Academic literature on the topic 'Settler responsibility'

This paper begins with a critical exploration, from the location of a settler, of how land acknowledgements and practices of self-location function in child and youth care teaching and learning. I critically examine settler practices of acknowledgement, self-location, appropriation, consciousness-raising, and allyship. I use the concepts of settler ethics and responsibilities to underline the importance of accountability in child and youth care pedagogy. I argue that settlers have a responsibility to take action within the challenging ethical landscape of teaching and learning within the settler colonial context. My overall aim is to contribute to the critical and decolonizing literature in child and youth care from the location of a settler educator and child and youth care practitioner.

This paper investigates the similarities between the British experiences with settlers in other instances of colonisation, and mandatory Palestine. It addresses the extent to which British officials were aware of, and understood the aims, intentions, and methods of the Zionist movement, as well as the consequences for the indigenous population. Utilising primarily British documents from the mandatory period, and the literature on settler-colonialism, this paper will address a gap in research on the imperial responsibility, and role in, the mandate's development. This examines the knowledge and intent of the British in the settler-colonial context, and British imperial history.

The objective of this article is to make the case horizontally that the intertwined legal compliance and corporate social responsibility (CSR) abet enduring coloniality in settler colonial states. The focus is on Indigenous nations and settler colonial states in the Americas. There are three key contributions. First, the jurisprudential, managerial, philosophical and political foundations of CSR are of Occidental extraction therefore making CSR susceptible to being a tool of coloniality directed against Indigenous nations. Second, CSR is constrained by compliance with Occidental jurisprudence. Third, firms’ compliance with Indigenous nations’ cosmovisions can be best safeguarded by legal pluralism-based compliance as this entails court-imposed coercive enforcement. CSR is not part of the solution; CSR is part of the problem.

In this article, I take the recent mobilities and moralities “turns” in tourism studies to an autoethnographic contemplation of a site most dominantly known as Sun Peaks Resort in British Columbia, Canada. In so doing, I examine what the intersections of mobilities and moralities do on this settler colonial terrain. By thinking with mobilities for the moral structures they anchor in place, the ground under settler colonial feet (and skis) is unsettled. The result is that conversations about Indigenous-settler land relations become a shared responsibility to a practice of decolonization that is grounded, sustained, and meaningful.

Accounts of grounded normativity in Indigenous philosophy can be used to challenge the groundlessness of Western environmental ethical approaches such as Aldo Leopold’s land ethic. Attempts to ground normativity in mainstream Western ethical theory deploy a metaphorical grounding that covers up the literal grounded normativity of Indigenous philosophical practices. Furthermore, Leopold’s land ethic functions as a form of settler philosophical guardianship that works to erase, assimilate, and effectively silence localized Indigenous knowledges through a delocalized ethical standard. Finally, grounded normativ­ity challenges settlers to question their desire for groundless normative theory and practice as reflective of their evasion of ethical responsibility for the destruction and genocide of Indigenous communities.

This article considers how meta-narratives can be created through arts-based educational research as a way to shift personal positions and values, using a monologue called Unsettling the settler, written by the author. The creation of meta-narratives that disrupt ideas of national identity, the safety and security of patriarchal and colonial regimes, and who gets to decide what knowledge is worth knowing are essential as antiracist solidarity processes that seek to create belongingness, care and responsibility. This article picks up a thread from a long-term research project in which the author learnt from her participants (actors, audience members and the production team) that performing anti-racist, decolonizing work necessarily begins with an examination of one’s positionality (i.e., body/position/identity/race/cultural background, etc.). “Doing the work” means that one must be committed to sitting with discomfort and accept that there are no easy solutions as a part of the process of change.

