Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Sermoni'

The figure of Ippolito Pindemonte, recalled mainly for his distinguished activity as translator and for his production of rural poetry, takes his place in a significant historical-cultural conjuncture where, at European level, typical late eighteenth-century tendencies and sensitiveness intertwine, often with results that have not been thoroughly examined and defined. The notoriety gained throughout the Veronese poet's life - it suffices to think, incidentally, of the relationships he had with renowned figures of the time, such as, Parini, Cesarotti, Alfieri and Foscolo, - gradually declined during the nineteenth century, despite the author's unquestionable literary qualities. Only during more recent years, has the attention of the critics, also and mainly due to a more historicizing rereading, tried - and is still trying today - to revalue Pindemonte's works particularly by concentrating on the study of the points of contact between biographical events and poetical results. The aim is to understand more accurately the poet's standing which is continually balanced between the cult of classicism and already romantic elements and which is rethought and remodulated, as stated by the poet himself with lucid awareness in one of his sermons, in a melancholy vein. A detailed and updated study which is functional to the spanning of the thought and aesthetic tendencies with which the author represented a period of history featuring changes of fundamental importance, is certainly lacking. From this perspective, the revisitation of the epistolary corpus and of the later collection of satirical compositions - texts that were excluded from critic's interest also due to the prevailing literary fortune of the famous translation of the Homeric poem and of the overall volume of Prose e poesie campestri - may enable us to focus on aspects in Pindemonte that have not yet been addressed with sufficient attention by the exiguous tradition of studies. Consequently, this study intends reproposing, with sufficient comments, a substantial series of works in unrhymed hendecasyllables, conceived and delivered for printing over a broad period of time, largely between 1778 and 1819. More precisely, these works consist in the epistles written during different periods of time and included in the collection entitled Versi di Polidete Melpomenio, published in Bassano by Remondini, in 1784, and edited by Aurelio De' Giorgi Bertola; in Epistole, published in Verona by Gambaretti, in 1805, and subsequently in Florence by Molini; in Sermoni, which was published in Verona by Società Tipografica, in 1819, after being opposed at length by the censorship office in Venice. Two further epistles written in hendecasyllables may be added to the above list of works, Ad Omero and A Virgilio, printed for the first time in the small volume that includes the Traduzione de' due primi canti dell' «Odissea» e di alcune parti delle «Georgiche», published in Verona by Gambaretti, in 1809. With reference to the latter epistles, in this edition, the version reviewed by the author and published in 1825-26 in an anthology of Versi attached to the edition of Elogi di letterati (Verona, Tipografia Libanti) is referred to. The absence of a systematic critical-historiographical tradition has therefore called for a general overall rereading, from which the advantages and at the same time the difficulty of certain possible new lines of research have emerged; currently, these are not easily practicable owing to the publishing status of Pindemonte's opera omnia, which is still provisional. The epistles written in youth, although evidently of an occasional nature and showing different degrees of stylistic maturity, clearly reveal the author's adherence to neoclassical aesthetics, which is embraced and re-elaborated also according to the renowned Winkelmannian values and is included in an Enlightened view of the world: from this standpoint, therefore, the troubled aspiration to perfectible beauty, intended as the result of a constant dialogue with the classical model, turns into the search for greatness and, concurrently, perhaps also owing to the heritage of Masonic experience, revocatio ad virtutem. This is, indeed, the same underlying tension that also drives the condemnation of the horrors of the war in the following Epistole, and the stigmatization of man's vices in the later Sermoni. The rereading of the two antiquis illustrioribus cantos is also of extreme interest for a specific evaluation of Pindemonte's poetry: his Homeric and Virgilian experiences undeniably cross the border of purely learned and scholarly activities, and become the primary source of the Veronese poet's artistic vocation. Thus, the author develops a conception of poetry that is primarily founded, according to the teachings of Horatio's lessons, on the meeting point between ars and ingenium. The constant exercise of translation from classical languages also appears to be a knowledgeable attempt to perform a literary mediation between Ancient and Modern. In conclusion, the profile of a poet emerges from the revisitation of the considerable corpus of the Epistole and the Sermoni who embodies the complex tension between continuity and discontinuity in modern traditions, and who, owing to this ferment, difficultly falls within strict historiographical patterns.

