Journal articles on the topic 'Settler Colonial Violence'
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1
McDonald, Jared. "Debating San provenance and disappearance: Frontier violence and the assimilationist impulse of humanitarian imperialism." Historia 67, no. 1 (June 16, 2022): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-8392/2022/v67n1a1.
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This article examines how ideals of humanitarian imperialism informed debate over the provenance and future of Cape San following the Second British Occupation of the Cape Colony. The discussion explores the plight of San along the Cape frontier and how their demise became a focal point in a trans-colonial exchange over the desirability of the incorporation of indigenes as British colonial subjects. Prominent humanitarian protagonists, such as John Philip, called for the integration of San as colonial subjects, owing to the supposed protection this would afford them. The humanitarian campaign for the extension of subjecthood over Cape San was argued on the grounds that it would fend off the devastating consequences of settler colonialism. The principle also applied to indigenous peoples in settler colonies across the expanding empire. This view was not without its detractors, who opposed humanitarian representations of settlers as rapacious and responsible for frontier conflicts. The article argues that the fate of Cape San held a more prominent place in early nineteenth-century contestations over settler identity, frontier relations, and the effectiveness of missions to 'civilise' indigenes than has been recognised.
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Veracini, Lorenzo. "Settler Collective, Founding Violence and Disavowal: The Settler Colonial Situation." Journal of Intercultural Studies 29, no. 4 (November 2008): 363–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07256860802372246.
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Baker, Jillian. "Review of Settler City Limits: Indigenous Resurgence and Colonial Violence in the Urban Prairie West by Heather Dorries, Robert Henry, David Hugill, Tyler McCreary, and Julie Tomiak (Eds.). Winnipeg, MB: University of Manitoba Press, 2019." Engaged Scholar Journal: Community-Engaged Research, Teaching, and Learning 6, no. 2 (April 15, 2021): 158–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15402/esj.v6i2.70742.
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Opening with the definitive (and ultimately central) assertion that “[cities] are places where Indigenous peoples have continually resisted and challenged the normalizations of settler colonial violence” (p. 1), Settler City Limits: Indigenous Resurgence and Colonial Violence in the Urban Prairie West is a well-woven collection of essays, each of which pulls at the frayed edges of colonial narratives that continually dress and address the “city” as a distinctly settler space.
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Dorries, Heather, and Laura Harjo. "Beyond Safety: Refusing Colonial Violence Through Indigenous Feminist Planning." Journal of Planning Education and Research 40, no. 2 (January 11, 2020): 210–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0739456x19894382.
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Settler colonial violence targets Indigenous women in specific ways. While urban planning has attended to issues of women’s safety, the physical dimensions of safety tend to be emphasized over the social and political causes of women’s vulnerability to violence. In this paper, we trace the relationship between settler colonialism and violence against Indigenous women. Drawing on examples from community activism and organizing, we consider how Indigenous feminism might be applied to planning and point toward approaches to planning that do not replicate settler colonial violence.
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Nath, Nisha, and Willow Samara Allen. "Settler Colonial Socialization in Public Sector Work: Moving from Privilege to Complicity." Studies in Social Justice 16, no. 1 (January 24, 2022): 200–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v16i1.2648.
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In this piece, we ask, what are the risks of a pedagogy and politics that begins and ends with privilege? What does it mean to declare privilege when embedded in institutions of the settler colonial state? These questions are raised through an ongoing project where we interview provincial public sector workers on Treaty 6, 7 and 8 (Alberta, Canada) and Coast Salish Territories (British Columbia, Canada) about their implications in settler colonialism through public sector work. In the project, we articulate the interdisciplinary framework of settler colonial socialization to consider the space between individuals and structures – the meso-space where settlers are made by learning how to take up the work of settler colonialism. For these reasons, in our research we ask, “what do the pedagogical processes of settler colonial socialization tell us about how systemic colonial violence is sustained, and how it might be disrupted or refused in public sector work?” In this paper, we narrow our focus to the declarations of privilege that many of our interview participants are making. We reflect on these declarations and consider whether focusing on settler complicity and Indigenous refusals can better support a decolonial politics for settlers working in the public sector. We argue that declarations of privilege risk reproducing settler-centric logics that maintain settler colonialism, settler jurisdiction, and settler certainty, and we reflect on how to orient participants (and ourselves) towards the material realization of relational accountability and towards imagining otherwise.
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Dwyer, Philip, and Lyndall Ryan. "Reflections on genocide and settler-colonial violence." History Australia 13, no. 3 (July 2, 2016): 335–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14490854.2016.1202336.
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Haddad, Ralph. "Queering the Occupation: Settler Colonial Sexualities in the Era of Homonationalism." Kohl: A Journal for Body and Gender Research 3, Summer (June 1, 2017): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.36583/kohl/3-1-14.
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This paper focuses on the relationship between settler-colonialism, nation building, and the policing of bodies via the white settler-colonial gaze. Overviewing the impact of settler-colonialism on sexuality, I move into a comparative analysis of settler colonialism as it impacted sexualities during Apartheid-era South Africa and those of Palestine under the ongoing Israeli occupation. I discuss the othering of “indigeneity” as opposed to the “modern” configuration of the settlers’ sexualities that happened in what is now North America, and how it reconfigured gayness as whiteness, violently racializing, policing and re-socializing Indigenous. Using the comparative framework, I then transition to Palestine, where the Israeli occupation imposes violence upon, but also utilizes, queer Palestinian bodies to further its ongoing settler-colonial nation-building project through the coercive and imaginative labor of homonationlism and pinkwashing.
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Ruíz, Elena, and Nora Berenstain. "Gender-Based Administrative Violence as Colonial Strategy." Philosophical Topics 46, no. 2 (2018): 209–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtopics201846219.
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There is a growing trend across North America of women being criminalized for their pregnancy outcomes. Rather than being a series of aberrations resulting from institutional failures, we argue that this trend is part of a colonial strategy of administrative violence aimed at women of color and Native women across Turtle Island. We consider a range of medical and legal practices constituting gender-based administrative violence, and we argue that they are the result of non-accidental and systematic production of population-level harms that cannot be disentangled from the goals of ongoing settler occupation and dispossession of Indigenous lands. While white feminist narratives of gender-based administrative violence in Latin America function to distance the places where such violence occurs from the ‘liberal democratic’ settler nation-states of the U.S. and Canada, we hold that administrative forms of reproductive violence against Latin American women are structurally connected to efforts in the U.S. and Canada to criminalize women of color and Indigenous women for their reproductive outcomes. The purpose of these systemically produced harms is to sustain cultures of gender-based violence in support of settler colonial configurations of power.