In this paper, three racialized social work educators unsettle our settled colonial silences as acts of self-decolonization and as a way of responding to the call to action by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC). Hailing from the uneven manifestations of global capitalism and coloniality in Morocco, Vietnam, and Ethiopia, we draw on various critical theories to interrogate our unique entanglements with the imperial project of entwined settler colonialism and white supremacy. We narrate our embodied coloniality and how the virulent materiality of global processes of displacement and dispossession plays out in each of our personal stories, everyday encounters, and practices as educators. With the aim of teaching for social justice by modeling, we share the processes of unsettling our colonial settlerhood and puncturing our racialized innocence. Each story addresses three themes: contact and colonial relations with Indigenous peoples of Canada, complicity in global coloniality, and responsibility in responding to the TRC call to action. The first story provides a broad outline of our struggles with the Indigenous/Settler binary created to perpetuate the various forms of displacement and dispossession in settler colonialism. The second story probes the complexities in the Settler category by engaging difference-making as a central technology of dispossession. The third story probes the complexities in the Indigenous category through interrogating the perils and promises of recognition and reconciliation in the context of global hierarchies of nation-states and global Indigenous resistance. We conclude bymoving beyond our divergent trajectories and offering shared critical remarks on the human rights framework, the nation-state framework, and the coloniality of social work.

In this paper, three racialized social work educators unsettle our settled colonial silences as acts of self-decolonization and as a way of responding to the call to action by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC). Hailing from the uneven manifestations of global capitalism and coloniality in Morocco, Vietnam, and Ethiopia, we draw on various critical theories to interrogate our unique entanglements with the imperial project of entwined settler colonialism and white supremacy. We narrate our embodied coloniality and how the virulent materiality of global processes of displacement and dispossession plays out in each of our personal stories, everyday encounters, and practices as educators. With the aim of teaching for social justice by modeling, we share the processes of unsettling our colonial settlerhood and puncturing our racialized innocence. Each story addresses three themes: contact and colonial relations with Indigenous peoples of Canada, complicity in global coloniality, and responsibility in responding to the TRC call to action. The first story provides a broad outline of our struggles with the Indigenous/Settler binary created to perpetuate the various forms of displacement and dispossession in settler colonialism. The second story probes the complexities in the Settler category by engaging difference-making as a central technology of dispossession. The third story probes the complexities in the Indigenous category through interrogating the perils and promises of recognition and reconciliation in the context of global hierarchies of nation-states and global Indigenous resistance. We conclude bymoving beyond our divergent trajectories and offering shared critical remarks on the human rights framework, the nation-state framework, and the coloniality of social work.

This item contains the agenda, minutes, and attachments for the Faculty Senate meeting on this date. There may be additional materials from the meeting available at the Faculty Center.
Minutes originally posted on Dec. 3rd, 2013; correction made to minutes and reposted on Feb. 3rd, 2014.

abstract: What are possibilities for transforming the structural relationship between Indigenous peoples and settlers? Research conversations among a set of project partners (Indigenous and settler pairs)—who reside in the Phoenix metro area, Arizona or on O’ahu, Hawai’i—addressed what good relationships look like and how to move the structural relationship towards those characteristics. Participants agreed that developing shared understandings is foundational to transforming the structural relationship between Indigenous peoples and settlers; that Indigenous values systems should guide a process of transforming relationships; and that settlers must consider their position in relation to Indigenous peoples because position informs responsibility. The proposed framework for settler responsibility is based on the research design and findings, and addresses structural and individual level transformation. The framework suggests that structural-level settler responsibility entails helping to transform the structural relationship and that the settler role involves a settler transformation process parallel to Indigenous resurgence. On an individual level, personal relationships determine appropriate responsibilities, and the framework includes a suggested process between Indigenous persons and settlers for uncovering what these responsibilities are. The study included a trial of the suggested process, which includes four methods: (1) developing shared understandings of terms/concepts through discussion, (2) gathering stories about who participants are in relationship to each other, (3) examining existing daily practices that gesture to a different structural relationship, and (4) using creative processes to imagine structural relationships in a shared world beyond settler colonialism. These methods explore what possibilities unfold when settlers center their relationship with Indigenous peoples.
Dissertation/Thesis
Masters Thesis Social and Cultural Pedagogy 2020

Critical Indigenous scholars and their explicit allies have emphasized the need for curriculum and pedagogy in teacher education to address settler colonialism in Canada (Cannon, forthcoming(a); Cannon and Sunseri, 2011; Dion, 2009; Friedel, 2010a; Haig-Brown, 2009; Schick, 2010; Schick and St. Denis 2003, 2005; & St. Denis, 2007) . This thesis is primarily concerned with the existence of and possibilities for such a curriculum. In this thesis, I analyzed the curricula used in the three required courses of the secondary consecutive Initial Teacher Education (ITE) program in the 2011-2012 year at OISE for representations of settler colonialism in Canada. This study finds that while the curriculum in the ITE program at OISE focuses broadly on social justice, it shies away from addressing the ways that Canadians are complicit in ongoing colonialism. The thesis ends by highlighting some clear possibilities and challenges for a curriculum of settler colonial responsibility.