The thesis, concerning the ideas of the Church, meant as an assembly of people with different degrees of responsability, deals with a section of two chapters about the structures assumed by Franciscan model sermon collections before 1260. The different ways they use to write their sermons is focused to underline how sermon structuring is just another way to approach Sacred Scripture and all problems having a basis on it, in our case the Church. The period chosen for this study also shows the fact that earlier franciscan generations do not introduce a new methodology nor in exegesis neither in sermon composition, as they use all their former education to introduce the new way of life in which they have become a part only after having finished their studies. At the end of the section it’s clear that for these friars there’s not a central or common way to use sermons to explain the concept of the Church, as their first approach to it is based on their attention to the public and to the theologic method they assume. That’s why I’ve divided the eight collections studies for areas of preaching: for Italy Antony of Lisboa, Lucas Apulus, Supermons de Varisio and an anonimous friar writing a de sanctis series of sermons still kept in the Biblioteca Antoniana di Padova; for France Jean de la Rochelle, Guibert de Tournai and Bonaventura de Balneoregio, and, at last, for German area, Berthold von Regensburg. It’s clear that, as in Italy and Germany each praecher acts and writes by his own, in France the Franciscan, having a very important studium in Paris and being involved in the University academic and practical disputes, seem to have a more uniform ecclesiological and homiletic way of thinking, depending one from the other for his own theological education. The second section of the thesis focuses on similitudines about Church, trying to see how Greyfriars thought themselves in the Church and different status perfectionis moving in it. The images of the sun, the moon and the stars, of the field, of the vineyard and of the good Shepherd are here seen in their functional and allegorical meaning. They show a Church based on preacher function, but this is one is not seen as a separate cathegory of Churchmen, but only as an attibute of the praelatus, at least until the Parisian dispute known with the name of Querelle. In effect in the ‘50s there’s a real changement in church conceiving: in Guibert’s and Bonaventure’s sermones, in fact, it’s clear the emerging of the pseudo-dionisian point of view, or, better, a new use of De Hierarchia caelesti in order to defend the place of Mendicant orders in church hierarchies, based on the presentation of the new status of preacher as an intermediary between the height of contemplation and the cura animarum. The study also demonstrates the changing in preacher’s attitude to people: from a performance of the Word of God to provoke confessions to a doctrinal teaching spread through preaching act. This passage is visible mainly reading Italian sermons, as they start before, during the XIII century, of the others and because they reflect different approaches to the Verbum Dei, even touching popular preaching. there’s no surprise in this observation, as French Franciscan sermon writers are all important theologians and they are used with academic preaching and exercise, but it’s quite astonishing to see how Italians seem to be closer to Peter the Chnter’s cicle ideas than Jean de la Rochelle. Berthold of Regensburg, instead, as he’s concerned with antiheretical preaching, moves between the two positions: he usually sas that penitential preaching is to prefer for it’s salvifical purpose, but, as the heresy spreads by doctrinal mistakes, it’s important to face them with a huge doctrinal exposition of the most important points of Christian belief. The last point highlighted by this chapteer is that Franciscan preachers from the earlier period, substitue the generical cathegor of laycus or coniugatus in the tripartions of the Church, with the more specific concept of paenitens, focusing their ecclesiological view on the ecclesiastical public and banishing the simple believers on the edge of the conception of Ecclesia militans. The fourth and last chapter of the thesis deals with the problem of preaching about the Pope’s role in the Church. In it, I’ve studied sermones for the In cathedra feast and a little number of other complex images connecting the Pope with the other persons acting in the field of the Lord. The result of this study is again the discover of a real gap between the thought about Peter’s Primate before the Parisian querelle and during its first phases. The preachers acting not being involved in that dispute, infact, seem to base their words on the papal theories spread during the previous century and the beginning of the XIII, almost from Innocent III, the other ones, instead, base their preaching on the new concept of potestas and hierarchia taht we can even see in their theological and polemical threatises of the period. At the end of this work I can say that, even if the results seen during it, are interesting and give some other argumentations about the way Franciscan acted and thought in the first period of the Order, this thesis is, necessary, not a definitive work, as it opens lot questions that could be answered not only assuming the Franciscan point of view, as the could be helped by the studying and editing of texts from Dominican friars and secular clergy, during, before and after the period here presented.
La tesi presentata si costituisce di due sezioni: una relativa all’identificazione e descrizione delle fonti e degli autori trattati e l’altra concernente i risvolti ecclesiologici contenuti in queste opere. Il lavoro muove dalla necessità di sottolineare la diversità dell’elaborazione, omiletica e teologica, dei diversi frati, mettendone in evidenza l’ambiente di formazione, la cultura e il contesto interno all’Ordine in cui essi si inserirono al fine di comprenderne l’elaborazione teologica, e più in particolare ecclesiologica anche e soprattutto attraverso il loro diverso modo di rapportarsi alla Sacra Scrittura e alla natura formale del testo da loro proposto. La prima sezione dunque, separa in due capitoli distinti i frati italiani, a cui viene assimilati Antonio da Lisbona, da quelli d’Oltralpe, francesi e tedeschi. Nel primo capitolo ho svolto una breve trattazione delle questioni inerenti l’Ordine francescano in genere, e particolarmente nel suo sviluppo peninsulare, al fine di ricostruire i movimenti di idee e problematiche che diedero vita alle quattro raccolte di sermoni studiate. Dopo una breve prosopografia ho regolarmente proceduto all’individuazione degli scritti dei singoli autori e all’analisi strutturale delle loro opere. Ho dedicato molto spazio a