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Michael Grewcock. "Settler-Colonial Violence, Primitive Accumulation and Australia's Genocide." State Crime Journal 7, no. 2 (2018): 222. http://dx.doi.org/10.13169/statecrime.7.2.0222.
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Greensmith, Cameron, and Sulaimon Giwa. "Challenging Settler Colonialism in Contemporary Queer Politics: Settler Homonationalism, Pride Toronto, and Two-Spirit Subjectivities." American Indian Culture and Research Journal 37, no. 2 (January 1, 2013): 129–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicr.37.2.p4q2r84l12735117.
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By centralizing the experiences of seven, urban, self-identified Two-Spirit Indigenous people in Toronto, this paper addresses the settler-colonial complexities that arise within contemporary queer politics: how settler colonialism has seeped into Pride Toronto's contemporary Queer politics to normalize White queer settler subjectivities and disavow Indigenous Two-Spirit subjectivities. Utilizing Morgensen's settler homonationalism, the authors underscore that contemporary Queer politics in Canada rely on the eroticization of Two-Spirit subjectivities, Queer settler violence, and the production of (White) Queer narratives of belonging that simultaneously promote the inclusion and erasure of Indigenous presence. Notwithstanding Queer settler-colonial violence, Two-Spirit peoples continue to engage in settler resistance by taking part in Pride Toronto and problematizing contemporary manifestations of settler homonationalism. Findings highlight the importance of challenging the workings of settler colonialism within contemporary Queer politics in Canada, and addressing the tenuous involvements of Indigenous Two-Spirit peoples within Pride festivals. The article challenges non-Indigenous Queers of color, racialized diasporic, and White, to consider the value of a future that takes seriously the conditions of settler colonialism and White supremacy.
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Shalhoub-Kevorkian, Nadera, Stéphanie Wahab, and Ferdoos Abed-Rabo Al-Issa. "Feminist Except for Palestine: Where Are Feminist Social Workers on Palestine?" Affilia 37, no. 2 (February 24, 2022): 204–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08861099221079381.
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Despite international social work commitments to social justice, human dignity, and individual worth, feminist social work remains silent on Palestine. Israeli settler colonial violence pushes us to revisit our responsibilities to stand against colonized militarism. We insist that collective liberation is a feminist ethical constant, a political bosom for decolonization, a compass for critical feminist social work. In this article, we extend previously made claims that Palestine is a feminist issue by highlighting four moral imperatives: 1) persistent sumud, (2) gendered impacts of Zionism's settler colonial violence, 3) commitments to justice and liberation, and 4) feminist praxis of narrating violence.
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Pfingst, Annie, and Wangui Kimari. "Carcerality and the legacies of settler colonial punishment in Nairobi." Punishment & Society 23, no. 5 (November 13, 2021): 697–722. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14624745211041845.
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From the beginning of its colonial settlement in Kenya, the British administration criminalized Kenyans. Even now, colonial modes of punishment, incarceration, closure, interrogation, curfew, confiscation, separation, displacement, and detention without trial are deeply embedded in the spatial and ideological arrangements of post-colonial Kenya. Initially assumed to herald a rupture from colonial modes of criminalization and punishment, the post-colonial period instead normalized them. Through ethnographic, scholarly, and visual encounters, the paper engages five interconnecting structures that engendered the legacy of a seamless system of control, containment, and punishment evident in the ‘afterlives’ of empire. These are settler colonialism, violence, racism, colonial corporeality, and capitalism. The paper attends to the violence and brutality that endures in the very geographies that were the urban targets of colonial siege and links the carceral practices of settler colonialism and the everyday post-colonial governance of Nairobi’s poor neighbourhoods, encounters with the debris and ruination of empire found in the material and spatial fabric of Mathare. We take up a critical encounter with colonial files to both discern the continuity and lineage of carceral practices and to disrupt the authorial totality and continuity the colonial archive files assembled. The paper includes archival and authored photographs:
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Park, Augustine S. J. "Settler Colonialism, Decolonization and Radicalizing Transitional Justice." International Journal of Transitional Justice 14, no. 2 (March 19, 2020): 260–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijtj/ijaa006.
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Abstract Although transitional justice has been mobilized to address violence perpetrated under regimes of settler colonialism that are also established liberal democracies, this article theorizes the inability of paradigmatic transitional justice to confront settler colonialism. The liberal teleology of transitional justice risks working to realize the self-supersessionist goal of replacing the colony with a ‘post-colonial’, settler/settled polity. Drawing on Indigenous scholars, decolonization is explored through refusal, resurgence and prefiguration. The article advances a counterfactual proposition: If transitional justice is radicalized it has the potential to contribute to decolonization through decentring the state, inter-nationalizing the justice relation, challenging the legitimacy of the settler regime and abandoning liberal teleology. The article argues for a decolonizing acceptance of indeterminacy and uncertainty.
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McEnroe, Sean F. "SITES OF DIPLOMACY, VIOLENCE, AND REFUGE: Topography and Negotiation in the Mountains of New Spain." Americas 69, no. 02 (October 2012): 179–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000316150000198x.
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Through much of the history of the Americas, political life took place in two spheres: the colonial realm, in which a complex population of Indians, Africans, and Iberians interacted within the civic framework of European institutions; and the extra-colonial realm, in which largely indigenous populations beyond the reach of imperial authority maintained separate political systems. Encounters across this divide were sometimes peaceful and symbiotic, but at other times violent. Many historical discussions of interethnic conflict presume a general and persistent difference in power between these two groups. On Mexico's northern frontier of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, however, the relative advantage enjoyed by colonial versus extra-colonial peoples shifted radically depending on the moment and place of encounter. This article proposes that differences in topography and ecology, often between places not far removed in absolute distance, produced inversions in the relative power enjoyed by indigenous and settler populations. The cultivation of maize was common to the refuge zones of settlers and northern Indians alike: unassimilated Indian bands concealed and protected their crops in difficult-to-find mountain valleys; settler communities, both Spanish and Indian, protected crops close to their respective concentrations of population and militiamen. Both colonial and extra-colonial peoples subsisted on cattle, and the demand for vast pasture spaces produced inevitable conflict. Thus, the geography of the north produced areas of security and vulnerability for all parties.
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McEnroe, Sean F. "SITES OF DIPLOMACY, VIOLENCE, AND REFUGE: Topography and Negotiation in the Mountains of New Spain." Americas 69, no. 2 (October 2012): 179–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2012.0094.