Normally, states parties to an armed conflict settle the financial consequences of that conflict in the traditional way, if ever they reach agreement, by concluding comprehensive treaties that embrace also all the claims that their nationals may have acquired on account of the conflict. The most common form of reparation consists of lump sum payments that do not differentiate between the different groups of victims. Remedies for individuals are not available within the framework of international humanitarian law (IHL) at the international level. This chapter explores state responsibility and the individual right to compensation before national courts, in particular violations of IHL. It looks at compensation claims before the courts of the alleged wrongdoing state, as well as those claims outside the alleged wrongdoing state. It considers national reparation programmes, tort claims arising from military operations during non-international armed conflict, tort claims arising from international armed conflict, the territorial clause,jus cogensversus jurisdictional immunity, implications for public policy, and universal jurisdiction for reparation claims.

This chapter introduces the background and purposes of this study on compensation, restitution, and reparation. It supplies an outline of how the study moves from ancient Roman law to early European continental law to the modern customary law on State responsibility and reparation. A brief overview of each of the chapters and the attached annexes is also given. Additionally, the chapter sets out some of the terminology as it is used in this book for purposes of clarity. As there are a number of common terms in the international law of State responsibility that do not have settled meanings, how certain terms are defined for purposes of this study is provided.

The chapter poses questions about personhood, and explores them through some philosophy, extended examples from machine learning and artificial intelligence, and religious reflection. Parfit’s Reasons and Persons and the use of game theory is explored. The question of human free will is framed as centring on the issue of responsibility. Recent advances in AI, especially learning systems such as AlphaGo, are presented. These do not settle any fundamental questions about the nature of consciousness, but they do encourage us to ask what our attitude to autonomous machines should be. The discussion then turns to human evolutionary development, and to what makes humans distinctive, touching on scientific, philosophical, and theological issues. Some aspects of philosophy and theology can be productively approached through storytelling; this fruitful method is seen at work in the Bible. To be responsible lies at the heart of what it means to be human.

Floods in the Murray-Darling Basin are crucial sources of water for people, animals and plants in this often dry region of inland eastern Australia. Even so, floods have often been experienced as natural disasters, which have led to major engineering schemes. Flood Country explores the contested and complex history of this region, examining the different ways in which floods have been understood and managed and some of the long-term consequences for people, rivers and ecologies. The book examines many tensions, ranging from early exchanges between Aboriginal people and settlers about the dangers of floods, through to long running disputes between graziers and irrigators over damming floodwater, and conflicts between residents and colonial governments over whose responsibility it was to protect townships from floods. Flood Country brings the Murray-Darling Basin's flood history into conversation with contemporary national debates about climate change and competing access to water for livelihoods, industries and ecosystems. It provides an important new historical perspective on this significant region of Australia, exploring how people, rivers and floods have re-made each other.

Concomitant with the rising relevance of international organizations in international affairs, and the general turn to litigation to settle disputes, international institutional law issues have increasingly become the subject of litigation, before both international and domestic courts. While there are several textbooks introducing the law of international organizations, the judicial treatment of this sub-field of international law has not been given the attention due to it. This book contains excerpts of the most prominent international and domestic judicial decisions that are relevant to the law of international organizations, as well as comments thereto. The book contains case-notes regarding about fifty judicial decisions of international and domestic courts. Each case-note consists of five sections, discussing (1) the relevance of the case, (2) the facts, and (3) the legal question; giving (4) a relevant excerpt of the judicial decision; and (5) commenting on the decision. The commentaries are written by leading experts, both scholars and practitioners. The book is divided into seven parts, which correspond to classic categories of international institutional law: (1) legal status (personality), (2) legal powers, (3) institutional structures and position of members, (4) legal acts, (5) obligations, (6) responsibility and accountability, and (7) immunity.

