Journal articles on the topic 'Settler ideology'
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Swanson, Maynard, and Tom Lodge. "Resistance and Ideology in Settler Societies." International Journal of African Historical Studies 22, no. 3 (1989): 564. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220241.
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Presley, Cora Ann, and Tom Lodge. "Resistance and Ideology in Settler Societies." African Economic History, no. 19 (1990): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3601900.
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FITZMAURICE, SUSAN. "Ideology, race and place in historical constructions of belonging: the case of Zimbabwe." English Language and Linguistics 19, no. 2 (July 2015): 327–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674315000106.
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This article explores the ways in which constructions of identities of place are embedded in the ideology of race and social orientation in Zimbabwe. Using newspaper reports, memoirs, speeches, advertisements, fiction, interviews and ephemera produced around key discursive thresholds, it examines the production of multiple meanings of key terms within competing discourses to generate co-existing parallel lexicons. Crucially, labels like ‘settler’, ‘African’ and ‘Zimbabwean’, labels that are inextricably linked to access to and association with the land in colonial and postcolonial Zimbabwe, shift their reference and connotations for different speakers in different settings and periods. For example, the term ‘settler’, used to refer to white colonists of British origin who occupied vast agricultural lands in colonial Zimbabwe, is appropriated in post-independent Zimbabwe to designate blacks settled on the land in the Fast Track Land Reform Programme. The analysis of semantic pragmatic change in relation to key discursive thresholds yields a complex story of changing identities conditioned by different experiences of a raced national biography.
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Rahimtoola, Samia. "Ruin Gazing: Robert Frost and the Afterlives of Settler Environmentalism." Yearbook of Comparative Literature 64 (July 1, 2022): 144–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ycl-64-060.
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This article considers a paradox that structures the internal logic of the ideology of improvement, a central justification for settler colonialism’s strategies of cultural and material dispossession. Far from establishing a limit to settler colonialism as predicted by the writings of John Locke, scenes of ruined, abandoned land are seen to extend settler sovereignty. Specifically, the article examines settler representations of, and encounters with, ruin in the poetry of Robert Frost to argue that irony’s “infinite absolute negativity,” as Søren Kierkegaard states, enables settler subjects to defend against the threat of settler dissolution and magnify settler subjectivity. In a contemporary moment in which damage and devastation have become dominant modes of settler presence on the land, Frost’s poetry prepares us to consider the settler histories of ruin gazing that remain sedimented within contemporary environmental discourse.
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Carter, Matthew. "The Perpetuation of Myth: Ideology in Bone Tomahawk." Zeitschrift für Anglistik und Amerikanistik 68, no. 1 (March 26, 2020): 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaa-2020-0004.
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AbstractThe contemporary Western Bone Tomahawk is in the tradition of the settler-versus-Indian stories from the genre’s ‘classical’ period. Its story is informed by one of white America’s oldest and most paranoiac of racist-psychosexual myths: the captivity narrative. This article reads Bone Tomahawk’s figuration of the racial anxieties that inhere within nineteenth-century settler-colonial culture in the context of post-9/11 America. It also considers that the film’s imbrication of Horror film conventions into its essential Western framework amplifies its allegorical representation of contemporary America’s cultural and political-ideological mindset. As well, the use of Horror conventions amplifies the racial anxieties generated by its use of a mythic binary construct of an adversarial relationship between whites and ‘Indians.’ To a lesser extent, the article suggests that the film also embodies certain uncontained ideological contradictions that, though undeveloped, could be said to contest its ideological coherence.
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Pease, Donald E. "The Uncanny Return of Settler-Colonial Capitalism in Toni Morrison’s Home." boundary 2 47, no. 2 (May 1, 2020): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01903659-8193233.
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Toni Morrison’s 2012 novel Home is concerned primarily with the efforts undertaken by its protagonist, the black Korean War veteran Frank Money, to accommodate himself to civilian life. However, Home differs from other Korean War novels in that after Frank returns to the United States, he neither aligns his wartime experiences with the superpower rivalry nor conducts a critical meta-engagement with Cold War ideology. When Frank comes back to the United States in 1955 from a tour of duty as a combat infantryman in Chosin, Korea, he instead undergoes the unheimlich experience of becoming a fugitive within a carceral state. Morrison confronts readers with a comparably uncanny experience when she deletes from the narrative any trace of the Cold War ideology whose structures of feeling, epistemologies, and military architecture the Korean War was putatively fought to establish and that the so-called war on terror had eerily revived. When she disallowed Cold War ideology control over representations of Home’s characters, actions, and events, Morrison recast the Korean War as the Cold War’s uncanny Other that exposed readers to an ongoing settler-colonial war being waged within 1950s US domestic society.
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Skrynsky, Hannah. "From Dystopic to Decolonial." Extrapolation: Volume 61, Issue 3 61, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 317–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/extr.2020.17.
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This paper looks to Haisla-Heiltsuk writer Eden Robinson’s short story “Terminal Avenue” (2004) as a literary example of what Canada’s future might look like if the collectively felt anxiety that underpins settler society remains unchecked. I analyze “Terminal Avenue” as a work of speculative fiction that represents what I term the genre’s “ideology of indeterminacy” as a politically productive condition under which Indigenous/settler relations in contemporary Canada can be reassessed. My analysis builds on the work of settler scholars David M. Higgins and Conrad Scott published in Extrapolation, vol 57, nos. 1-2, 2016.
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Mayo, Peter. "Antonio Gramsci, Settler-Colonialism and Palestine." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 21, no. 2 (October 2022): 151–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2022.0293.
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This article explores Gramsci’s relevance to colonialism with particular reference to the situation in Palestine and the Palestinians. It historically oscillates between the Italy and larger world contexts of Gramsci's time and the Palestinian and larger Arab contexts in more recent times, especially, in the latter case, from the onset of settler colonialism in the Middle East. While it covers a broad range of writings by Gramsci, notably the notes contained in the Prison Notebooks, it provides special attention to his discussion on the Southern Question. It tackles recurring themes in colonial discourse such as those of ‘divide and rule’ and ideology residing in language besides the ever so pertinent theme of Hegemony. It posits the resonance of appropriated or reclaimed knowledge with a different ‘whole way of life’ (Raymond Williams). Palestinian society is represented warts and all, with specific strengths and differences highlighted, especially that of country and the city.
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Ryan, Lyndall. "The Civilisation of Port Phillip: Settler Ideology, Violence, and Rhetorical Possession." Australian Historical Studies 50, no. 2 (April 3, 2019): 268–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2019.1598327.
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Sawyer, Lidyvez, and Roberta Waite. "Racial and ethnic diversity in higher education: White privileged resistance and implications for leadership." education policy analysis archives 29 (March 29, 2021): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.29.4668.
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Extrapolating history is crucial to mitigating the current underpinnings of racial and ethnic inequities in higher education; however, to establish sustainable change, one must consider its fundamental origin. The inception of 15th-century white settler colonialism is at the epicenter of modern-day racial discrimination and the normalcy of oppressive practices in the United States' education system (US) of America. To understand white settler colonialism and its denigrating manifestations is to understand the dynamics between those in power and those who are subjugated. America's white settler colonialism's horrific ideology is insidiously depicted through torture, persecution, brutality, plunder, and pillage (Traore, 2004). This ideology is the foundation that breeds our society's racial and ethnic hierarchy, including in higher education. Racial discrimination in higher education creates a partisan, culturally divided learning environment, frequently normalized in academic leadership. The purpose of this paper is three-fold: (a) to examine normalized whiteness in higher education, (b) to examine how mere talk about diversity and inclusion inhibits disruption in power to transforming modern-day consciousness of inequities, discrimination, and racism, and (c) discuss action steps to promote leadership among black and brown raced individuals in higher education.
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Eichler, Lauren, and David Baumeister. "Hunting for Justice." Environment and Society 9, no. 1 (September 1, 2018): 75–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ares.2018.090106.
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Within the mainstream environmental movement, regulated hunting is commonly defended as a tool for preserving and managing populations of wild animals for future generations. We argue that this justification, encapsulated in the seven principles of the North American Model of Wildlife Conservation, perpetuates settler colonialism—an institutional and theoretical apparatus that systemically eliminates Indigenous peoples, expropriates Indigenous lands, and disqualifies Indigenous worldviews— insofar as it manifests an anthropocentric ideology that objectifies hunted animals as “natural resources” to be extracted. Because this ideology is antithetical to Indigenous views, its imposition through hunting regulation interrupts Indigenous lifeways, contributing to the destruction of Indigenous identity.