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Through much of the history of the Americas, political life took place in two spheres: the colonial realm, in which a complex population of Indians, Africans, and Iberians interacted within the civic framework of European institutions; and the extra-colonial realm, in which largely indigenous populations beyond the reach of imperial authority maintained separate political systems. Encounters across this divide were sometimes peaceful and symbiotic, but at other times violent. Many historical discussions of interethnic conflict presume a general and persistent difference in power between these two groups. On Mexico's northern frontier of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, however, the relative advantage enjoyed by colonial versus extra-colonial peoples shifted radically depending on the moment and place of encounter. This article proposes that differences in topography and ecology, often between places not far removed in absolute distance, produced inversions in the relative power enjoyed by indigenous and settler populations. The cultivation of maize was common to the refuge zones of settlers and northern Indians alike: unassimilated Indian bands concealed and protected their crops in difficult-to-find mountain valleys; settler communities, both Spanish and Indian, protected crops close to their respective concentrations of population and militiamen. Both colonial and extra-colonial peoples subsisted on cattle, and the demand for vast pasture spaces produced inevitable conflict. Thus, the geography of the north produced areas of security and vulnerability for all parties.
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Seda, Abraham. "Fighting in the Shadow of an Apartheid State: Boxing and Colonialism in Zimbabwe." Kronos 48, no. 1 (September 5, 2022): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-9585/2022/v48a3.
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Boxing was arguably the most popular and controversial sport in colonial Zimbabwe. To tame the sport's violence, which was considered too extreme, colonial officials in Zimbabwe sought guidance and advice from South Africa from the mid-1930s on how best to regulate the sport. South Africa occupied a unique position in this regard, not only because of the relationship it had with colonial Zimbabwe as a neighbouring white settler colony, but also because of how sections of its white settler community responded to the triumphs of Black boxers over white opponents around the world. The colony of South Africa played a significant role in shaping the control of boxing in colonial Zimbabwe. The relationship between the two colonies culminated in the passage of the Boxing and Wrestling Control Act of 1956 in colonial Zimbabwe, an identical version to a similarly named law that South Africa had passed just two years prior.
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Whyte, Kyle. "Settler Colonialism, Ecology, and Environmental Injustice." Environment and Society 9, no. 1 (September 1, 2018): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ares.2018.090109.
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Settler colonialism is a form of domination that violently disrupts human relationships with the environment. Settler colonialism is ecological domination, committing environmental injustice against Indigenous peoples and other groups. Focusing on the context of Indigenous peoples’ facing US domination, this article investigates philosophically one dimension of how settler colonialism commits environmental injustice. When examined ecologically, settler colonialism works strategically to undermine Indigenous peoples’ social resilience as self determining collectives. To understand the relationships connecting settler colonialism, environmental injustice, and violence, the article first engages Anishinaabe intellectual traditions to describe an Indigenous conception of social resilience called collective continuance. One way in which settler colonial violence commits environmental injustice is through strategically undermining Indigenous collective continuance. At least two kinds of environmental injustices demonstrate such violence: vicious sedimentation and insidious loops. The article seeks to contribute to knowledge of how anti-Indigenous settler colonialism and environmental injustice are connected.
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Howitt, Richard. "Unsettling the taken (for granted)." Progress in Human Geography 44, no. 2 (January 17, 2019): 193–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309132518823962.
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Histories of colonial plunder produced geographies that settler societies take for granted as settled. While some aspects of the conqueror/settler imaginary have been unsettled in specific cases, and through the negotiation of new instruments such as the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, various national apologies and modern treaties, much unsettling remains to be done. New geographies of plunder, violence and abuse reinstate geographies of various kleptocracies across the planet, reinforcing the unnatural disasters of displacement, disfigurement and loss on many people, places and communities. This paper uses the framing offered by emergent discourses of Indigenous geographies to reconsider the task of unsettling the taken-for-granted privilege of settler dominance in Indigenous domains.
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Young, Alex Trimble. "Settler Colonial Studies and/as the Transnational Western." History of the Present 11, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 80–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21599785-8772463.
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Abstract The article explores contemporary debates regarding the representation of Indigenous resistance in the field of settler colonial studies by putting the work of Australian theorist Patrick Wolfe into conversation with the political allegories articulated in two contemporary Western films. Its first section, tracing what Wolfe called his “pharmacological indebtedness” to Gayatri Spivak, considers the methodological problems for settler colonial studies that have emerged from Wolfe’s critique of the settler intellectual’s representation of Indigenous resistance. The second section suggests an alternative direction for transnational settler colonial studies by undertaking a comparative reading of two films—Hell or High Water (2016) written by US settler filmmaker Taylor Sheridan, and Goldstone (2016) written and directed by Indigenous Australian (Gamilaroi) director Ivan Sen. Both films collapse the detective genre with settler colonialism’s most recognizable representational genre: the Western. In so doing, they articulate narratives about the ongoing crimes of settler colonialism that offer novel perspectives on the question of what is knowable—and by whom—under settler colonialism’s structure of violence.
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Fobear, Katherine. "Queer Settlers: Questioning Settler Colonialism in LGBT Asylum Processes in Canada." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 30, no. 1 (May 6, 2014): 47–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.38602.
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Refugee and forced migration studies have focused primarily on the refugees’ countries of origin and the causes for migration. Yet it is also important to also critically investi- gate the processes, discourses, and structures of settlement in the places they migrate to. This has particular signifi- cance in settler states like Canada in which research on refugee and forced migration largely ignores the presence of Indigenous peoples, the history of colonization that has made settlement possible, and ways the nation has shaped its borders through inflicting control and violence on Indigenous persons. What does it mean, then, to file a refugee claim in a state like Canada in which there is ongoing colonial violence against First Nations communities? In this article, we will explore what it means to make a refugee claim based on sexual orientation and gender identity in a settler-state like Canada. For sexual and gender minority refugees in Canada, interconnected structures of col- onial discourse and regulation come into force through the Canadian asylum and resettlement process. It is through this exploration that ideas surrounding migration, asylum, and settlement become unsettled.
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Barakat, Rana. "The Right to Maim and Its Implications for Palestine Studies." Journal of Palestine Studies 49, no. 1 (2019): 101–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2019.49.1.101.