Congressional debates are increasingly defined by gridlock and stalemate, with partisan showdowns that lead to government shutdowns. Compromise in Congress seems hard to reach. But do politicians deserve all the blame? Legislators who resist concessions and stand firm to their convictions might be doing just what voters want them to do. If this is true, however, then citizens must shoulder some of the responsibility for gridlock in Congress. This book challenges this wisdom and argues that Americans value compromise as a way to resolve differences in times of partisan division. Using evidence from a variety of surveys and innovative experiments, the book demonstrates that citizens want more from politics than just ideological representation—they also care about the processes by which disagreements are settled. Americans believe that compromise is a virtuous way to resolve political disputes. Because people’s desire for compromise is deeply rooted in socialized support for democratic values, principled beliefs about compromise can serve as a check on partisan thinking. Across a range of settings, people’s support for compromise persists even when it comes at the cost of partisan goals and policy objectives. People give warmer evaluations to members of Congress who are willing to compromise and view compromise legislation as more legitimate. People care about not just outcomes, but also the way decisions are reached. Winning isn’t everything in politics. People also value the democratic principle of compromise.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

AbstractThe purpose of this chapter is to introduce the relation between Western modern science and Indigenous ways-of-knowing-in-being as it manifests within spaces of science education: as simultaneously co-constitutive and othering. In turn, unsettling science education is presented as a double(d) approach to address the ways in which settler colonial logics linger and lurk within sedimented and stratified knowledge-practices. As a more nascent approach to the question of Indigenous science within science education, this is expanded upon by drawing from decolonizing and post-colonial approaches. Further, drawing across the two, deconstruction is highlighted as a (meta-)methodological approach to bear witness to the ways in which settler coloniality often manifests as absent presences and to (re)open the space of response within science education towards Indigenous ways-of-knowing-in-being.

AbstractThe purpose of this chapter is to explore what Foucault refers to as “the” critical attitude and its relationship to science education. Drawing from the insight that the critical attitude is but a critical attitude, the possibility of critique as plural and multiplicative is explored herein; positing that (an) unsettling criticality is not only one which critiques settler colonial logics and practices but also the taken-for-granted ways-of-critiquing which can undergird these very efforts. In turn, the possibility of critique as plural is significant as the mode of critique within the multicultural science education debate (re)produces Indigenous science as yet-to-come. Building on the insight that scientific knowledge-practice is always already situated, the ways in which criticality in science education is always mediated by conceptual apparatuses, whether real or imagined, is considered. In particular, three optical apparatus—the mirror, the prism, and the diffraction grating—are employed to analyse and inform how the critical gaze might be differentially configured within science education to (re)open the space of responsiveness.

AbstractWhen AHRQ assumed the responsibility from the Quality Interagency Coordination Task Force (QuIC) report, Doing What Counts for Patient Safety, to develop practice changes to reduce harm from medical errors, it faced two problems: there were few proven safe practices, and there was a dearth of standards by which to evaluate them. A standard setter was needed.

AbstractThe outcome of Judgment 238/2014 does not directly rely on the fact that the international dispute on state immunity involves two member states of the EU. Also, it is difficult to envisage at the European level any normative development on the international rules on state immunity. It seems, however, that some useful lessons can be learnt from the judicial dialogue between the European Court of Justice, the European Court of Human Rights, and constitutional courts. In very general terms and for many reasons, the relationship between constitutional courts and the International Court of Justice (ICJ) cannot rely on particularly sophisticated techniques of judicial dialogue.This encourages us to consider the importance of involving state-level political organs as one of the counterparts to the dialogue. The potential power of judges to address these political organs in order to find a diplomatic solution raises the thorny question of whether this availability of alternative means of dispute settlement at the international level might impact on (or somehow restrict) the right of access to justice for Italian victims. Since both ICJ and the Italian Constitutional Court (ItCC) seem to agree that negotiation is the alternative dispute settlement par excellence (and the only means available to settle the present dispute at the international level), the ItCC might have given more importance to the availability of alternative means of redress—in the form of negotiations between the two states—in order to wear down the absolute character of the principle of judicial protection enshrined in Article 24 of the Italian Constitution.Of course, a negotiated solution depends upon the willingness of both parties, whereas an Italian political initiative aimed at unilaterally granting reparation to the victims is always possible. Moreover, the latter solution may stop the enforcement of Judgment 238/2014 and reduce Italy’s exposure to international responsibility for non-compliance with the 2012 ICJ Judgment. So long as Italian victims and their heirs are compensated, the restriction on their right to seek justice through the courts might become more tolerable for the Italian tribunals.