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Burkett, Melanie. "Thomas James Rogers, The Civilisation of Port Phillip: Settler Ideology, Violence, and Rhetorical Possession." Britain and the World 14, no. 1 (March 2021): 96–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2021.0363.
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Durand, Olivia Irena. "‘New Russia’ and the Legacies of Settler Colonialism in Southern Ukraine." Journal of Applied History 4, no. 1-2 (December 12, 2022): 58–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25895893-bja10025.
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Abstract Russia’s conquest of the northern shores of the Black Sea in the late eighteenth century and their renaming as ‘New Russia’ contributed to a wider movement of colonisation, settlement, and re-signification of territories worldwide under the aegis of imperial ideology. The adoption of the new name was also a way to erase the memory of the former inhabitants of the region—in the case of Southern Ukraine, its Tatar and Cossack populations, as well as its Greek and Jewish minorities. However, the coloniality of ‘New Russia’ was always up for debate in Russian official discourse: because the conquests happened in contiguous territories, Southern Ukraine was both an object of colonisation and an agent of further conquest, especially in the direction of the Caucasus. Inventing ‘New Russia’ thus asserted the colonial and ‘oriental’ significance of the Black Sea steppes, while entrenching Russia’s own imperial status and suggesting a place where Russia’s future might be.
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McCarthy, Christine. ""a distressing lack of regularity": New Zealand Architecture in the 1850s." Architectural History Aotearoa 9 (October 12, 2012): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/aha.v9i.7291.
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When Colonel Mould of the Royal Engineers at Auckland reported on behalf of the New Zealand Government on Mountfort's proposed accommodation for Governor Thomas Gore Browne, he queried the design's ability to be "lastingly pleasing to the eye," and identified the building's "distressing lack of regularity." This conference asks whether this phrase, describing Mould's discomfort with Mountfort's picturesque design, might also describe New Zealand's built environment in the 1850s more broadly as it negotiated architectural cultural exchanges, largely resulting from incoming British settlers' "flight from flunkeydom and formality." Philippa Mein Smith refers to a William Strutt drawing ("Settler putting out a chimney fire" (1855/1856)) to indicate its cultural hybridity ("the application of indigenous architecture - the whare, built from ponga logs - combined with elements of the English country cottage"), as well as "the power of the "pioneer legend," unpinned by the religious ideology of western commerce: "Pioneers tamed the land and, they believed, made it productive as God intended."
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Odeh, Tayseer Abu. "The Politics of Yehuda Amichai's Aesthetic Camouflage: Jerusalem and the Settler-Colonial Gaze." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 21, no. 2 (October 2022): 204–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2022.0295.
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Drawing on the notion of aesthetic camouflage the uses and abuses of memory and forgetfulness, this article seeks to examine and interrogate the ways in which Israel’s ‘national poet’ Yehuda Amichai (born ‘Ludwig Pfeuffer’, 1924–2000) relies heavily on the imperialist Zionist ideology to justify and legitimise the settler-colonial existence of Israel from a European and Zionist hegemonic perspective. The postcolonial image of Jerusalem, as mystified by Amichai’s poetry, signifies an apolitical and ahistorical Orientalist image of Jerusalem as being ‘a troubled sacred and mythical city’ claimed by clashing monolithic religions including Islam, Judaism, and Christianity. In other words, the systematic and historical absence of Palestinian people in Amichai’s poetry is ostensibly bound up with what Edward Said calls ‘the functional absence of ‘native people’ in Palestine’.
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Hyslop, Jonathan. "Scottish Labour, Race, and Southern African Empire c.1880–1922: A Reply to Kenefick." International Review of Social History 55, no. 1 (April 2010): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859009990629.
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SummaryIn his article in the current edition of International Review of Social History, the Scottish historian, Billy Kenefick, argues against my thesis that the labour force of the United Kingdom and the settler colonies in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries can be understood as having constituted a linked “imperial working class” in which an ideology of racialized white labour protectionism predominated. Kenefick believes that in South Africa British socialists challenged white labourism, and that Scottish immigrants played a very prominent role in this anti-racist project. My reply traces the relationship between Scottish national identity, imperialism, and the labour movement. It then examines the evidence on the racial politics of Scottish trade unionists in South Africa and argues that, with a very few individual exceptions, they did buy into the ideas of white labourism. Finally, the article considers Scottish labour attitudes to race in the home country, and demonstrates that there was strong sympathy for the racial labour politics of the settler colonies.
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Everill, Bronwen. "‘Destiny seems to point me to that country’: early nineteenth-century African American migration, emigration, and expansion." Journal of Global History 7, no. 1 (February 24, 2012): 53–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022811000581.
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AbstractTraditional American historiography has dismissed the Liberian settlement scheme as impractical, racist, and naïve. The movement of Americans to Liberia, and other territorial and extraterritorial destinations, however, reveals the ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors that influenced movement in the African diaspora. The reaction of different African Americans to these factors influenced the political and social development of Liberia as well as the colony's image at home. Africans migrating within and beyond US borders participated in a broader movement of people and the development of settler ideology in the nineteenth century.
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Sacks, Jeffrey. "The Politics of Death and the Question of Palestine." Comparative Literature 71, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 357–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00104124-7709580.
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Abstract This article considers the work of Hannah Arendt and Ghassan Kanafani in relation to the social and juridical logic and form of the settler colony and of the settler-colonial logic and form of the Israeli state and its ideology, Zionism. The argument is framed in relation to two moments: (1) the notion and practice of Bildung—education, training, formation—where the subject of language, in becoming literate, thoughtful, and self-reflective, is to become a being that recognizes itself and others in these and related terms: as legible, autonomous, and self-determining; and (2) the ongoing debates around the politics of death, articulated through the writing of Michel Foucault, Giorgio Agamben, Carl Schmitt, Achille Mbembe, and Arendt. The article argues that, insofar as they presume an understanding of Bildung as a principal category of social thought, these debates reiterate the terms they claim to diagnose or contest. It also argues that, in their affective relation to decolonization, Arendt—and Foucault and Agamben—conjures and advances a social panic in a desire to domesticate the destabilizing force of anticolonial struggle. Finally, the article reads Kanafani’s Rijāl fī al-shams (Men in the Sun) to argue that Kanafani’s novelistic practice discombobulates the terms privileged in the settler colony and in its social and literary logic and form, as it promises a nonredemptive, anomic, and non-state-centric futurity.
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Bull, Jonathan. "Karafuto Repatriates and the Work of the Hakodate Regional Repatriation Centre, 1945–50." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 4 (May 15, 2018): 788–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418761213.
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This article demonstrates how discourse about those repatriated from Japan’s former colonial empire was constructed in early postwar Japan. US Occupation planning assumed that a repatriate had a ‘home’ to return to from which he or she could make a ‘new’ start. Aware that repatriation was more complex, Japanese officials tried to respond more flexibly but met with little success until an intensifying Cold War rivalry prompted US officials to intervene in repatriate affairs due to a concern that communist ideology might appeal to repatriates. Hokkaido officials’ response to the Cold War imperative for a more nuanced policy toward repatriates from Karafuto (Sakhalin) was to promote a narrative of the ‘Karafuto repatriate’. Intended by officials to help Karafuto repatriates ‘resettle’ in postwar Hokkaido, this narrative harked back to aspects of the settler identity promoted by colonial officials in the 1930s and early 1940s. In addition, using a rare set of notes from officials’ group interviews with repatriates, this article analyses the importance of settler identity for repatriates’ coming to terms with the transition from Karafuto to Sakhalin to Hokkaido. Hokkaido officials' and Karafuto repatriates’ interpretations of regional connections were crucial for reintegrating in trans-war, post-imperial society.
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Arneil, Barbara. "Origins: Colonies and Statistics." Canadian Journal of Political Science 53, no. 4 (December 2020): 735–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842392000116x.