tale compito in quanto ritengo che i sermoni, in quanto frutto di uno sforzo esegetico, riflettano il clima culturale e dottrinale in cui inserirli già al momento della loro scelta formale. Sono stata confortata in quest’impressione dalla varietà di combinazioni che ho potuto individuare nei sermoni italiani, certamente più indipendenti tra loro dei paralleli testi francesi. Antonio di Padova, per esempio, sceglie di comporre un vero e proprio trattato teologico e in quanto tale utilizza una struttura più simile a quella elaborata dai vittorini alla fine del XII secolo. Tale operazione, visibile soprattutto nei sermoni festivi, fa sì che anche l’immagine di Chiesa emergente dai testi antoniani rifletta uno stadio arcaico dell’elaborazione minoritica, in cui le dipendenze dall’ambiente canonicale e monastico sono spesso più evidenti delle innovazioni. Uno sguardo più approfondito al sermone per la ventiduesima domenica dopo Pentecoste, dedicato alla doppia trattazione del giorno del giudizio e delle mancanze dei membri della chiesa dei propri tempi, ha offerto l’occasione di illustrare i problemi, per lo più liturgici, ma non solo, contenuti nel testo del frate lusitano, come non avrebbe potuto essere fatto all’interno della seconda sezione della tesi, in cui le argomentazioni complessive appiattiscono necessariamente i sermoni a seconda delle domande a cui si intende farli rispondere. Grazie a questo lavoro, dunque, ho potuto notare il peso assunto nei sermoni antoniani dai prologhi concordanti, in cui, lungi dal limitarsi alla sola esortazione morale, spesso l’autore apre dei brevi trattati sui compiti del predicatore, e la differenza di struttura e di argomenti proposti dai sermoni festivi, più simili nel loro svolgiemnto ai testi che si stavano contemporaneamente scrivendo nei circoli culturali parigini guidati dal Cantore. Ho inoltre cercato di evidenziare come l’argomentazione ecclesiologica di Antonio, non possa essere in alcun modo trattata svincolandola dal suo contesto biblico, in quanto facente parte di una quadriga fondata su autorità tra loro concordate in modo da creare un continuum esegetico per tutta la durata della raccolta. Il secondo autore trattato nel capitolo è Luca da Bitonto, frate minore pugliese, morot probabilmente intorno al 1242. Egli ha lasciato una raccolta di sermoni festivi commissionatagli direttamente da un ministro generale dell’Ordine, che ho potuto ritenere essere Aimone da Faversham. La raccolta, dalla ricca intessitura escatologica, ha rivelato gli interessi “gioachimiti” del frate minore, e la sua attenzione per categorie sociali quali gli ebrei e i greci. A questo proposito ho preso le distanze dalla scarna bibliografia sull’autore, la quale ritiene tali preoccupazioni per la Chiesa orientale e per l’unità della Chiesa, un retaggio di un soggiorno dell’Apulus, negli anni ’30, in Grecia, credendo invece più probabile ed economico ritenere che le argomentazioni a favore delle due minoranze etniche e religiose citate sia dovuta più alle origini regnicole del frate che a sue esperienze estemporanee. L’analisis strutturale dei testi del bitontino ha portato alla luce la cultura canonicale dello stesso e la sua conoscenza del diritto ecclesiastico, fugando invece le voci di un suo possibile coinvolgimento nelle attività della Facoltà teologica parigina, non suffragata neppure a livello argomentativo dalle fonti. Dalla Puglia mi sono poi spostata nel milanese, studiando i sermoni in circulum anni di Sovramonte da Varese, autore da cui aveva preso il via la mia intera ricerca. Avvalendomi degli studi già compiuti sulla biografia del frate, ho potuto verificare l’autenticità della raccolta a lui attribuita. Ho poi proceduto nel rilevare le forme, vicine a quelle antoniane, sebbene molto più semplificate, dei sermoni. La struttura di questi si è poi rivelata utile a supportare l’ipotesi, ormai certezza, del carattere popolare dell’opera del varesino, rintracciandone il pubblico in un insieme di laici e religiosi probabilmente di area lombarda, in cui le presenze ereticali sembrano essere il motivo stesso per cui Sovramonte scrisse i suoi 56 sermoni. L’ultimo autore italiano di cui mi sono occupata è un frate anonimo, la cui opera è custodita presso la biblioteca antoniana di Padova, ms. 470, in cui ho ritenuto di poter individuare un frate minore attivo nell’Italia settentrionale negli anni 1255 -1260, correggendo quindi la precedente datazione del Gamboso. L’analisi della struttura e delle fonti di questa raccolta di sermoni de sanctis mi ha permesso, oltre all’identificazione detta, di mettere in luce la natura liturgica e unitaria del testo e il suo impiego mi è stato utile per un confronto tra italiani e contemporanei maestri parigini. Il secondo capitolo mi ha portata a varcare le Alpi e ad occuparmi dei francescani dal loro arrivo in Francia al loro coinvolgimento attivo nella querelle con i maestri secolari. Ho seguito, grazie ad una ricchissima bibliografia, i loro insediamenti, mettendo per lo più in luce i momenti di contrasto tra i nuovi venuti e le autorità religiose tradizionali al fine di creare un collegamento tra le vicende dell’Ordine e le preoccupazioni della sermonistica proveniente dai suoi studia. Mi sono dunque concentrata su Parigi, città nella quale fu più forte la concentrazione di frati minori e il cui ambiente universitario portò alla stesura di diversi tipi di trattati teologici e di raccolte di sermoni. Per il periodo studiato sono state ritenute tre raccolte: i sermoni de tempore e de sanctis di Giovanni de la Rochelle, i sermoni de tempore di Gilberto de Tournai e quelli di Bonaventura da Bagnoregio. Dei primi, dopo aver ripercorso la vita del loro autore, sono state messe in luce le problematiche compositive e autoritative, rinunciando a fare una panoramica completa dell’opera per la sua mancanza di unitarietà, mettendone invece in risalto la varietà di fonti, strutture e destinatari, legati per lo più al mondo ecclesiastico e accademico attivo intorno alla facoltà di teologia di Parigi. Ho poi proceduto all’analisi del sermone per la Sessagesima (exiit qui seminat) confrontandolo con le direttive date dallo stesso frate ai suoi confratelli per la stesura del sermone e trovandolo, caso abbastanza raro nel genere, in accordo con quel Processus negociandi themata sermonum. Questo, insieme con il reperimento delle fonti utilizzate nei testi, mi ha portato a ritenere l’opera del la Rochelle redatta in stretto contatto con le problematiche nate intorno alla metà degli anni ’30 del XIII secolo nella facoltà teologica parigina relativamente allo status del predicatore, non più considerato nel suo rapporto con l’esortazione per la confessione, come invece compare nei sermoni italiani, ma in quanto tale, attribuendo dunque alla predicazione uno statuto a sé stante