Generally, a national State is considered the guarantor of protection and safety of the people living within its borders or who are subjected to its sovereignty. Yet history is full of examples in which State authorities not only neglect their responsibility toward at-risk people, but also actively contribute to threatening and endangering the lives of the latter. This is especially manifest within State policies referring to people considered ‘foreign’, or whose benefit towards society is questioned. This chapter reviews some historical examples, in which poor and indigenous children have been affected by such violent, exclusionary and discriminatory policies with racist connotations, of which consequences can still be felt today. Particularly, it reconstructs cases from the British Empire and from States emerging from settler colonies, namely United States of America, Canada, Australia and New Zealand.

While the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada fosters agency for Indigenous Canadians, this mandate like others, attempts to Indigenize an existing colonial system. The acknowledgement of the Indigenous experience within academic institutions must begin with a deconstruction of educational frameworks that are enforced by pre-existing neo-colonial policies and agendas. The colonial worldview on institutional frameworks is rooted in systemic understandings of property, ownership and hierarchy that are supported by patriarchal policies. These pedagogies do not reflect Indigenous beliefs or teachings, resulting in an assimilation or dissociation of Indigenous members into Western-centric educational systems. Addressing this disconnect through Indigenizing existing institutional frameworks within state control favours a system that re-affirms settler-societies. The tokenization and lack of Indigenous participation in the decision-making process reinforces misinformed action towards reconciliation. decentralized. The case studies explored emphasize the rediscovery of an authentic culture-specific vernacular, facilitation of customs through programme, and the fundamental differences between Indigenous and colonial worldviews. The critical analysis of these emerging academic typologies may continue to inform future architectural projects while fostering greater responsibility for architects and positions of authority to return sovereignty to Indigenous communities and incorporate design approaches that embody Indigenous values. This paper will propose the decolonization of academic frameworks to reconstruct postcolonial methodologies of educational architecture that serve Indigenous knowledge and agency.

Keywords: military engineering, fortification, urban bastioned system, poliorcetics, city and territory Conference topics and scale: City transformations Abstract and referencesBetween the War of Nine Years and the Napoleonic invasion of 1808 Barcelona underwent a morphological transformation according to a progressive evolution that came along from a typical wall-constrained stronghold towards an urban structure where the primacy of the internal and external strategic control gave way to the socioeconomic, industrial and commercial detachment of the city. The warlike needs of the first quarter of the 18th century involved a series of explicit poliorcetic interventions that gradually made available other criteria related to the development of several infrastructures for peacetime and certain urban licenses. These improving processes that let transform the urban features later changed the sense of the vectors which settled the nexus between the intramural space and the territory beyond the bastioned perimeter. Starting from a predominantly centripetal structure where the city walls played a segregating role, they afterward tended to reinforce the creation of newborn civic spaces that appreciably reduced the strength of the suffocating perimeter and also established alternative centers of power. These procedures foreshadowed a further decline of the traditional values about the former city walls and allowed the take-off of the territory outside them as an expansion of the orthodox urban system essences and its outward projection. The confluence of both municipal government purposes and the Crown’s impositions eased the work of the military engineers who undertook the interventions directly dependent on their sphere of responsibility. Cortada i Colomer, L. (1998) Estructures territorials, urbanisme i arquitectura poliorcètics a la Catalunya preindustrial. 2 vol. (Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona). Fara, A. (1989) Il Sistema e la Città. Architettura fortificata dell’Europa moderna dai trattati alle realizzazioni 1464-1794 (Sagep, Genova). Galera, M., Tarragó S. and Roca F. (1982) Atlas de Barcelona (Col·legi Oficial d’Arquitectes de Catalunya, Barcelona). Història. Política, Societad y Cultura dels Països Catalans, vol. 5 ‘Desfeta política y embranzida econòmica. Segle XVIII’ (1995) (Enciclopèdia Catalana, Barcelona). López, M. and Grau R. (1971) ‘Barcelona entre el urbanismo barroco y la revolución industrial’, Cuadernos de arquitectura y urbanismo, 80, 28-40.