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AbstractIn this address, I examine the lexical, geographic, temporal and philosophical origins of two key concepts in modern political thought: colonies and statistics. Beginning with the Latin word colonia, I argue that the modern ideology of settler colonialism is anchored in the claim of “improvement” of both people and land via agrarian labour in John Locke's labour theory of property in seventeenth-century America, through which he sought to provide an ideological justification for both the assimilation and dispossession of Indigenous peoples. This same ideology of colonialism was turned inward a century later by Sir John Sinclair to justify domestic colonies on “waste” land in Scotland—specifically Caithness (the county within which my own grandparents were tenant farmers). Domestic colonialism understood as “improvement” of people (the “idle” poor and mentally ill and disabled) through engagement in agrarian labour on waste land inside explicitly named colonies within the borders of one's own country was first championed not only by Sinclair but also his famous correspondent, Jeremy Bentham, in England. Sinclair simultaneously coined the word statistics and was the first to use it in the English language. He defined it as the scientific gathering of mass survey data to shape state policies. Bentham embraced statistics as well. In both cases, statistics were developed and deployed to support their domestic colony schemes by creating a benchmark and roadmap for the improvement of people and land as well as a tool to measure the colony's capacity to achieve both over time. I conclude that settler colonialism along with the intertwined origins of domestic colonies and statistics have important implications for the study of political science in Canada, the history of colonialism as distinct from imperialism in modern political thought and the role played by intersecting colonialisms in the Canadian polity.
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Wang, Jessica. "Agricultural expertise, race, and economic development: small producer ideology and settler colonialism in the Territory of Hawaiʻi, 1900–1917." History and Technology 36, no. 3-4 (October 1, 2020): 310–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07341512.2020.1859775.
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Mac Bhloscaidh, Fearghal. "The Belfast Pogrom and the Interminable Irish Question." Studi irlandesi. A Journal of Irish Studies 12 (June 30, 2022): 171–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/sijis-2239-3978-13746.
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This article re-examines the British establishment’s crucial role in partition, arguing that it rested on imperial considerations and, indeed, that the character of the resultant “Orange State” punctures liberal assumptions about twentieth-century Britain. It counters much of the prevailing historiography on what nationalists call the Belfast pogrom, identifying it as the pivotal episode in the genesis of Northern Ireland, during which the Ulster Unionist leadership – with near unconditional state support – effectively purged Belfast’s labour market of Catholics and Protestant socialists to create an Orange economy that served as the material basis for a half-century of Unionist rule. The piece concludes that loyalist ideology represented a fusion of inherent colonial-settler identity and derived racist and imperialist concepts then permeating metropolitan discourse and widely embraced across the post-war European Right.
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Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Sabelo J. "Rethinking Chimurenga and Gukurahundi in Zimbabwe: A Critique of Partisan National History." African Studies Review 55, no. 3 (December 2012): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002020600007186.
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Abstract:This article examines how the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) sought to inscribe a nationalist monologic history in Zimbabwe in order prop up its claim to be the progenitor and guardian of the postcolonial nation. Since its formation in 1963, it has worked tirelessly to claim to be the only authentic force with a sacred historic mission to deliver the colonized people from settler colonial rule. To achieve this objective, ZANU-PF has deployed the ideology of chimurenga in combination with the strategy of gukurahundi as well as a politics of memorialization to install a particular nationalist historical monologue of the nation. After attaining power in 1980, it proceeded to claim ownership of the birth of the nation. While the ideology of chimurenga situates the birth of the nation within a series of nationalist revolutions dating back to the primary resistance of the 1890s, the strategy of gukurahundi entails violent and physical elimination of enemies and opponents. But this hegemonic drive has always encountered an array of problems, including lack of internal unity in ZANU-PF itself, counternarratives deriving from political formations like the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU); labor movements; and critical voices from the Matebeleland region, which fell victim to gukurahundi strategy in the 1980s. With the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in 1999, which soon deployed democracy and human rights discourse to critique the ideology of chimurenga and the strategy of gukurahundi, ZANU-PF hegemony became extremely shaky and it eventually agreed to share power with the MDC in February 2009.
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Quezada, Vick. "Cart No.1, Monoecious Fruits, the Harvest of 1519." TSQ: Transgender Studies Quarterly 6, no. 4 (November 1, 2019): 556–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/23289252-7771709.
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Abstract The following works are an exploration of the histories of colonization that the Mestizo experience in North America as well as how the settler colonial phenomenon continues to exist in the contemporary United States. The projects scrutinize the impact of racism, transphobia, classism, capitalism, and heteropatriarchy, as they affect the material realities of people whose lives are determined by their relationship to Western ideology and the gender construct. The use of sculpture, photography, and craft within the bodies of work help conceptualize the tension of Indigenous and Western narratives. Vick Quezada seeks to reconcile and intervene in Western “commonsense” notions by merging material culture by way of abstraction. Quezada is most compelled by the places where evidence of resistance and survival is made manifest. Through their work they desire to generate alternative empathies that open paths for a new consciousness.
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Kelley, Shawn. "Genocide, the Bible, and Biblical Scholarship." Brill Research Perspectives in Biblical Interpretation 1, no. 3 (June 20, 2016): 1–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24057657-12340003.
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This essay makes the case that the ongoing scholarly conversation around divinely sanctioned violence can be enriched by engaging with the emerging field of comparative genocide studies. The argument proceeds in four parts. Part 1 introduces the term genocide and the scholarly debates that have emerged around it. I posit the existence of two generations of genocide scholarship, with the first focusing on definitional issues and appropriate terminology and the second on the historical-structural conditions that make genocide possible. Regarding the latter, particular attention shall be devoted to the emerging consensus that, far from being an atavistic irruption outside the world of civilized modernity, genocide is made possible by the very structure of modernity itself. Parts 2 and 3 look closely at genocide in the Hebrew Bible and New Testament era, respectively. These parts will examine the extermination campaigns of ancient empires (Assyria, Babylon, Rome) that brought destruction upon the biblical Israelites and will compare these imperial actions with modern settler and colonial genocides. This is one area where biblical scholars could fill in a lacuna in comparative genocide studies, since the topic has received modest attention in that particular field. I pay attention to the ways that the Bible appears complicit in genocide, whether through the command to exterminate the Canaanites or through the Gospels’ tendency to cast blame upon the Jews for the death of Jesus. I also analyze a variety of hermeneutical approaches developed to respond to these thorny issues, paying particular attention to the presumed views of genocide in each hermeneutical position. The final part of the essay explores the issue of genocidal ideology itself, emphasizing that the content of genocidal ideology is much broader than usually assumed by scholarly critiques of anti-Judaism and that genocidal ideology maintains a complex relationship to the actual practice of genocide. This part encourages scholars to reexamine the widely held beliefs on the ways that biblical ideology led to horrific events like the Holocaust and to take seriously the widely held conclusion that ideology alone is an inadequate explanation for genocide. The essay will conclude by suggesting possible future directions that could be taken by scholars who wish to confront the legacy of genocide in the Bible and its interpretation.
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Siddons, Louise. "Seeing the four sacred mountains: Mapping, landscape and Navajo sovereignty." European Journal of American Culture 39, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ejac_00011_1.
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In 1968, photographer Laura Gilpin published The Enduring Navaho, which intentionally juxtaposes colonialist cartography with an immersive understanding of landscape. This article situates Gilpin’s project within the broader historical trajectory of traditional Navajo spatial imaginaries, including the work of contemporary Navajo artist Will Wilson. Euramerican settler-colonist maps of the Navajo Nation at mid-century were tools for Native displacement, revealing the transnational dilemma of the Navajo people. Their twentieth-century history was one of continual negotiation; on a pragmatic level, it often entailed the cultivation and education of Euramerican allies such as Gilpin. For her, landscape photography offered an alternative indexical authority to colonial maps, and thus had the potential to redefine Navajo space in the Euramerican imagination ‐ in terms that were closely aligned with Navajo ideology. Without escaping the contradictions inherent in her postcolonial situation, Gilpin sought a political space for Navajo epistemology, and thus for Navajo sovereignty.
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Weißermel, S. "Appropriating "modernization" – indigenous anti-hegemonic resistance in the Argentine Chaco." Geographica Helvetica 69, no. 3 (October 8, 2014): 183–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/gh-69-183-2014.