in vista della salvezza del credente. Credo che Giovanni de la Rochelle sia uno degli autori in cui più è visibile l’importanza del connubio tra elaborazione dottrinale e sviluppo strutturale del sermone. Il Rupellense fu anche maestro del secondo e del terzo predicatore minorita di cui mi sono occupata: Gilberto da Tournai e Bonaventura da Bagnoregio. La produzione sermonistica di questi due autori è stata analizzata solo parzialmente, in quanto non tutta la loro opera rientra nei limiti cronologici della tesi, riflettendo anche temi nati all’interno dell’Ordine a seguito del Capitolo di Narbona e della restrutturazione normativa del dottore Serafico. Ho quindi analizzato in dettaglio i sermoni de festiis e de sanctis di Gilberto da Tournai, alla ricerca in essi di dipendenze dottrinali e strutturali dal suo maestro e dal suo più famoso confratello, trovandole e dedicandovi un discreto spazio nel capitolo. Vicino a queste però ho potuto mettere in luce, grazie alle edizioni di singoli sermoni approntati da altri illustri studiosi, le dipendenze testuali e argomentative del frate minore da Iacopo da Vitr, i cui sermoni ad status e communes conobbero una straordinaria diffusione nella prima metà del XIII secolo. Questa serie di dipendenze, e spesso di copiature, è stata trattata per mettere in guardia il lettore della raccolta del turnacense dall’assumere come minorita molte delle sue parole, soprattutto quando si miri a fare qualche excursus nei sermones ad varios status (1280 circa), di cui si sono studiati, a titolo comparativo, solamente i due testi de ecclesia. Infine ho concluso la mia panoramica sui minori francesi inserendo tra di essi Bonaventura da Bagnoregio, italiano di nascita, ma francese di cultura. Di questo notissimo autore ho studiato principalmente i sermoni domenicali, gli unici raccolti e rielaborati dal Serafico in persona, mettendone in evidenza la strutturazione tripartita costante. Questo elemento è stato messo in collegamento sia con la diffusione, proprio da parte della normativa bonaventuriana, del sermo di tipo parigino all’interno degli studia minoritici, identificando dunque nella raccolta dei domenicali un modello volutamente perfetto da cui i frati dovevano attingere anche formalmente per i propri sermoni, sia come rispondente alle nuove esigenze di elaborazione ecclesiologica createsi a seguito degli attacchi di Guglielmo di Sant’Amore. Il secondo capitolo si chiude trattando la raccolta, isolata per la propria area, di Bertoldo da Ratisbona. Ho messo in luce le caratteristiche compositive dei Rusticani de Tempore di questo frate, al fine di rilevarne l’estraneità alle contemporanee elaborazioni francesi e la contemporanea vicinanza con i sermoni di Luca da Bitonto, dovuta probabilmente alle maggiori preoccupazioni escatologiche derivanti ai due autori dalla frequentazione dei testi di Gioacchino da Fiore. La seconda sezione della tesi si sviluppa su ulteriori due capitoli: uno relativo alle immagini e funzioni assegnate all’ecclesia militante nelle raccolte dei sermoni minoritici precedentemente presentati e uno sulla presentazione della teoria del primato papale all’interno dei sermoni per la festa di San Pietro in cathedra e di pochi altri testi in cui il discorso non si limitasse a brevi e fugaci accenni. Il primo capitolo di questa sezione prende le mosse dall’isolamento delle similitudini sull’Ecclesia militans presenti nelle raccolte dei frati minori, principalmente gli astri, il campo, la vigna e il buon pastore, rilevando la differente incidenza di queste immagini nelle raccolte degli anni ’30 e ’40 del secolo rispetto a quelli successivi. I frati Minori, a confronto soprattutto con la tradizione esegetica dei Padri, attraverso queste immagini presentano un’immagine della Chiesa terrena in cui la predicazione assume una posizione sempre più rilevante, e cambia la propria natura, già nel corso deli anni Trenta, da penitenziale, cioè a servizio della confessione, a dottrinale, cioè volta all’insegnamento delle dottrine evangeliche. L’analisi dei singoli membri introdotti, attraverso apposite distinzioni, in ciascuno dei sermoni, festività per festività, fa inoltre emergere una progressiva “clericalizzazione” del concetto di Ecclesia, in cui i laici vengono rapidamente messi ai margini di essa a favore di una categoria di persone organizzata e individuata all’interno di una visuale gerarchica: i penitenti. Negli anni ’50 del XIII secolo, però, si registra un cambiamento dell’utilizzo delle similitudines utilizzate per spiegare gli status perfectionis. Pur non eclissando totalmente le immagini precedenti, infatti, i frati Minori coinvolti nella querelle parigina, iniziata nel 1252 a seguito dell’attacco rivolto da Guglielmo di Saint-Amour e dai maestri secolari della Facoltà di teologia ai Mendicanti, fanno emergere un’ecclesiologia sempre più legata all’utilizzo sistematico di una nuova interpretazione del De Hierarchia caelesti dello pseudo-Dionigi Areopagita e del paragone tra le schiere angeliche e le gerarchie ecclesiastiche. Proprio in questi autori, cioè Bonaventura da Bagnoregio e Gilberto da Tournai, emergono due importanti cambiamenti all’interno dell’Ecclesia: il ruolo del predicatore viene infatti diviso dalla figura del praelatus, di cui era precedentemente un semplice attributo, e assimilato invece al grado dei perfetti, come mediatore tra la contemplazione e la cura animarum. L’ultimo capitolo della tesi si è occupato della figura del pontefice. Essa non viene usualmente inserita all’interno di immagini complessive della Chiesa, oppure è solamente accennato il suo ruolo di guida nella similitudine del corpus ecclesiae, come nel caso dell’Anonimo antoniano 470, e dunque non poteva costituire un semplice paragrafo del capitolo precedente. L’analisi dei sermoni per la cattedra di san Pietro e di pochi altri passaggi concernenti il pontefice e il suo rapporto con la Chiesa, ha dimostrato come in quest’ambito i frati Minori si basino principalmente sulle teorie elaborate dagli autori precedenti, soprattutto Innocenzo III, almeno fino all’inizio della querelle parigina, in cui essi presero l’iniziativa per l’elaborazione di una nuova teologia del primato atta a difendere, attraverso l’esaltazione del potere pontificio, anche la posizione gerarchica degli ordini Mendicanti contro la concezione tradizionale, basata sull’interpretazione episcopalista, di cui erano interpreti i magistri saeculares dell’Universitas parigina. In appendice vengono presentate, in questa versione ancora in modo provvisorio, le trascrizioni si alcuni sermoni ritenuti significativi per la prospettiva ecclesiologica, degli autori la cui opera sia ancora inedita: Luca da Bitonto, Sovramonte da Varese, l’Anonimo antoniano 1470, Giovanni de la Rochelle, Gilberto da Tournai e Bertoldo da Ratisbona.