The digital model is both a simple tool of intuitive design thinking used to devise spatial compositions and the base layer of increasingly complex computational practices imbued with layers of contingent information. It has replaced paper as the primary venue of architectural communication, regardless of a user’s level of experience, specific purpose, or degree of sophistication. The ubiquity of the digital model begets complacency toward its implications, which include a significant threat to the logic of the traditional architectural design process established in the Renaissance and upheld throughout centuries of disciplinary change. The extent to which the threat poses a crisis is an open question, and architectural education today has an opportunity (if not a responsibility) to confront that question head-on, so as to produce a generation of practitioners cognizant of the stakes. After a generation of adaptation, and amid a steady stream of innovation that continually (and productively) destabilizes day-to-day practice, the logic of the digital model itself—the framework onto which innovations are applied—is taken for granted. Despite the persistence of increasingly tiresome digital-verses-analog debates, the discipline has yet to reflect critically on the basic nature of the digital model. That inquiry must begin at the most foundational level—the first year of the education of the architect. The project outlined in this paper is a central component of a new foundation design pedagogy currently under development at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte. It introduces students to the digital model in a manner that lays bare how contemporary design tools are both alike and unlike traditional ones, and it challenges students to wrestle with the relevance of historical practices in an era of relentless innovation. The description of the project included here is to be deployed in the second iteration of the new program in academic year 2019/2020. Illustrations are drawn from the first iteration in academic year 2018/2019. This is an ongoing experiment in architectural education being conducted in a transparent manner. Students understand that the curriculum is dynamic, not settled, and that their work is contributing to pedagogical and disciplinary research.

Global e-commerce emergence renovates retail marketing regional limitation. It accelerated competition turning white-hot. Epidemic enhance e-commerce output value substantially. Strong developments of related needs such as sales courses and store visual design reveals. Regardless of the size of the brand, they have invested resources in the field of e-commerce. Now it’s a main generation of e-shopping. Shopee from Singapore settles into Taiwan market and occupies an important place. E-commerce develops rapidly and fiercely adapting the market. In the competition, Product price, visual design, quality and service are all important determining factors of brand loyalty from buyers. In the area of visual communication design, designer assemble and arrange texts and pictures according brand style from store owner requirement and then promote to different selling platform. Visual design refers to the design of the correct information to communicate with aesthetics. E-commerce product pages as a medium present product to consumers. It’s very important how to stand out from many similar product pages to attract more buyers. The era of e-commerce, the demand of aesthetics raises continuously. Designers take the contradicting responsibility between commercial functionality and aesthetics.Online shopping has become a trend. Consumers of all ages in Taiwan have experience shopping online. This article mainly discusses the product image design of Shopee shopping. The research subjects are consumers who have used online shopping through questionnaire. The research analyzed the newly designed product images with statistical data and observed whether to increase buyers' attention and arouse positive emotions. Since this study, there are 60 snowball-type collection recipients, of which 66.7% are female and 33.3% are male. It’s probably 18-20 years old, including 65% college students, 30% high school students. There are 91.7% of the subjects have used Shopee online shopping platform, and the rest are Pchome and Momo. The frequency of online shopping is about 1-3 times a month. The questionnaire processed as follows. First show buyers the store page that has been placed in the new design of this study. There are 10 products of the same brand on this page. The stimuli design strategy for this study is as follows. Because the product is skII, there is a lot of red on the image. Therefore, the design uses the complementary color green as the background color attempting to attract the attention of consumers. Green has the image of nature and youth.SK-ll lotion extracts are definitely natural products. It expresses pure and natural ingredients by green. It hopes users could keep youth and beauty forever.Research results shown, 27 out of 60 subjects were immediately attracted by the new design. Following are the results found in this study. Because the background color occupies most of the area of the image, the "outstanding background color" is chose as the design strategy, such as different as present products, contrast color or complementary colors. It can catch the buyer's attention at the first time.