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Abstract. The incorporation of indigenous territories into the Argentine Republic must be considered as a complex process of colonization which encompassed space, the word and the body. It enabled the dominant settler society to establish socioeconomic and sociocultural hegemony. The example of the Toba community in Clorinda elucidates the extent to which hegemonic worldviews have infiltrated their self-perception and produced the barrio (urban district) and the campo (rural area), as two places infiltrated with symbolisms and ideology. Through a postcolonial perspective, this article aims to examine the way the community deals with this "modernization", as the Toba themselves call the process. It is pointed out that, by appropriating the hegemony's logic, the Toba actively create spaces of resistance in order to maintain or regain self-determination. Discussing indigenous alternative concepts of modernity, this article advocates a greater consideration of those diverse social realities in the scope of Western development geography.
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Hyslop, Jonathan. "The world voyage of James Keir Hardie: Indian nationalism, Zulu insurgency and the British labour diaspora 1907–1908." Journal of Global History 1, no. 3 (November 2006): 343–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022806003032.
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In 1907–1908, the British labour leader, James Keir Hardie, made a round-the-world tour, which included visits to India, Australasia and southern Africa. The support for Indian nationalism which he expressed precipitated a major international political controversy, in the course of which Hardie came under severe attack from the Right, both in Britain and in her colonies. In southern Africa, the issue, combined with Hardie’s earlier criticism of the repression of the 1906 Bambatha rising in Natal, sparked rioting against Hardie by British settlers during his visit. This article seeks to show how Hardie’s voyage illuminates the imperial politics of its moment. Hardie’s journey demonstrates how politics in the British colonies of his era took place not within local political boundaries, but in a single field which covered both metropolis and colonies. The article is a case study which helps to illustrate and develop an argument that the white working classes in the pre-First World War British Empire were not composed of nationally discrete entities, but were bound together into an imperial working class which developed a distinct common ideology, White Labourism, fusing elements of racism and xenophobia with worker militancy and anti-capitalism. The current paper refines this analysis of the politics of the imperial working class by situating it in relation to the rising force of Indian nationalism in the same period, and to the changes this development generated in the politics of the settler colonies and the imperial centre. In India, Hardie forged links with the dynamic new political mobilization that had followed on the crisis over the partition of Bengal. In doing so, he entered, as an ally, into the discursive struggle which Indian nationalists were waging for self-government. By taking a pro-Indian position he antagonized the British Right. Labourites in the white settlement colonies wanted to defend Hardie, as a representative figure of British labour, but were embarrassed by the fact that Hardie’s position on India went against the grain of White Labourist ideology. In southern Africa, local leaders of British labour did opt to defend Hardie. But they did so not only at the risk of alienating their members, but also at the price of being forced into direct confrontations with anti-Hardie groupings.
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Troester, Patrick T. "“No Country Will Rise above Its Home, and No Home above Its Mother”: Gender, Memory, and Colonial Violence in Nineteenth-Century Texas." Western Historical Quarterly 52, no. 2 (April 7, 2021): 143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/whq/whab001.
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Abstract This article examines Anglo-American colonization in nineteenth-century Texas and the construction of its historical memory, highlighting the interwoven roles of kinship, women’s labor, and gendered ideology. Building upon social, economic, and cultural roots in the U.S. Southeast, settler colonialism in Texas was a multi-generational project structured heavily by kinship. Anglo-Texan women served as active colonial agents through their productive and reproductive labor, which bound them firmly to more overt forms of colonial violence by men and the emerging state. In the face of Native resistance, Anglo-Texans highlighted Indigenous acts of violence against White women and families in order to invert responsibility for colonial violence and to justify the dispossession and destruction of Native peoples. Beginning as early as the 1830s, direct Anglo participants, including many influential women, wrote the first histories of Texas colonization, interpreting that process and its violence from within the deeply gendered and personal framework of kinship. Their efforts have marked both popular memory and historical scholarship to the present day.
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McKim, Denis. "“Tinged with gloom and grandeur”." Ontario History 114, no. 2 (September 13, 2022): 221–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1092219ar.
Full textAbstract:
Scholars have discussed the role of romanticism in the condescending attitudes of Upper Canadian conservatives toward Indigenous peoples but they have yet to examine its role in the political culture of settler society; specifically, as it applies to the political ideology of Tories, the group that prevailed in bustling towns and embryonic outposts alike. Weaving together intellectual history, the history of emotions, and environmental history, this article explores the romantic tradition’s salience within the mentalité of Upper Canadian conservatism. It contends that influential figures from the worlds of politics and literature repeatedly invoked aspects of romanticism over several decades in denouncing subversive phenomena and in seeking to legitimize their vision of a hierarchical society. In particular, they drew on such compelling romantic tropes as powerful emotions and the magnificence of nature in the hope of bolstering a social order predicated on elite hegemony and rank-and-file deference. This helps to shed light on one of the animating factors within the Tory tradition, a multifaceted force that, for good or ill, has played an important role in shaping Ontario’s history.
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Campbell, Robert B. "Newlands, Old Lands: Native American Labor, Agrarian Ideology, and the Progressive-Era State in the Making of the Newlands Reclamation Project, 1902––1926." Pacific Historical Review 71, no. 2 (May 1, 2002): 203–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2002.71.2.203.
Full textAbstract:
Historical interpretations focusing on the development of irrigated agricultural communities in the early twentiethcentury American West have consistently repeated the neat division between "family" and "industrial" modes of production. However, these distinctions collapse when one recognizes that the seasonal demand for harvest labor could not be met from within the smallholders' households. Transient labor, as well as year-round wage work by property-less workers, appears to have been the rule even on the irrigated West's family farms. In the case of the Newlands Reclamation Project, dispossessed Native Americans provided essential labor, ensuring the nominal success of this initial Reclamation Service project during the first three decades of the twentieth century. In Nevada, Paiute and Shoshone laborers provided a local and low-cost work force. This irrigation culture could not avoid the pitfalls of capitalist agriculture that relied upon the dispossession of Indian lands and resources and the coerced labor of an underclass of Indian workers. While Paiute and Shoshone labor was certainly coerced, there were limits. This article demonstrates the degree to which these people maintained an autonomous community and culture. Drawing on precolonial roots, Native North American communities shared in the challenges and creative adaptations exhibited by indigenous communities globally in response to settler capitalism.
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Hudson, Victoria. "Truth and Reconciliation Commission Gives Municipalities the Opportunity to Defy their Status as "Creatures of the Province"." Federalism-E 23, no. 1 (May 2, 2022): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fede.v23i1.15416.
Full textAbstract:
This paper analyses the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s (TRC) inclusion, or lack thereof, of Municipalities as a critical power structure in the process of decolonization and resurgence across settler-colonial Canada. The TRC only called upon Municipalities five times, suggesting that they have little importance to the process. This indicates that it is up to the Federal and Provincial governments to address the calls to action, to which they would only be able to apply a top-down and “one size fits all” approach. This approach is insufficient because many diverse subgroups of Indigenous people live across Canada. So, who will effectively help develop policies, resources, and urban planning for the local Indigenous communities? That would have to be municipalities, unlike what the TRC is suggesting. Municipalities are more capable of providing a grass-roots approach to urban planning and policymaking when addressing the calls to action, something the other levels of government can not do, therefore, defying the ideology of being known as “Creatures of the Province” and signifying their importance to the process. Throughout this paper, I identify how municipalities can effectively take on the calls to action by recognizing and including the unique Indigenous identities within urban spaces, a requirement in accomplishing true reconciliation, decolonization, and Indigenous resurgence.
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Von Esch, Kerry Soo, Suhanthie Motha, and Ryuko Kubota. "Race and language teaching." Language Teaching 53, no. 4 (July 29, 2020): 391–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261444820000269.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn this review article on race and language teaching, we highlight an urgent need for the international educational community to continue to develop a complex understanding of how language teaching and learners’ lives are shaped by our global history of racist practices of colonial expansion, including settler colonialism and transatlantic slavery. We outline the genesis of research on race and language teaching and review literature that reflects a recent increase in scope and range of studies that problematize the workings of race and racism in language teaching and point to hopeful solutions for addressing effects of racial inequities. We conceptualize two key terms, ‘race’ and ‘language,’ then overview theories that appeared most significant in the research literature. We explore five interconnected themes that featured prominently throughout the existing literature on race and language teaching: standard language ideology and racial hegemony, the idealized and racialized native speaker, racial hierarchies of languages and language speakers, racialization and teacher identity, and race-centered approaches to pedagogies and educational practices. We offer a critical analysis of the current status of scholarship on race and language teaching, including gaps and necessary reframing, and conclude with implications for future directions and questions arising from the work.