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This review essay is an attempt to read Jasbir K. Puar's The Right to Maim: Debility, Capacity, Disability in Palestine studies. It argues that by revealing how settler power, colonial violence, and imperial havoc shape the mechanisms, structures, and systems that target resistance, The Right to Maim both contributes to and disrupts the field of Palestine studies. Exploring the implications of Puar's thesis about maiming as a tool of settler colonial violence within imperial frameworks, the book both disrupts the field of American studies and contributes to areas of inquiry around the study of Zionist violence against Palestine and Palestinians. This essay investigates the lines of Puar's argument in relation to Palestine and as a challenge to discrete conceptualizations of field studies.
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Taschereau Mamers, Danielle. "Human-Bison Relations as Sites of Settler Colonial Violence and Decolonial Resurgence." Humanimalia 10, no. 2 (February 7, 2019): 10–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.52537/humanimalia.9500.
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The near extinction of bison from the North American prairie in the late 19th century made possible the settler colonization of the region and was a devastating rupture in Indigenous lifeways. Settler and Indigenous responses to this extermination reveal, at their core, differing conceptions of human-animal relations. This article analyzes settler and Indigenous narratives of bison extermination and then compares two contemporary conservation policies: the Vermejo Statement’s (2006) ecological recovery model and the Buffalo Treaty’s (2014) decolonial vision for bison restoration. Reading bison extermination and conservation through Indigenous scholarship clarifies how the historical horror of settler colonization has always been a multispecies endeavor. Through an analysis of historical narratives of bison extermination and contemporary bison restoration policies, this article argues that decolonization and conservation require multispecies approaches that take expansive views of human-animal relations. This is a project to which Indigenous thought contributes essential theoretical and methodological tools.
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Murdocca, Carmela. "“Let’s help our own”: Humanitarian compassion as racial governance in settler colonialism." Oñati Socio-Legal Series 10, no. 6 (December 1, 2020): 1270–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1067.
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This article explores narratives of humanitarian compassion as rendered intelligible through the relational intersecting concerns about Syrian refugees and the suicide crisis in the Indigenous community of Attawapiskat, Ontario. Fuelled by a combination of anti-refugee rhetoric, racism and ongoing colonialism experienced by Indigenous people and communities, public and media discourse reveals how humanitarian governance is constitutive of the genealogy of settler colonialism. I suggest that examining the political genealogy of humanitarian governance in white settler colonialism assists in revealing the centrality of racial colonial violence in producing public and media discourse that is contingent upon the relational currencies of anti-refugee rhetoric, racism and humanitarian compassion. As expressions of a grammar of racial difference in liberal settler colonialism, these discourses ultimately reveal how racial colonial violence is constituted through the genealogy of humanitarianism. Este artículo examina las narrativas de compasión humanitaria entendidas a través de las preocupaciones interseccionales de relación sobre los refugiados sirios y la crisis de suicidios en la comunidad indígena de Attawapiskat, Ontario. Alimentado por una combinación de retórica antirrefugiados, racismo y colonialismo persistente experimentado por los pueblos indígenas, el discurso público y mediático revela que la gobernanza humanitaria es constitutiva de la genealogía del colonialismo de asentamiento. Propongo que un examen de la genealogía política de la gobernanza humanitaria en el colonialismo de asentamiento blanco ayuda a revelar la centralidad de la violencia colonial racial en la producción de un discurso público y mediático que es contingente a la moneda de cambio relacional de la retórica racista y antirrefugiados y de la compasión humanitaria. Como expresiones de la gramática de la diferencia racial en el colonialismo liberal del asentamiento, estos discursos finalmente revelan cómo la violencia colonial racial se constituye a través de la genealogía del humanitarismo.
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Tootoosis, Jade, Gina Starblanket, Tasha Hubbard, Lianne Charlie, and Dallas Hunt. "“That’s Where the Medicine Comes From”: Aesthetics of Anti-colonialism in Canada." Journal of Canadian Studies 56, no. 2 (August 1, 2022): 193–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcs-56.2.010.
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In the context of Indigenous-settler relations in Canada, this roundtable conversation confronts dominant modes, methods and frames of colonial violence from Indigenous academic, activist, and artistic perspectives. The authors are all engaged in projects and analyses informed by the desire to advocate for justice following the killing of Colten Boushie and, to a wider degree, other Indigenous victims of violence. With reference to our respective works, we describe and analyze the ways that settler mythologies misrepresent the social and political landscapes of lands claimed by Canada. We reveal the foundational nature of settler claims that lie at the centre of contemporary conflicts between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples, including Indigenous movements for justice. Collectively, we describe a wide array of methodologies, including film, narrative, storying, and processes of artistic production, to offer insights into Indigenous challenges to the various shapes and scales of colonial violence and to the mythologies that sustain it. In so doing, we re-centre our histories, present, and futures in ways that open up possibilities for diverse Indigenous persons to use their gifts within more just Indigenous-settler relationships.
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Strakosch, Elizabeth, and Alissa Macoun. "The violence of analogy: abstraction, neoliberalism and settler colonial possession." Postcolonial Studies 23, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 505–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13688790.2020.1834930.
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YIM, LAURA LEHUA. "Reading Hawaiian Shakespeare: Indigenous Residue Haunting Settler Colonial Racism." Journal of American Studies 54, no. 1 (December 9, 2019): 36–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875819001993.
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As scholarly work on race in Shakespeare studies continues to develop, this article examines how important insights from critical Indigenous studies can help us to refine and enhance this work to more fully see historical moments at which Shakespeare's works have been appropriated in response to the oppression of settler colonialism. Taking an 1893 political cartoon from a New York newspaper as a representation of settler violence against Queen Lili‘uokalani of Hawai‘i, this essay traces the uses of Banquo's ghost in Hawaiian newspapers as a figure that haunts the racializing elimination of Native rule.
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Brown, Lilly. "Indigenous young people, disadvantage and the violence of settler colonial education policy and curriculum." Journal of Sociology 55, no. 1 (August 27, 2018): 54–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783318794295.
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In this article, I argue that settler colonial violence is manifest both in the experiences of Indigenous young people in their engagement with the education system, and in the fact that despite a decade of targeted efforts to close the gap in Indigenous educational ‘disadvantage’ – it still remains. Drawing on a small qualitative study undertaken with Indigenous high school students from across New South Wales, Australia, this research reveals that the dismissal of Indigenous knowledge, stories and perspectives within the classroom is reflective of the broader absence in education policy of a critical engagement with the past and how it impacts both the present and the future. Before concluding, I bring settler colonial theory in relation to sociologist Johan Galtung’s conceptualisation of violence to put forward a complex reading of Indigenous educational disadvantage as a product of colonial dispossession.