Il lavoro si concentra sulla figura del nobile padovano Antonio Conti con lo scopo di fare luce sulla sua formazione giovanile veneziana, finora poco indagata, dall’ingresso nella Congregazione di Santa Maria della Consolazione detta della “Fava” a Venezia, all’abbandono della stessa, al processo per eresia intentatogli dai Savi, nel quale sono stati chiamati a deporre alcuni membri della Congregazione. Sono state condotte ricerche di prima mano sulla documentazione archivistica della “Fava” e sul materiale conservato in diversi archivi e biblioteche, per comprendere i motivi che possono avere indotto il nobile padovano a scegliere questa Congregazione per la propria formazione. L’elaborato si focalizza, poi, sui Sermoni composti alla “Fava”, contestualizzandoli all’interno della predicazione postridentina e fornendone un’edizione corredata di note filologiche e analisi delle fonti. In Appendice viene fornito l’elenco della corrispondenza epistolare rintracciata presso l’Archivio della “Fava” (Appendice A) e la trascrizione delle lettere ritenute più utili a fornire un quadro del contesto culturale che caratterizzava la Congregazione (Appendice B).

Contemporary American novels over the last forty years have developed a unique orientation toward religious and spiritual rhetoric that can best be understood within the multidisciplinary concept of the postsecular. In the morally-tinged discourse of their characters, several esteemed American novelists (John Updike, Toni Morrison, Louise Erdrich, and Cormac McCarthy) since 1970 have used sermons or sermon-like artifacts to convey postsecular attitudes and motivations. These postsecular sermons express systems of belief that are hybrid, exploratory, and confessional in nature. Through rhetorical analysis of sermons in four contemporary American novels, this dissertation explores the performance of postsecularity in literature and defines the contribution of those tendancies to the field of literary and rhetorical studies.