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Deckha, Maneesha. "Veganism, dairy, and decolonization." Journal of Human Rights and the Environment 11, no. 2 (September 30, 2020): 244–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/jhre.2020.02.05.
Full textAbstract:
Plant-based diets are often perceived as being antithetical to Indigenous interests in what is today colonially known as Canada. This perceived antithesis hinges on veganism's rejection of the consumption of animals. This apparent antithesis, however, is a misperception that a reframing of ethical veganism can help correct. This article argues that veganism's objection to dairy should be underscored as a central concern of ethical veganism. Such emphasis not only brings into view the substantial alignment between plant-based diets and Indigenous worldviews, but also highlights the related goals of decolonization and reconciliation in Canada. Veganism, in reality, rejects a practice (dairy farming) that was constitutive of settler colonialism in North America and which still promotes colonial familial ideologies while constructing Indigenous peoples and other non-Europeans (who disproportionately cannot tolerate lactose) as abnormal. Veganism – along with vegetarianism – shares the general respect for animals and interspecies relations (along with a concomitant disavowal of human exceptionalism) that many Indigenous legal orders in Canada promote. Yet, despite this shared disavowal of a principal colonial ideology, the tight correlation between hunting and Indigeneity on the one hand, and veganism and vegetarianism and an objection to killing animals on the other, makes veganism's contributions to decolonization and reconciliation difficult to see. By framing veganism as a critique of the dairy industry, however, the associations that veganism has with decolonizing ends are not clouded by these overpowering correlations, helping to bring into view even vegetarianism's contributions toward these ends.
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YANG, HON-LUN HELAN. "Colonialism, Cosmopolitanism, and Nationalism: The Performativity of Western Music Endeavours in Interwar Shanghai." Twentieth-Century Music 18, no. 3 (October 2021): 363–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478572221000177.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article examines the meaning of Western music performances in interwar Shanghai through the theoretical framework of performativity that originated in John Austin's speech act and Judith Butler's notion of identity as performed. The early concerts of the Shanghai Municipal Orchestra (SMO), I suggest, were an assertion of settler sovereignty in a treaty port such as Shanghai. Therefore, Chinese musicians performing Western music – propagated through the establishment of the National Conservatory of Music by Chinese elites in Shanghai's French Settlement in 1927 – was the embodiment of three contradictory ideals: colonialism, nationalism, and cosmopolitanism. Zooming in on four SMO concerts that featured Chinese musicians in 1929, I argue that they were sites of identity and power negotiation, the SMO and the Chinese musicians asserting quite distinct performative utterances. On the one hand, the performing Chinese body enacted the cosmopolitan outlook that the Municipal Council was eager to project, not only for the sake of ideology but also to increase SMO's concert revenue by appealing to the increasing number of Chinese concert attendees. On the other hand, it meant national glory to Chinese residents in Shanghai, marking Chinese musicians participating in a global musical network. Lastly, this study draws attention to the diverse geographies of Western music in the twentieth century and its coeval development beyond the West, testifying to the timely need for a global music history in which the musicking of Western music in so many Asian cities should be interwoven into its narrative.
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Corballis, Tim, and Max Soar. "Utopia of abstraction: Digital organizations and the promise of sovereignty." Big Data & Society 9, no. 1 (January 2022): 205395172210845. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20539517221084587.
Full textAbstract:
Digital organizations form part of the new wave of blockchain technologies, following Bitcoin and related cryptocurrencies. “Utopia of Abstraction” offers an analysis of the utopian promise of digital organizations through a reading of one such project, Colony. We provide a critique of the ideology of Colony's white paper, supplemented by readings of pages from its website, as a member of a genre of texts that promote their products through seemingly neutral, technical descriptions. Colony's texts suggest an abstract, contextless and scaleless organizational solution—powered by smart contracts on a blockchain—that, according to its proponents, might be applied to any social situation, from small firm to state-level governance. For its users, this organization combines a promise of sovereignty removed from that of the state, as well as implied financial returns. Our reading of Colony echoes the critiques of scholars arguing that cyberlibertarianism is a dominant politic of blockchain technologies. Furthermore, drawing on critiques of code as law and the elision of the social in smart contracts, we argue that Colony's vision presents a model of technical organization that substitutes for the state in the context of waning popular sovereignty. We ultimately suggest an understanding of digital organizations reminiscent of the settler colonial situation: the assumption of an empty social space to be filled, and the promise of sovereignty and riches for those occupying it. Analysis of these logics is relevant as hype increases around non-fungible tokens, Web3, and the corporate metaverse as well as data practices more widely.
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Sasani, Samira, and Elmira Molaii. "Darkness in the Costume of Whiteness: A Glimpse of Black Gaze, White Mask in Heart of Darkness." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 49 (March 2015): 135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.49.135.
Full textAbstract:
To begin with, Heart of Darkness has always been challenging for every critic who feels the urge to take either pro-colonialist or contra-colonialist positions. However, herein the main focus would be set less upon the binary stances regarding the protagonist and his leanings toward the natives. Based on the indissociability of the psychological-cum-cultural operations, this study lends itself best to an amalgam of Freudian together with Bhabhian theories such as the dreamwork, repetition-compulsion, mimickry and hybridization. That is to say, it deserves attention to see the colonialist ideology through the dissecting lens of psychoanalysis. Besides, Tiffin’s subversive counter-discourse would provide a valuable source to this study. The present study aims to explore the underlying motive for Marlow’s narration and his interaction with the natives free from a slippery evaluation of the narratives prime facie. Since any consideration of the native-settler relation without taking the mutual impact of one on the other would only reveal a limited angle to the events, Marlow’s narration will be less concerned with the Hegelian subject-non-subject dichotomy than the intersection of both, however disguised. Of particular note is that such intersection gives rise to the ensuing ambivalence at the heart of the text, Marlow’s account of events, thence the clash of perspectives, whether fictional or critical, can be discerned. Eventually, this hybrid ambivalence casts the text into a hybrid existence that would account for the narrators’ neurosis on the one hand and the contradictory critiques on the other.
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Rassool, Ciraj, and Leslie Witz. "The 1952 Jan Van Riebeeck Tercentenary Festival: Constructing and Contesting Public National History in South Africa." Journal of African History 34, no. 3 (November 1993): 447–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700033752.
Full textAbstract:
For all approaches to the South African past the icon of Jan Van Riebeeck looms large. Perspectives supportive of the political project of white domination created and perpetuate the icon as the bearer of civilization to the sub-continent and its source of history. Opponents of racial oppression have portrayed Van Riebeeck as public (history) enemy number one of the South African national past. Van Riebeeck remains the figure around which South Africa's history is made and contested.But this has not always been the case. Indeed up until the 1950s, Van Riebeeck appeared only in passing in school history texts, and the day of his landing at the Cape was barely commemorated. From the 1950s, however, Van Riebeeck acquired centre stage in South Africa's public history. This was not the result of an Afrikaner Nationalist conspiracy but arose out of an attempt to create a settler nationalist ideology. The means to achieve this was a massive celebration throughout the country of the 300th anniversary of Van Riebeeck's landing. Here was an attempt to display the growing power of the apartheid state and to assert its confidence.A large festival fair and imaginative historical pageants were pivotal events in establishing the paradigm of a national history and constituting its key elements. The political project of the apartheid state was justified in the festival fair through the juxtaposition of ‘civilization’ and economic progress with ‘primitiveness’ and social ‘backwardness’. The historical pageant in the streets of Cape Town presented a version of South Africa's past that legitimated settler rule.Just as the Van Riebeeck tercentenary afforded the white ruling bloc an opportunity to construct an ideological hegemony, it was grasped by the Non-European Unity Movement and the African National Congress to launch political campaigns. Through the public mediums of the resistance press and the mass meeting these organizations presented a counter-history of South Africa. These oppositional forms were an integral part of the making of the festival and the Van Riebeeck icon. In the conflict which played itself out in 1952 there was a remarkable consensus about the meaning of Van Riebeeck's landing in 1652. The narrative constructed, both by those seeking to establish apartheid and those who sought to challenge it, represented Van Riebeeck as the spirit of apartheid and the originator of white domination. The ideological frenzy in the centre of Cape Town in 1952 resurrected Van Riebeeck from obscurity and historical amnesia to become the lead actor on South Africa's public history stage.