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Shulist, Sarah, and Celeste Pedri-Spade. "Lingua Nullius: Indigenous Language Learning and Revitalization as Sites for Settler-Colonial Violence." Canadian Modern Language Review 78, no. 4 (November 1, 2022): 271–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cmlr-2022-0005.
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This article examines the role that Indigenous language learning and use can play in the establishment of false or spurious claims to Indigeneity. These acts of “race shifting” are situated within the political discourse of “Truth and Reconciliation” and serve to enable settlers to situate themselves in positions where, both materially and symbolically, they rely on their claims to “Indigeneity” to take up resources dedicated to Indigenous people. Indigenous language use and language revitalization programs provide tools that can enable these performances of Indigenous identity to become more widely accepted among predominantly settler audiences. We argue that increasing consciousness of the inherently political nature of Indigenous language work – often framed as a move toward language reclamation – must be pushed even further, to consider the possibility that some users are not reclaiming but in fact claiming. These acts of claiming the language function in much the same way as claims to land have within settler colonialism – to dispossess Indigenous people and to disrupt Indigenous sovereignty.
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Griffith, Jane. "Hoover Damn." Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies 17, no. 1 (July 25, 2016): 30–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532708616640012.
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Hoover Dam is a settler-colonial project, requiring Indigenous land and waterways while producing energy that enables further non-Indigenous settlement. In addition to the Dam’s engineering feats, its cultural production—art, pageantry, commemoration, and media—helped to buttress these claims to land. In this article, I offer the concept of dam/ning: how tactics used to preserve White settler memory, history, and claims to land and water seemingly appear to affirm Black and Indigenous lives but in fact veil violence. Also embedded in the term is damning: the strategies used to resist settler-colonial violence, dehumanization, displacement, and land theft. Dam/ning analyzes whose land these actions take place on, who claims this land and how, and what techniques people have used to resist. I draw from a tripartite archive: personal letters from Hoover Dam’s official artist (1920s-1940s), the Bureau of Reclamation’s magazine (1930s), and the town site’s local newspaper (1979). This article begins by establishing the practices of damming—the physical and cultural practices that enabled White settlement, which denigrated Indigenous and Black peoples while requiring their knowledge, art, and bodies; the second half of the article establishes the practices of damning, exposing ways Indigenous and Black communities fought these settler-colonial practices throughout the 20th century.
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Murdock, Esme G. "This Land Was Made for … : (Re)Appearing Black/Brown Female Corporeality, Life, and Death." Hypatia 35, no. 1 (December 23, 2019): 190–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hyp.2019.17.
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Lands and bodies are often conceptualized as exhaustible objects and property within settler-colonial and neoliberal ideologies. These conceptualizations lead to underdevelopment of understandings of lands and bodies that fall outside of these ascriptions, and also attempt to actively obscure the pervasive ways in which settler colonialism violently reinscribes itself on the North American landscape through the murder and disappearance of Black and Brown women's bodies. In this article, I will argue that the continual murder and disappearance of Black and Brown women in North America facilitate the successful functioning of ongoing settler-colonial systems and projects. This violence creates and reinforces the functionality of Black/Brown bodies as the territory upon which settler identity and futurity gains traction, indeed, requires.
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Tanous, Osama, Bram Wispelwey, and Rania Muhareb. "Beyond Statelessness: 'Unchilding' and the Health of Palestinian Children in Jerusalem." Statelessness & Citizenship Review 4, no. 1 (July 20, 2022): 88–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.35715/scr4001115.
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Understanding the key determinants of health of Palestinian children in occupied East Jerusalem is enhanced by analyzing Jerusalem as a settler colonial frontier. Structural racism, prolonged occupation, and settler colonialism shape the social and political determinants of health in Jerusalem, generating ill health and insecurity for Palestinian children who are rendered stateless in their own city. They are “unchilded” and, in fact, treated like enemies of the settler state. Colonial violence penetrates their family stability, homes, classrooms, and targets their bodies and health. In providing a thorough analysis of the lived experience of indigenous Palestinian children in Jerusalem, a broadened understanding of the effects of statelessness on their health can begin to take shape.
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de Finney, Sandrina, Patricia Krueger-Henney, and Lena Palacios. "Reimagining Girlhood in White Settler-Carceral States." Girlhood Studies 12, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): vii—xv. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2019.120302.
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We are deeply honored to have been given the opportunity to edit this special issue of Girlhood Studies, given that it is dedicated to rethinking girlhood in the context of the adaptive, always-evolving conditions of white settler regimes. The contributions to this issue address the need to theorize girlhood—and critiques of girlhood—across the shifting forces of subjecthood, community, land, nation, and borders in the Western settler states of North America. As white settler states, Canada and the United States are predicated on the ongoing spatial colonial occupation of Indigenous homelands. In settler states, as Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang remind us, “the settler never left” (2012: 20) and colonial domination is reasserted every day of active occupation. White settler colonialism functions through the continued control of land, resources, and racialized bodies, and is amalgamated through a historical commitment to slavery, genocide, and the extermination of Indigenous nationhood and worldviews. Under settler colonial regimes, criminal justice, education, immigration, and child welfare systems represent overlapping sites of transcarceral power that amplify intersecting racialized, gendered, sexualized, and what Tanja Aho and colleagues call “carceral ableist” violence (2017: 291). This transcarceral power is enacted through institutional and bureaucratic warfare such as, for example, the Indian Act, the school-to-prison pipeline, and the child welfare system to deny, strategically, Indigenous claims to land and the citizenship of racial others.
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Stuelke, Patricia. "Writing Refugee Crisis in the Age of Amazon: Lost Children Archive's Reenactment Play." Genre 54, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 43–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00166928-8911498.
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This essay analyzes Valeria Luiselli's 2019 novel Lost Children Archive's attempt to imagine anti-imperialist solidarity aesthetics in a moment of the increasing imbrication of the US literary sphere and settler colonial capitalist surveillance of the US-Mexico border, as well as the nonprofit care regime that has arisen to oppose and ameliorate its effects. Because these structures converge around overt and subterranean investments in settler colonial frontier fantasy, the essay focuses particularly on Lost Children Archive's engagement with the tradition of the white male road novel Western in the Americas—Luiselli's attempts to write both through and against this form—as part of the novel's larger attempt to grapple with the formal problems that adhere in representing the temporality and scale of ongoing Central American Indigenous dispossession and refugee displacement in settler colonial capitalism. In exploring the degree to which the Western genre's tradition of, per Philip Deloria, “playing Indian” might oppose the brutal bureaucratic violence of the xenophobic carceral settler US state, the novel builds a critique of the frontier road novel fantasy that it cannot quite sustain.
