Thus, fire safety education programs may be appropriate as a sole intervention with some firesetters under certain conditions. However, about a third of the JFAIP clients were recidivists and would benefit from additional interventions. It is recommended that juvenile firesetting programs follow best practice guidelines.