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Perez, Shelby. "Palestine…It Is Something Colonial." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 35, no. 4 (October 29, 2018): 64–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v35i4.475.
Full textAbstract:
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has not existed since the beginning of time. Hatem Bazian explores the roots of the conflict, locating the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project under the tutelage of British colonial efforts. Bazian’s text is a look at and beyond first-hand accounts, an investigation of and critical analysis of settler practice in relation to similar texts such as Sari Nusseibeh’s Once Upon a Country: A Palestinian Life, Alan Dowty’s Israel/Palestine, and Ari Shavit’s My Promised Land. Hatem Bazian’s Palestine…it is something colonial is not an introduction to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Readers should possess a basic understanding of the conflict and history of the region over the last century. Nor does this text provide the reader with an unbiased look at the timeline of events since the inception of the Zionist movement. Palestine…it is something colonial instead is a rich critique of the Zionist movement and British colonialism. It investigates the way British colonialism influenced Zionism and how Zionism adopted colonial ideas and practices. Bazian locates Zionism as a settler colonialist movement still at work today, which historically planned and systematically executed the removal of Palestinians from their land, with the aid of the United Kingdom and (later) the United States. Bazian examines Ottoman collapse, the colonization of Palestine by the British, Israel’s biblical theology of dispossession, as well as British colonial incubation of Zionism, Zionism as a Eurocentric episteme, the building of Israel through ethnic cleansing, and the Nakba, all of these culminating in legalized dispossession. Throughout the text, Bazian is able to tie each chapter to the present state of affairs and remind the audience of the trauma of a people forcibly removed. Bazian opens with the straightforward assertion that “Palestine is the last settler-colonial project to be commissioned in the late 19th early 20th centuries and still unfolding in the 21st century with no end in sight” (17). In chapter one, “Dissecting the Ottomans and Colonizing Palestine,” Bazian navigates the biased historiography of the fall of the Ottoman empire, linking the collapse of the empire to the colonizing forces of Europe which sought to ensure access to the newly discovered oil in the region as well as to Asia and Africa. Bazian masterfully steers the reader through the history of European intervention, and in particular on behalf of Christians as ethnic minorities in the Middle East. Europe is historically anti-Jewish; at the turn of the century, Zionism was determined to solve Europe’s “Jewish Problem” and maintain a stronghold in the Middle East, he writes. In chapter two, “Israel’s Biblical Theology of Dispossession,” Bazian explores the biblical roots of Zionist ideology. The chapter opens with a discussion of a contemporary Bedouin tribe being expelled in the Negev. Bazian writes that “the biblical text gets transformed into policy by the Zionist state, by which it then normalizes or makes legal the wholesale theft of Palestinian lands and expulsion of the population”(57) using legal documents such as the Levy Report. These policies create “facts on the ground” which lead to “legalized expulsions.” The Bible was central to the historical development of the European Christian supremacist idea of the Holy Land. The loss of the territory conquered during the Crusades ruptured this notion, a break “fixed” through Zionism. In chapter three, “British Colonialism and Incubation of Zionism,”Bazian begins to address British colonialism and Zionism as complementary. Bazian uses primary texts from British political actors of the time, such as Lord Robert Cecil and Lord Balfour, to establish the anti-Semiticinspiration for British actions of the time. Bazian also successfully uses the Hussein-McMahon Correspondence and the Sykes-Picot agreement to establish the double dealings of the British in the Middle East in the early twentieth century. Bazian uses many primary texts in this chapter effectively, though their organization could leave readers confused. Chapter four, “Zionism: Eurocentric Colonial Epistemic,” continues the themes of the prior chapter as the colonial influence is cemented. In this chapter, Bazian explores the subterfuge and the genius propaganda selling Palestine as “a land without a people for a people without a land” along with “making the desert bloom”—as if the indigenous Arab people were not there. Bazian frames this chapter within the Zionist ideology of the peoples living in the land being only a barrier to a Jewish state in Palestine. Bazian uses primary sources (e.g., Herzl) to defend the assertion that the removal of the Palestinian people was always a piece of the Zionist plan. Bazian also includes Jewish critical voices (e.g., excerpts from the reporter Ella Shohat) to establish the European Jewish bias against the indigenous Arab peoples, including Sephardic Jews. Bazian that these biases and the effort to remove Palestinians from their land defined the early Zionist movement and the creation of the state of Israel in chapter five, “Building a State and Ethnic Cleansing.” This chapter draws extensively on primary sources: correspondence, reports, declarations, agreements, commissions, and maps. Bazian struggles to organize these rich resources in a clear fashion; however, his analysis matches the richness of the sources. These sources establish the “legalized” systematic removal of the Palestinians from the land by the Israelis in 1948. In chapter six, “The Nakba,” Bazian uses further legal documents and first-hand accounts to trace the forced removal of Palestinians. He pays homage to the trauma while critically dissecting the process of legalizing ethnic cleansing and peddling the innocence of the Israelis to the rest of the world. Bazian profoundly concludes his chapter with the story of a Palestinian boy who witnessed the mass executions of men and women of his village and marched away from his home. The boy, now a man, closed his story with poignant words that capture the horror of the Nakba: “The road to Ramallah had become an open cemetery” (241). After the land was emptied the new state of Israel needed to legally take possession of the Palestinian-owned property. Chapter seven, “Colonial Machination,” elaborates this process: “the State of Israel is structured to give maximum attention to fulfillment of the settler-colonial project and the state apparatus is directed toward achieving this criminal enterprise” (243). The name “Palestine” is erased as a name for the land and the peoples; former colonial and Ottoman laws were twisted to support a systematic theft of the land. Bazian concludes his book with a look to the future: “What is the way forward and Palestine’s de-colonial horizon?” (276). He lays out the options available for true and lasting peace, discounting out of hand the twostate solution as impossible due to the extent of the settlements in the West Bank. He also dismisses both the options of the removal of Palestinians and the removal of the Jewish people. He instead posits a way forward through a one-state solution, leaving how this is to be done to the reader and the people of Israel/Palestine to determine. Bazian has contributed a full-bodied analysis of primary sources to defend his assertion that Zionism has always been a settler colonial movement with its goal being a land devoid of the indigenous people. The organization of the text, the lack of sectioning in the chapters, and the technical insertion and citation of primary sources could be improved for clearer reading. Bazian thoroughly defends his thesis with tangible evidence that Zionism is something colonial, and has been something colonial from the start. This is a text that complicates the narrative of what colonialism is, what the State of Israel is, and who and what Palestine is, together establishing the book as required reading for understanding nuances of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Shelby Perez Master’s Divinity Candidate Chicago Theological Seminary
40
Perez, Shelby. "Palestine…It Is Something Colonial." American Journal of Islam and Society 35, no. 4 (October 29, 2018): 64–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v35i4.475.