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Spence, Taylor. "Naming Violence in United States Colonialism." Journal of Social History 53, no. 1 (2019): 157–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shy086.
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Abstract This article reexamines a highly public dispute between a powerful and well-connected Episcopal bishop and his missionary priest, men both central to the government’s campaign of war and assimilation against Indigenous Peoples in the Northern Great Plains of the nineteenth-century United States. The bishop claimed that the priest had engaged in sexual intercourse with a Dakota woman named “Scarlet House,” and used this allegation to remove the priest from his post. No historian ever challenged this claim and asked who Scarlet House was. Employing Dakota-resourced evidence, government and church records, linguistics, and onomastics, this study reveals that in actuality there was no such person as Scarlet House. Furthermore, at the time of the incident, the person in question was not a woman but a child. The church created a fictional personage to cover up what was taking place at the agency: sexual violence against children. After “naming” this violence, this article makes four key historical contributions about the history of US settler colonialism: It documents Dakota Peoples’ agency, by demonstrating how they adapted their social structures to the harrowing conditions of the US mission and agency system. It situates the experiences of two Dakota families within the larger context of settler-colonial conquest in North America, revealing the generational quality of settler-colonial violence. It shows how US governmental policies actually enabled sexual predation against children and women. And, it argues that “naming violence” means both rendering a historical account of the sexual violence experienced by children and families in the care of the US government and its agents, as well as acknowledging how this violence has rippled out through communities and across generations.
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Urrieta, Jr., Luis, and Dolores Calderón. "Critical Latinx Indigeneities: Unpacking Indigeneity from Within and Outside of Latinized Entanglements." Association of Mexican American Educators Journal 13, no. 2 (June 11, 2019): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.24974/amae.13.2.432.
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This article engages an important, but difficult conversation about the erasure of indigeneity in narratives, curriculum, identities, and racial projects that uphold settler colonial logics that fall under the rubric of Hispanic, Latina/o/x, and Chicana/o/x. These settler colonial logics include violence by these groupings against Indigenous people, or indios, that has been part of Mexican and U.S. history in the Southwest. We examine Hispanic, Latina/o/x, and Chicana/o/x settlers’ complicity with myths that support white settler futurity, including through social studies curricula and contemporary discourses of the U.S. as a nation of immigrants. The problematics of Hispanidad and Latinidad are also engaged as part of officialized U.S. state regulation and as an expression of mestizaje based on indigenism (indigenismo). Indigenismo worked hand-in-hand with mestizaje and functioned not so much as a celebration of racial mixture, but as state eugenicist programs of Indigenous erasure throughout Latin America, and by extension in Latino communities in the U.S. Finally, we provide diverse examples of how this process works to advance a theory and praxis of Critical Latinx Indigeneities to decolonize Latinidad and mestizaje in order to envision Indigenous futurities within and outside of the Latinized entanglements of the present.
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Grant, Daragh. "“Civilizing” the Colonial Subject: The Co-Evolution of State and Slavery in South Carolina, 1670–1739." Comparative Studies in Society and History 57, no. 3 (June 25, 2015): 606–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417515000225.
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AbstractSouth Carolina was a staggeringly weak polity from its founding in 1670 until the 1730s. Nevertheless, in that time, and while facing significant opposition from powerful indigenous neighbors, the colony constructed a robust plantation system that boasted the highest slave-to-freeman ratio in mainland North America. Taking this fact as a point of departure, I examine the early management of unfree labor in South Carolina as an exemplary moment of settler-colonial state formation. Departing from the treatment of state formation as a process of centralizing “legitimate violence,” I investigate how the colonial state, and in particular the Commons House of Assembly, asserted an exclusive claim to authority by monopolizing the question of legitimacy itself. In managing unfree laborers, the colonial state extended its authority over supposedly private relations between master and slave and increasingly recast slavery in racial terms. This recasting of racial slavery rested, I argue, on a distinction, pervasive throughout English North America, which divided the world into spheres of savagery and civility. Beneath the racial reordering of colonial life, the institution of slavery was rooted in the same ideological distinction by which the colonial state's claims to authority were justified, with the putative “savagery” of the slave or of the Indian being counterpoised to the supposed civility of English settlers. This article contributes to the literatures on Atlantic slavery and American colonial history, and invites comparison with accounts of state formation and settler colonialism beyond Anglo-America.
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Makey, Leane, Meg Parsons, Karen Fisher, Alyssce Te Huna, Mina Henare, Vicky Miru, Millan Ruka, and Mikaera Miru. "(Un)Heard Voices of Ecosystem Degradation: Stories from the Nexus of Settler-Colonialism and Slow Violence?" Sustainability 14, no. 22 (November 8, 2022): 14672. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su142214672.
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We examine the ecosystem degradation of the Kaipara moana as an example of the nexus of settler colonialism and slow violence. Settler colonialism is a type of domination that violently interrupts Indigenous people’s interactions and relationships with their land-, sea-, and water-scapes. Slow violence provides a conceptual framework to explore the slow and invisible erosion of ecosystems and to make visible how unseen violence inflicted upon nature (such as deforestation and sedimentation pollution) also unfolds at the intimate scale of the Indigenous body and household. Here, we present how the structural violence of settler colonialism and ecological transformations created a form of settler colonial slow violence for humans and more-than-humans which highlights the ethical and justice features of sustainability because of the link with settler-colonialism. We argue for the need to include local knowledge and lived experiences of slow violence to ensure ethical and just ensuring practices that better attend to the relationships between Indigenous peoples and their more-than-human kin (including plants, animals, rivers, mountains, and seas). We build on this argument using auto- and duo-ethnographic research to identify possibilities for making sense of and making visible those forms of harm, loss and dispossession that frequently remain intangible in public, political and academic representations of land-, sea-, and water-scapes. Situated in the Kaipara moana, Aotearoa New Zealand, narratives are rescued from invisibility and representational bias and stories of water pollution, deforestation, institutional racism, species and habitat loss form the narratives of slow violence. (Please see Glossary for translation of Māori language, terms and names.)
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Laurendeau, Jason. "“The Stories That Will Make a Difference Aren’t the Easy Ones”: Outdoor Recreation, the Wilderness Ideal, and Complicating Settler Mobility." Sociology of Sport Journal 37, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 85–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.2019-0128.