Texte remanié de: Thèse de doctorat--Études romanes--Aix-Marseille 1, 2003. Titre de soutenance : Du bon usage de la parole en société : le "De sermone" de Giovanni Pontano.
Mention parallèle de titre ou de responsabilité : De la conversation. Bibliogr. p. 325-336. Index.

En el año 1520 el obispo de Barcelona, inquisidor general del Reino de Aragón, confesor de la reina Isabel I de Castilla y predicador real de Fernando II de Aragón, Martín García, lleva a cabo una compilación de sus 156 Sermones, que había predicado aproximadamente entre los años 1490 y 1510. Esta obra, cuyo título completo es Sermones eminentissimi totiusque Barchinonensis gregis tutatoris acerrimi, necnon immarcessibilis sacre theologie paludamento insigniti Martini Garsie, fue impresa en 1520, en Zaragoza, por Jorge Coci. Los Sermones tienen una finalidad doble: por una parte, su objetivo es realizar el mayor número de conversiones posibles al cristianismo entre las poblaciones musulmana y judía; por otra parte, los Sermones persiguen afianzar la fe de los cristianos viejos y reforzar el adoctrinamiento de los nuevos conversos. El propósito de esta tesis doctoral es ofrecer una primera edición filológica de los Sermones del dominico Martín García.
In the year 1520 the Bishop of Barcelona, General Inquisitor of the Kingdom of Aragon, Confessor of the Queen Isabella I of Castile and Royal Preacher of Ferdinand II of Aragon, Martín García, compiled 156 of his Sermones, that he had aproximately preached between the years 1490 and 1510. This work, which complete title is Sermones eminentissimi totiusque Barchinonensis gregis tutatoris acerrimi, necnon immarcessibilis sacre theologie paludamento insigniti Martini Garsie, was printed in 1520 by Georgius Coci in Zaragoza. The Sermones had two main goals: on the one hand, the aim was to achieve the highest number of conversions to Christianity among the Muslim and Jew population and, on the other hand, the Sermones pursued the consolidation of the faith of Old Christians and, also, strengthened the indoctrination of the new converted. The purpose of this thesis is to present the first modern philological edition of the Sermones by the Dominican Martín García.

As soon as the reading public realized that the much-enjoyed first volumes of Tristram Shandy were written by a priest and, furthermore, that this parson was publishing sermons under the name of Hamlet's exhumed jester, the sincerity of Sterne towards his vocation was questioned-if not flatly denied. This immediate reticence and indignation has expanded and persisted. The stumbling blocks are two: bawdy fiction is not fitting from a priest; and, the sermons, full of plagiarism, lack evangelical heat. The aim of this dissertation is to review the contexts of mid-eighteenth century Anglican homiletics with reference to Sterne's oeuvres. Once we understand what was expected from the pulpit in content and style, we are equipped to observe ways in which Steme strove to meet those expectations. To date no published work has responsibly considered his much-alleged plagiarism. This is rectified, and the evidence unveils an interested and very capable sermon-writer. We then consider Sterne's fictions. That, alongside ribaldry, the first volumes of Tristram contain an entire sermon has led some to conclude Steme was mocking religion. On the contrary, tracing themes of the homilies through both novels we come to appreciate an intended reciprocity between the works. Of interest in this regard is Sterne's engagement with fideistic scepticism, and the manner in which he developed his parabolic contribution to this tradition of faithful, learned ignorance. I suggest that, far from the buffoonery of a snickering prankster, Sterne's fiction represents the elements of his orthodox sermons within a provocative and curiously accessible mode. As such, his canon has integrity. He lusted earnestly, and endeavoured carefully that these little books might stand instead of many bigger books', and his hope was that they would do us good.

The purpose of this research was to examine gender issues in contemporary sermons. My sample consists of sermons delivered on BBC Radio 4 as part of acts of worship broadcast during 1993-4 which were examined to analyse how language, gender and power intersect to produce these discourses. In order to contextualize this material, chapter one focuses on the history of the sermon and its institutionalisation. Chapter two analyses the preachers’ use of generic terms and their use of the second person plural mode of address. In chapter three, I examine the gendered illustrations offered in the sermon sample in order to investigate how they contribute to create alienating and exclusionary discourses. Chapter four deals with the ways in which self-disclosure and the use of personal experience provide a means by which knowledge can be assimilated and transferred to others as well as acting as an inclusive mechanism in preaching. In chapter five, I demonstrate that metaphors have the potential to function as an inclusive device but that this influence may be negated if the gender content of the metaphor conveys gender-biases. Chapter six centres on the form and structure of the sermons as a way of considering the issue of a participatory address. The conclusion focuses on the way in which aspects of the notions of inclusive language intersect with the ways in which authority is traditionally defined. This thesis demonstrates that contemporary broadcast sermons do not endeavour to reflect the demands for inclusive language or less authoritarian discourses which have been made by feminists and advocated by most denominations in the Christian churches

Thesis (M.A.) -- Central Connecticut State University, 2008.
Thesis advisor: Katherine A. Hermes. "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 386-391). Abstract available via the World Wide Web.