Full textAbstract:
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has not existed since the beginning of time. Hatem Bazian explores the roots of the conflict, locating the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project under the tutelage of British colonial efforts. Bazian’s text is a look at and beyond first-hand accounts, an investigation of and critical analysis of settler practice in relation to similar texts such as Sari Nusseibeh’s Once Upon a Country: A Palestinian Life, Alan Dowty’s Israel/Palestine, and Ari Shavit’s My Promised Land. Hatem Bazian’s Palestine…it is something colonial is not an introduction to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Readers should possess a basic understanding of the conflict and history of the region over the last century. Nor does this text provide the reader with an unbiased look at the timeline of events since the inception of the Zionist movement. Palestine…it is something colonial instead is a rich critique of the Zionist movement and British colonialism. It investigates the way British colonialism influenced Zionism and how Zionism adopted colonial ideas and practices. Bazian locates Zionism as a settler colonialist movement still at work today, which historically planned and systematically executed the removal of Palestinians from their land, with the aid of the United Kingdom and (later) the United States. Bazian examines Ottoman collapse, the colonization of Palestine by the British, Israel’s biblical theology of dispossession, as well as British colonial incubation of Zionism, Zionism as a Eurocentric episteme, the building of Israel through ethnic cleansing, and the Nakba, all of these culminating in legalized dispossession. Throughout the text, Bazian is able to tie each chapter to the present state of affairs and remind the audience of the trauma of a people forcibly removed. Bazian opens with the straightforward assertion that “Palestine is the last settler-colonial project to be commissioned in the late 19th early 20th centuries and still unfolding in the 21st century with no end in sight” (17). In chapter one, “Dissecting the Ottomans and Colonizing Palestine,” Bazian navigates the biased historiography of the fall of the Ottoman empire, linking the collapse of the empire to the colonizing forces of Europe which sought to ensure access to the newly discovered oil in the region as well as to Asia and Africa. Bazian masterfully steers the reader through the history of European intervention, and in particular on behalf of Christians as ethnic minorities in the Middle East. Europe is historically anti-Jewish; at the turn of the century, Zionism was determined to solve Europe’s “Jewish Problem” and maintain a stronghold in the Middle East, he writes. In chapter two, “Israel’s Biblical Theology of Dispossession,” Bazian explores the biblical roots of Zionist ideology. The chapter opens with a discussion of a contemporary Bedouin tribe being expelled in the Negev. Bazian writes that “the biblical text gets transformed into policy by the Zionist state, by which it then normalizes or makes legal the wholesale theft of Palestinian lands and expulsion of the population”(57) using legal documents such as the Levy Report. These policies create “facts on the ground” which lead to “legalized expulsions.” The Bible was central to the historical development of the European Christian supremacist idea of the Holy Land. The loss of the territory conquered during the Crusades ruptured this notion, a break “fixed” through Zionism. In chapter three, “British Colonialism and Incubation of Zionism,”Bazian begins to address British colonialism and Zionism as complementary. Bazian uses primary texts from British political actors of the time, such as Lord Robert Cecil and Lord Balfour, to establish the anti-Semiticinspiration for British actions of the time. Bazian also successfully uses the Hussein-McMahon Correspondence and the Sykes-Picot agreement to establish the double dealings of the British in the Middle East in the early twentieth century. Bazian uses many primary texts in this chapter effectively, though their organization could leave readers confused. Chapter four, “Zionism: Eurocentric Colonial Epistemic,” continues the themes of the prior chapter as the colonial influence is cemented. In this chapter, Bazian explores the subterfuge and the genius propaganda selling Palestine as “a land without a people for a people without a land” along with “making the desert bloom”—as if the indigenous Arab people were not there. Bazian frames this chapter within the Zionist ideology of the peoples living in the land being only a barrier to a Jewish state in Palestine. Bazian uses primary sources (e.g., Herzl) to defend the assertion that the removal of the Palestinian people was always a piece of the Zionist plan. Bazian also includes Jewish critical voices (e.g., excerpts from the reporter Ella Shohat) to establish the European Jewish bias against the indigenous Arab peoples, including Sephardic Jews. Bazian that these biases and the effort to remove Palestinians from their land defined the early Zionist movement and the creation of the state of Israel in chapter five, “Building a State and Ethnic Cleansing.” This chapter draws extensively on primary sources: correspondence, reports, declarations, agreements, commissions, and maps. Bazian struggles to organize these rich resources in a clear fashion; however, his analysis matches the richness of the sources. These sources establish the “legalized” systematic removal of the Palestinians from the land by the Israelis in 1948. In chapter six, “The Nakba,” Bazian uses further legal documents and first-hand accounts to trace the forced removal of Palestinians. He pays homage to the trauma while critically dissecting the process of legalizing ethnic cleansing and peddling the innocence of the Israelis to the rest of the world. Bazian profoundly concludes his chapter with the story of a Palestinian boy who witnessed the mass executions of men and women of his village and marched away from his home. The boy, now a man, closed his story with poignant words that capture the horror of the Nakba: “The road to Ramallah had become an open cemetery” (241). After the land was emptied the new state of Israel needed to legally take possession of the Palestinian-owned property. Chapter seven, “Colonial Machination,” elaborates this process: “the State of Israel is structured to give maximum attention to fulfillment of the settler-colonial project and the state apparatus is directed toward achieving this criminal enterprise” (243). The name “Palestine” is erased as a name for the land and the peoples; former colonial and Ottoman laws were twisted to support a systematic theft of the land. Bazian concludes his book with a look to the future: “What is the way forward and Palestine’s de-colonial horizon?” (276). He lays out the options available for true and lasting peace, discounting out of hand the twostate solution as impossible due to the extent of the settlements in the West Bank. He also dismisses both the options of the removal of Palestinians and the removal of the Jewish people. He instead posits a way forward through a one-state solution, leaving how this is to be done to the reader and the people of Israel/Palestine to determine. Bazian has contributed a full-bodied analysis of primary sources to defend his assertion that Zionism has always been a settler colonial movement with its goal being a land devoid of the indigenous people. The organization of the text, the lack of sectioning in the chapters, and the technical insertion and citation of primary sources could be improved for clearer reading. Bazian thoroughly defends his thesis with tangible evidence that Zionism is something colonial, and has been something colonial from the start. This is a text that complicates the narrative of what colonialism is, what the State of Israel is, and who and what Palestine is, together establishing the book as required reading for understanding nuances of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Shelby Perez Master’s Divinity Candidate Chicago Theological Seminary
41
Rongved Amundsen, Julie. "Deler og helheter. Om forholdet mellom teater og ideologikritikk." Peripeti 16, S8 (December 2, 2019): 44–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/peri.v16is8.117593.
Full textAbstract:
Artikkelen diskuterer begreper som realisme og fiksjonskontrakt og setter dem i sammenheng med den marxistiske tradisjonens forståelse av ideologi. Gjennom disse linsene diskuteres teaterhistoriens bruk av virkelighet og Rimini Protokolls forestilling 100% Oslo.
The article discusses terms like realism and contract of fiction, and sees them through the marxist tradition of ideology. Through these lensens the article focuses on theatre history’s use of the real and on Rimini Protokoll’s performance 100% Oslo.
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Kunkeler, Nathaniël. "Dietsland Empire?" Locus: Revista de História 28, no. 2 (December 20, 2022): 124–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.34019/2594-8296.2022.v28.37259.
Full textAbstract:
Dutch fascism was marked by an international outlook and character from the outset in the 1920s. Rather than a purely Netherlands affair, it had proponents in multiple countries, particularly Belgium and the East Indies (Indonesia). For many of these, the idea of a Great Netherlands territory uniting all Dutch-speaking nations – Dietsland – was central to their international vision. There were a number of Dutch fascist parties and other organisations spread across the globe which experienced limited success throughout the 1920s, notably Flemish fascists in Belgium, and the reactionary Fatherland Club in the Dutch Indies. The latter was the most important, successfully mobilising the white settler population against perceived weakness in the face of Indonesian nationalism and communism. In the early 1930s they became influenced by fascism. The dominant fascist force of the 1930s however was Anton Mussert’s National Socialist Movement, which became a considerable force in the Netherlands, but proportionally even greater in the East Indies. Permitting mixed-race members in the party, it established integrated branches in the colonies where it became the largest political party. An inclusive culturalist notion of Dietsland was central to the party’s international vision and plans for a future fascist Imperium. It took a broadly positive stance towards the colonial administration, pointing to it as a model of fascist rule. This international Dutch fascism was underpinned by a transnational network of members and colonial administrators and army veterans which moved around the Dutch empire. This had a real impact on the development of party ideology, as leaders had to reckon with the influence of the transnational fascist network. However, ultimately metropolitan chauvinism and white supremacism determined the ultimate failure of Dutch fascism in the Indies and the hollowness of the Dietsland myth.