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In this autoethnography, I read my history of and connection to outdoor culture, with an eye toward interrogating my complicity in historical and ongoing settler-colonial violence that has rendered my love of “the mountains” both possible and ostensibly unproblematic. In so doing, I unsettle (my) understandings of the connections between land, embodiment, masculinities, and able-bodiedness, exploring how settler attachment to the mountains is predicated on and serves to perpetuate, a(n ongoing) history of land dispossession. I also, however, consider a “different temporal horizon” through a discussion of settler futurity as it relates to outdoor recreation, complicating settler mobility in the process.
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Clarsen, Georgine. "On Growing a Journal." Transfers 10, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 36–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/trans.2020.100105.
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In this era of the neo-liberal academy, establishing an academic journal is a labor of love and hope. In this article, I celebrate the dedication and commitment of its many contributors and reflect on the value of the arts and humanities to the mobilities paradigm. I do that from the perspective of a feminist historian from a settler colonial polity in the southern hemisphere, where uneven mobilities and the violence of dispossession continue to shape national life. I consider how a mobilities framework that derived from the northern hemisphere has spoken to the intellectual and political projects that played out in a colonial settler nation in the southern hemisphere.
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MacDonald, Liana, Kim Bellas, Emma Gardenier, and Adrienne J. Green. "Channelling a Haunting." Public History Review 29 (December 6, 2022): 142–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/phrj.v29i0.8218.
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The Aotearoa New Zealand’s Histories curriculum will be compulsory in 2023; what and how New Zealand history will be taught is currently up for debate. An innovative approach to engaging key curriculum understandings like colonisation, settlement and power would recognise that settler sensibilities frame national histories, to make visible the ongoing structuring force of colonisation. To this end, we present a model for teaching students how to consider a relationship between national identity, collective memory, and colonial history; to read settler cultural bias embedded in national institutions. Channelling a haunting is a process whereby students are encouraged to think and feel as though absent and silenced histories of colonial violence are not resolved, and to critique how settler memory and forgetting about New Zealand history permeates exhibitions at national institutions. Findings from a small group of student teachers who were channelling a haunting at two museums housing documents of national significance show how lovely and difficult knowledge about colonial history can create a sense of embodied racial comfort that legitimises the status quo. Rather than perceive national institutions as culturally neutral, students of all ages may be taught to critically analyse how they are biased to settler perspectives.
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Fong, Sarah E. K. "Racial-Settler Capitalism: Character Building and the Accumulation of Land and Labor in the Late Nineteenth Century." American Indian Culture and Research Journal 43, no. 2 (May 1, 2019): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicrj.43.2.fong.
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In the late nineteenth century, Northern social reformers turned to the cultivation of self-governing Black and Native subjects as a method of racial and colonial governance that simultaneously sought to suspend state violence and preclude resistance to racial subordination and territorial occupation. This articles examines records from the Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute (Virginia) and the Haskell Indian Industrial Institute (Kansas) to reveal “character building” as pedagogical mode to make both labor and land available for capitalist exploitation without recourse to violence. Bridging scholarship on racialization and colonization, this article theorizes the concept of racial-settler capitalism as an intervention into prevailing approaches to racial capitalism and settler capitalism.
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Abu-Rabia-Queder, Sarab. "The biopolitics of declassing Palestinian professional women in a settler-colonial context." Current Sociology 67, no. 1 (December 12, 2017): 141–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392117742432.
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This article argues that the biopolitics of declassing Palestinian professional women in Israel, which constitutes part of the logic of eliminating the native, is mediated by colonial violence that secures labor market class sovereignty for settlers. In this context, the term declassing refers to rendering this class invisible by disregarding the women’s presence and/or value in the labor market. The study unpacks the logic of elimination through the racialized, everyday lived experience of middle-class professional women in Bedouin society who succeeded in entering the Jewish workplace. These women face sophisticated erasure tactics, paralleling various manifestations of the direct politics of fear that discipline the body, will and mind, as well as indirect opposition reflected in the settler-colonial reinforcement of patriarchal power against women. This article reveals concealed violent forms of power practiced by the colonialists to declass Palestinian women and preserve colonialist class superiority in the labor market.
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Ruíz, Elena. "Cultural Gaslighting." Hypatia 35, no. 4 (2020): 687–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hyp.2020.33.
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AbstractThis essay frames systemic patterns of mental abuse against women of color and Indigenous women on Turtle Island (North America) in terms of larger design-of-distribution strategies in settler colonial societies, as these societies use various forms of social power to distribute, reproduce, and automate social inequalities (including public health precarities and mortality disadvantages) that skew socioeconomic gain continuously toward white settler populations and their descendants. It departs from traditional studies in gender-based violence research that frame mental abuses such as gaslighting—commonly understood as mental manipulation through lying or deceit—stochastically, as chance-driven, interpersonal phenomena. Building on structural analyses of knowledge in political epistemology (Dotson 2012a; Berenstain 2016), political theory (Davis and Ernst 2017), and Indigenous social theory (Tuck and Yang 2012), I develop the notion of cultural gaslighting to refer to the social and historical infrastructural support mechanisms that disproportionately produce abusive mental ambients in settler colonial cultures in order to further the ends of cultural genocide and dispossession. I conclude by proposing a social epidemiological account of gaslighting that a) highlights the public health harms of abusive ambients for minority populations, b) illuminates the hidden rules of social structure in settler colonial societies, and c) amplifies the corresponding need for structural reparations.
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Makuwerere Dube, Langton. "Race, Entitlement, and Belonging: A Discursive Analysis of the Political Economy of Land in Zimbabwe." Journal of Black Studies 52, no. 1 (August 20, 2020): 24–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934720946448.
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The access, control, and ownership of land and the means of production is an enduring frontier of conflict in post colonial settler states. Whilst racially tinged, colonialism created “structures of feeling” that sanctioned epistemic violence and created an economy of entitlement and belonging that sustained imperial designs. Zimbabwe’s independence meant the redistribution and proprietorship of land became a central leitmotif of cadastral politics. The article explores the interplay of the contested tropes of race, entitlement, and indigeneity as they informed the highly polarized land redistribution discourse. The discussion takes stock of the dominant narratives of post-colonial state predations, patronage, populism, and megalomania in contradistinction to the various ways in which whiteness and its prejudices and stereotypes nurtured some hubris of entitlement and belonging that retrogressively not only perpetuated colonial settler values and identities but also entrenched racial distance and indifference. The polarized contestations on land redistribution discourse coalesce around concepts such as restitution, indigeneity, nativity, patriotism, race, and class. Therefore while critiquing state excesses that have masked the honorable intentions of land redistribution, the article underscores the complex ways in which white Zimbabweans contributed to the enduring crisis by obdurately fixating their energies on colonial settler entitlements, values, and identities.