There has been a revived interest in the early modern sermons. Yet, relatively little work has been done on the early eighteenth century. This thesis contributes to the growing body of literature by focusing on London sermon culture from 1702 to 1763, These discourses faced increasing competition from other publications, so this study illuminates how this established genre adapted to the evolving world of print. This also was a period of religious diversity and, some argue, secularisation, so this analysis also furthers our understanding of the role of religion in society. This thesis traces the evolution of sermon culture from a highly partisan culture in the early eighteenth century to a more 'urbane' one by the mid-eighteenth century, when preachers increasingly contributed to the expanding associational environment of London. This analysis suggests that while the publication of sermons did experience some decline, preachers adapted to the evolving nature of English politics and society.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Western Conservative Baptist Seminary, 1987.
Typescript. Part II, The product, has text of sermons in Lingale and English on facing pages. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 115-117).

If there is a leitmotif to American criticism of the past fifty years it is that America, exceptionally, was not discovered but constructed. Those in a new world void of self-evident tradition or the conventional markers of history, the story goes, invented an organic truth to their past experience, current interests, and future intentions. They constructed cultural memory. Fiction from the early national period, critics argue, variously reflects, exposes, challenges, and participates in this hegemonic process.

This project is dedicated to another group of American writers who insisted that the land did speak: Mormon and Gentile immigrants who walked west the breadth of a new nation and in their journals described haunted rock cities and uncanny Indian massacres. In these descriptions, poetic patterns prove more powerful than manifest appearances. The complex erosion and accretion of these rock cities and these massacre stories prompts reassessment of nineteenth-century Euro-American settlers’ relationship with the land and the land’s inhabitants and alternate interpretations of the seminal texts of American Romanticism.

In Chapter 1, I consider Idaho’s City of Rock’s mythical Almo Massacre in the context of Mormon prophecy, theology, and history. In this reading, I am centrally concerned with the effects of the story’s poetics: how does the Almo-Massacre story invent and perform the nation? The Mountain Meadows Massacre, and its translation from its authentic site to the site of its mythical reenactment in the City of Rocks, is my central concern in Chapter 2. Chapter 2 reminds us that trauma narratives are never about authentic specifics of place, time, or experience but about synesthetic sense: how things feel. This sense is artifactual, and thus heritable and transportable. This revelation informs my readings of the journals of America’s nineteenth-century overland immigrants who walked west and described not the virgin land of American myth but contested space. In Chapter 4, I turn to three of America’s canonical nineteenth-century nation stories: Washington Irving’s “Rip Van Winkle,” James Fenimore Cooper’s The Last of the Mohicans , and Mark Twain’s The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn . In these stories, the world-as-felt matters as fully as the world-as-seen.

Religion plays a pivotal role in some societies, but the interaction between language and religion from a bilingualism perspective has not been fully explored. The overlap between the two, including “the way that religion and language interact to produce language contact” (Spolsky, 2003, p. 81), has recently been considered by Omoniyi and Fishman (2006). Many studies have been conducted regarding language use within institutional settings, such as schools, universities, workplaces and courtrooms. However, less attention has been paid to language use outside of these settings, such as within religious contexts, although mosques are viewed as institutional in nature. In particular, imams may switch between languages in their sermons in the mosque, perhaps similar to priests’ practices in churches where they may switch between Latin and English. The shortage of such studies regarding this phenomenon could be a result of the assumption that secularism is increasingly dominant and widespread, especially in Europe. This assumption can lead to an underestimation of the depth of religion in peoples’ lives and of the significance of the languages to express it. Another salient aspect may be that prayers tend not to change much over time and thus there is no need for such studies to be conducted. Yet, this is not actually true, especially in the case of Friday sermons, which tend to be less formulaic than prayers and in which ordinary talk also occurs. To explore this phenomenon, a qualitative study was undertaken by means of simulated recall interviews and non-participant observation with imams (n=10) and mosque audiences (n=7). The study reveals that employing more than one language in one-way religious speech is a means of increasing historical authenticity, exposing audiences to Arabic, overcoming a lack of easy equivalents in English (such as for the word bidah), emphasizing religious authority (given the very close links between Arabic and Islam), an assumption of audiences’ knowledge of some Arabic features (mostly in the form of words), or accommodating the iv diverse backgrounds of the audience, some of whom have knowledge of Arabic. This has been described as having spiritual, historical and emotional significance, invoking religious links associated between Arabic and Islam. Stakeholders, especially audiences, claim benefits beyond the language used in the sermons themselves. Imams, in addition, also tend to see the use of both English and Arabic as socially and culturally salient, a means of uniting people in an otherwise often fractured world, or one frequently presented as such in the media. Attitudes towards this phenomenon in mosques have been reported by all those involved as being very positive.