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Marsden, Beth. "“The system of compulsory education is failing”." History of Education Review 47, no. 2 (October 1, 2018): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-11-2017-0024.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the ways in which the mobility of indigenous people in Victoria during the 1960s enabled them to resist the policy of assimilation as evident in the structures of schooling. It argues that the ideology of assimilation was pervasive in the Education Department’s approach to Aboriginal education and inherent in the curriculum it produced for use in state schools. This is central to the construction of the state of Victoria as being devoid of Aboriginal people, which contributes to a particularly Victorian perspective of Australia’s national identity in relation to indigenous people and culture. Design/methodology/approach This paper utilises the state school records of the Victorian Department of Education, as well as the curriculum documentation and resources the department produced. It also examines the records of the Aborigines Welfare Board. Findings The Victorian Education Department’s curriculum constructed a narrative of learning and schools which denied the presence of Aboriginal children in classrooms, and in the state of Victoria itself. These representations reflect the Department and the Victorian Government’s determination to deny the presence of Aboriginal children, a view more salient in Victoria than elsewhere in the nation due to the particularities of how Aboriginality was understood. Yet the mobility of Aboriginal students – illustrated in this paper through a case study – challenged both the representations of Aboriginal Victorians, and the school system itself. Originality/value This paper is inspired by the growing scholarship on Indigenous mobility in settler-colonial studies and offers a new perspective on assimilation in Victoria. It interrogates how curriculum intersected with the position of Aboriginal students in Victorian state schools, and how their position – which was often highly mobile – was influenced by the practices of assimilation, and by Aboriginal resistance and responses to assimilationist practices in their lives. This paper contributes to histories of assimilation, Aboriginal history and education in Victoria.
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WOHLFORTH, WILLIAM C. "Ideology and the Cold War." Review of International Studies 26, no. 2 (April 2000): 327–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500003272.
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Scholars interested in international relations theory and history are indebted to Mark Kramer for his splendid review of new historical evidence on the role of ideas and power during the Cold War. I agree with Kramer that new evidence by itself never settles learned debates such as the one he reviews. However, the sharper the debate, the bigger the potential payoff from fresh evidence. Toward that end, I have three comments.
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Possick, Chaya. "Coping with the threat of place disruption by long-term Jewish settlers on the West Bank." International Social Work 49, no. 2 (March 2006): 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872806061235.
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English This article presents a qualitative analysis of place disruption as experienced by settlers on the West Bank during the Oslo peace process. The findings demonstrate that place ideology develops and persists as a response to stress. The article concludes with a discussion of the importance of addressing ideological issues in social work interventions. French Cet article présente une analyse qualitative de l'expérience des colons juifs établis dans 'the West Bank', vivant sous la menace d'une relocalisation pendant le processus de paix d'Oslo. Les résultats révèlent qu'une idéalisation d'un lieu se développe de faµon persistante en réponse au stress. L'article en vient à la conclusion qu'il est important de traiter les idéalisations en intervention sociale. Spanish Se presenta un análisis cualitativo del desplazamiento experimentado por los colonos establecidos en el West Bank durante el Proceso de Paz de Oslo. Se demuestra que una respuesta al estrés es el desarrollo y persistencia de una ideología de lugar. Se concluye que es importante para el trabajo social intervenir en asuntos ideológicos.
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Solonska, Natalia. "BORYS OLEKSANDRIV: MORAL TRAUMA IN THE SOVIET TIMES AND ITS OVERCOMING IN CANADA." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 29 (2021): 158–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2021.29.21.
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The purpose of the article to draw the attention of scientists and the public to an extremely relevant modern social and scientific problem that requires a monographic study, in-depth historical, political and philosophical analysis, development of theoretical foundations to the problem of moral trauma caused by forced emigration. It examines the problem of moral trauma of Ukrainians who were forced to emigrate to Canada after World War II, highlights the conflict between the individual and the inhumane ethics of the Soviet regime, between the morals of its social system and man; who found herself in a situation of cardinal moral choice life and play, life and exile in concentration camps, but rather physical abuse, even death. The price of moral choice, which led to intrapersonal conflict, is analyzed. An attempt is made to explore the essence of the above problem; to reconstruct the conflict of opposing social morals, different points of view on determining the value of each individual's life and understanding this value on the example of his destiny, to analyze its sociologization, adaptation in a new foreign language environment, in Canada, a country with tolerant ideology; rethinking of moral and psychological guidelines by the settler. It is noted that the problem of moral trauma of emigrants, even in emigrant studies, an interdisciplinary science in its concept, the object of study of which is emigration, "homo emigrans – one of the anthropological types (human aspects), such as homo socialis, homo oeconomicus, homo religiosus, homo politicus" remains so far out of the attention of scientists. Given that the problem of moral trauma of emigrants is open in science and the fact that emigrant studies is an interdisciplinary science, it is proposed to allocate an independent scientific field ¬ moral emigrant studies. The moral trauma caused by forced emigration from the homeland is presented in the article on the example of the fate of the famous Ukrainian poet, translator, scientist, editor Borys Oleksandrov (real name Borys Oleksandrovych Hrybinsky (July 21, 1921, Ruzhyn, Zhytomyr region, December 21, 1979, Toronto, the author of five poetry collections, humorous and satirical works, signed under the pseudonym Svirid Lomachka, articles scattered in various Canadian Ukrainian-language periodicals, and together with Yu. Slovo was the head of its Toronto branch, a member of the presidium of the New York Writers' Organization, and for almost twenty years the director of five Toronto libraries.
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Malik, Bashir Ahmed, Dr Fareed-ud-Din Tariq, and Raja Majid Moazzam. "قاضی فتح اللہ صدیقی شطاری اور ان کی کتاب ’’خزائن فتحیۃ الاسرار‘‘:تجزیاتی مطالعہ." Al-Duhaa 2, no. 02 (November 25, 2021): 157–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.51665/al-duhaa.002.02.0104.
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Qazi Fethullah Siddiqi Shatteri belongs to the set of Shattari Saint. His ancestors migrated from Arabs and settled in yeoman after that Seestan and Khorasan was the place where his family’s saint Shaikh Qawam u din came in the subcontinent. They started residing permanently near the city of Delhi in Estrin Punjab. Muhammad Hassan Ruhtasi said him to settle in Jammu and Kashmir in the western part of the city Mirpur, where the Hindus were in majority. They were given the work to preach Islam, like Syed Ali Hamdani, s ideology. He reforms the government and common people that is the way he got success in his region. For the upcoming generation’s guidance, he works a book “khazain fathiyat ul Asrar’ ’in Persian and Arabic language. This book is unpublished and it is situated in Dears Sharif (Aghaar) kotli AJK, his family remains busy in social and religious activities. In this article, we will present an analysis of Qazi Fethullah Siddiqi religious and social services so that the services rendered for your Islamization can be introduced to the public.
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Arthur, C. J. "Marx and Engels, The German Ideology." Royal Institute of Philosophy Lecture Series 20 (March 1986): 149–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1358246100004094.
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The texts before us are relatively early works. They predate the famous Manifesto of the Communist Party of 1848. Their importance lies in this: that here historical materialism is outlined and defended for the first time. This new philosophy is elaborated in the course of Marx and Engels' effort to settle accounts with previous German philosophy—and, perhaps, with philosophy as such. The new outlook is developed, therefore, in the context of polemic against Hegel and Feuerbach, precisely the thinkers that they most admired earlier in fact.
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Arthur, C. J. "Marx and Engels, The German Ideology." Royal Institute of Philosophy Lecture Series 20 (March 1986): 149–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957042x00004090.
Full textAbstract:
The texts before us are relatively early works. They predate the famous Manifesto of the Communist Party of 1848. Their importance lies in this: that here historical materialism is outlined and defended for the first time. This new philosophy is elaborated in the course of Marx and Engels' effort to settle accounts with previous German philosophy—and, perhaps, with philosophy as such. The new outlook is developed, therefore, in the context of polemic against Hegel and Feuerbach, precisely the thinkers that they most admired earlier in fact.
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Papadima, Aspasia. "Visual Graphetics and Language Ideology." International Journal of Signs and Semiotic Systems 5, no. 2 (July 2016): 35–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsss.2016070103.
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There are certain sounds in the Greek-Cypriot dialect (henceforth GCD) that cannot be represented by characters from the Greek alphabet in its written form. Contradicting ideologies have made it impossible for Cypriots to settle on an official and common orthographic system, which has led to a rich variety of typographic conventions and many significant typographic drawbacks. This study aims to introduce a new set of typographic characters for the representation of the palato-alveolar GCD consonants that would provide ideal reading conditions for users (Unger, 2007; Noordzij, 2005; Bringhurst, 2005), while taking into consideration their political and cultural stances and needs. The new typographic system has been tested in two rounds of action research, providing both quantitative and qualitative data. The results show that the proposed system satisfies both the design and linguistic criteria of a successful written system as proposed by Sebba (2007), namely phonological accuracy, simplicity and readability.