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Dhamoon, Rita Kaur. "Re-presenting Genocide: The Canadian Museum of Human Rights and Settler Colonial Power." Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics 1, no. 1 (March 2016): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2015.4.
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AbstractIn settler societies like Canada, United States, and Australia, the bourgeoning discourse that frames colonial violence against Indigenous people as genocide has been controversial, specifically because there is much debate about the meaning and applicability of genocide. Through an analysis of the Canadian Museum for Human Rights, this paper analyzes what is revealed about settler colonialism in the nexus of difficult knowledge, curatorial decisions, and political debates about the label of genocide. I specifically examine competing definitions of genocide, the primacy of the Holocaust, the regulatory role of the settler state, and the limits of a human rights framework. My argument is that genocide debates related to Indigenous experiences operationalize a range of governing techniques that extend settler colonialism, even as Indigenous peoples confront existing hegemonies. These techniques include: interpretative denial; promoting an Oppression Olympics and a politics of distancing; regulating difference through state-based recognition and interference; and depoliticizing claims that overshadow continuing practices of assimilation, extermination, criminalization, containment, and forced movement of Indigenous peoples. By pinpointing these techniques, this paper seeks to build on Indigenous critiques of colonialism, challenge settler national narratives of peaceful and lawful origins, and foster ways to build more just relations between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples.
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Faulkner, Joanne. "Settler-Colonial Violence and the ‘Wounded Aboriginal Child’: Reading Alexis Wright with Irene Watson (and Giorgio Agamben)." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 9, no. 4 (November 26, 2020): 45–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.1689.
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Drawing on Alexis Wright’s novel The Swan Book and Irene Watson’s expansive critique of Australian law, this article locates within the settler–Australian imaginary the figure of the ‘wounded Aboriginal child’ as a site of contest between two rival sovereign logics: First Nations sovereignty (grounded in a spiritual connection to the land over tens of millennia) and settler sovereignty (imposed on Indigenous peoples by physical, legal and existential violence for 230 years). Through the conceptual landscape afforded by these writers, the article explores how the arenas of juvenile justice and child protection stage an occlusion of First Nations sovereignty, as a disappearing of the ‘Aboriginality’ of Aboriginal children under Australian settler law. Giorgio Agamben’s concept of potentiality is also drawn on to analyse this sovereign difference through the figures of Terra Nullius and ‘the child’.
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Martínez-Falquina, Silvia. "Missing is not a destination: Bringing the indigenous woman home in MMIW literature." Crossroads. A Journal of English Studies, no. 37(2) (2022): 103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/cr.2022.37.2.06.
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This article underscores the relevance of literature within the current Missing and Murdered Indigenous Woman movement, which denounces the high rates of violence suffered by Indigenous women in Canada and the USA. As I argue, MMIW literature is a particularly useful form of activism because it makes the problem more visible as it offers a diversity of images that challenge the settler colonial silencing, dehumanizing and pathologizing of the Indigenous woman. Literary texts examine the multiple layers of the MMIW issue and its settler colonial sexist/racist roots, and simultaneously search for an emotional response that boosts engagement. The article offers a contextualization of literature within the MMIW movement in connection to activism, it reflects on the challenges of approaching the issue from a non-Indigenous perspective, and it engages in a close reading of works by Tanaya Winder and Linda LeGarde Grover to illustrate the most significant features of MMIW poetry and fiction. Both authors challenge the Western narrative of survivorism, moving beyond the passive or guilty victim roles in settler colonial representations, and positing relationality as a key value to refute the silencing and invisibility of Indigenous women.
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Vogt, Manuel. "Ethnic Stratification and the Equilibrium of Inequality: Ethnic Conflict in Postcolonial States." International Organization 72, no. 1 (November 27, 2017): 105–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818317000479.
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AbstractWhy are ethnic movements more likely to turn violent in some multiethnic countries than in others? Focusing on the long-term legacies of European overseas colonialism, I investigate the effect of distinct ethnic cleavage types on the consequences of ethnic group mobilization. The colonial settler states and other stratified multiethnic states are characterized by an equilibrium of inequality in which historically marginalized groups lack both the organizational strength and the opportunities for armed rebellion. In contrast, ethnic mobilization in the decolonized states and other segmented multiethnic societies is more likely to trigger violent conflict. I test these arguments in a global quantitative study from 1946 to 2009, using new data on the linguistic and religious segmentation of ethnic groups. The results confirm that the extremely unequal colonial settler states experience less violence than the decolonized states and other multiethnic countries. Ethnic conflict is generally more likely the more segmented and less hierarchically structured multiethnic states are. Specifically, stable between-group hierarchies reduce the risk of governmental conflict, whereas segmentation affects secessionist violence.
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DOOLING, WAYNE. "RECONSTRUCTING THE HOUSEHOLD: THE NORTHERN CAPE COLONY BEFORE AND AFTER THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR." Journal of African History 50, no. 3 (November 2009): 399–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853709990089.
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ABSTRACTA major component of the South African War, the imperialist conflict that gave birth to modern South Africa, was the violence that occurred between white settlers and indigenous black populations. This article seeks to understand the particular nature of this violence in the northern districts of the Cape Colony. The war intruded into a region in which memories of conquest were alive, and where recently established settler authority was extremely fragile. Here, the war has to be seen as the final chapter in the closing of a nineteenth-century colonial frontier. The conflict was one between masters and servants in a region where capitalist relations of production had yet to take hold. Conflict continued in the years immediately after the war, and an essential task of the post-war state was to calm disgruntled black subjects.
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Paryż, Marek. "Portrayals of Degenerate Religious Leaders in Contemporary Film Westerns." Zeitschrift für Anglistik und Amerikanistik 68, no. 1 (March 26, 2020): 37–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaa-2020-0005.
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AbstractThis article discusses three contemporary film Westerns – Sweetwater (2013, dir. Logan Miller), The Duel (2016, dir. Kieran Darcy-Smith), and Brimstone (2016, dir. Martin Koolhoven) – with respect to their depiction of certain extreme forms of religiosity as a manifestation of the degeneration of the settler colonial social order. The plots of these three films revolve around the conflict between the hero/heroine and his/her antagonist who happens to be a charismatic, manipulating, and psychopathic religious leader. Sweetwater, The Duel, and Brimstone imply that, in settler colonial societies, religion becomes an expression of self-containment and hinders modernizing processes. It sustains the illusion of permanence and of the collective immunity to external influences. And when the order it protects comes under threat, religiously motivated violence proves to be the primary means of defense.