Etudier les sermons de F. De sales demande d'abord de clarifier ce que l'on sait du texte, de sa transmission, de ses éditions : le corpus est composé de "recueillis" aussi bien que d'autographes. Suit un très large état présent de ce que l'on connait de la "toile de fond" oratoire alors, qui permet d'aborder les textes théoriques salésiens, de situer leur filiation et leur originalité. La perspective théologique des sermons prend place enfin, qui les rapproche sans cesse du reste de l'œuvre salésienne : le scotisme de l'évêque marque toute sa réflexion sur Dieu et sur l'homme. Ainsi s'explique la spiritualité des sermons (qui est celle de toute l'œuvre), étudiée à propos de quelques points seulement. Rien n'est platonicien ici, si ce n'est des sources, communes alors, mais entièrement renouvelées par la pensée hébraïque et sa démarche, et une manière d'écrire. Au mystère joyeux de la visitation tout aboutit : art oratoire et style (choix des images et de certaines figures de style) autant que toute réflexion sur l'incarnation, Dieu trinité et amour, Dieu bonté "portée à la communication", l'homme image de Dieu trinitaire, dans l'unité de la diversité, pâques, la pentecôte, la transfiguration, aussi bien que noël. "Dieu s'est fait homme pour que l'homme soit fait Dieu" et "l'homme est créé pour la félicité et la félicité pour l'homme". En annexe, entre autres textes : des inédits, des sermons attribués à l'évêque, le fichier de recherche du travail
To study the sermons of F. De sales first requires to clear up what we know about the text, the way it was handed down to us, its editions, as the corpus is composed of, oral gatherings' (recueillis) and of autographs. Then comes a very extensive study of what is currently known about the oratorical background in those days, which makes it possible to deal with the salesian theoretical texts, to locate their filiation and their originality. Finally takes place the theological perspective of the sermons which constantly confronts to the whole work as the bishop's scotism influences the whole of his reflection upon God and man. Thus can be explained the spirituality of the sermons (characteristic of the whole work), here studied in connection with a few points only. Nothing platonic about them if only some sources, quite common then (but entirely renewed by the hebraic thought and its approach), and a certain way of writing. Everything converges on the merry mystery of the visitation : oratory and style (namely the choice of images and some tropes) as well as any reflection on incarnation, on God as trinity and love, God as benevolence" bent to communication", man as an image of a trinitary God, thus partaking of the unity of diversity, easter, whitsun, the transfiguration, as well as christmas. "God made himself a man so that man may be made God" and "man is created for bliss just as bliss for man". Within other texts, the appendix is constituted of unpublished items, sermons attributed to the bishop and the research card index of F. De sales works

Based on author's Thesis (Ph. D.) Michigan State University, 1991.
A collection of 60 homilies from the anonymous Middle English translation of Robert de Gretham's Anglo-Norman Miroir, or Les évangiles des domnées. Includes bibliographical references (p. [555]-558) and index. Also issued in print.

This thesis is an analysis of the theme of human happiness in the Sermons written by Archbishop John Tillotson (1630-1694). Tillotson is today considered as one of the most important and influential members of the Latitudinarian group, a movement which generated inside the Church of England after the Restoration in 1660s and was renowned for the style of the sermons and the accent posed on morality and practical issues rather than theological matters. Part One is dedicated to the Latitudinarian movement, with a brief description of the historical background, of the theology it promoted and of the sermon style it encouraged. There is also a section dedicated to Tillotson’s life and style. Part Two and Three instead are devoted to the theme of happiness which is analysed in its connection to the single individual and to society. In Part Two the accent is posed on the possibility of educating men to goodness and happiness, teaching them how to use their reason and conscience in a profitable way. There is also an investigation of the ways in which Tillotson tried to encourage his audiences, focusing attention on the advantages that they might derive from doing good and living a morally upright life. This analysis leads the discussion to the use of self-love as an incitement to promote morality and reformation of manners. Part Three is centred on the relationship of happiness and society, and the accent is posed on the necessity of encouraging people to be charitable and to improve society by caring for the poor. The means used to spur men to action are advantages and interest. In talking about the necessity of charitable actions, Tillotson also questions the role played by providence in men’s lives and in the government of the state.
Si propone l’analisi del tema della felicità nei Sermoni scritti da John Tillotson (1630-1694), il quale fu eletto Arcivescovo di Canterbury nel 1691 e fu il maggiore esponente del movimento dei Latitudinari. Costoro erano un gruppo di religiosi noti per la loro sobrietà nella scrittura e per l’accento posto su questioni morali nei loro scritti. Nel primo capitolo, di carattere introduttivo, viene spiegato brevemente il ruolo dei Latitudinari, la loro dottrina e la struttura dei loro sermoni. Segue poi una parte dedicata alla vita e al pensiero di Tillotson. Nel secondo, terzo e quarto capitolo la candidata affronta il tema della felicità dal punto di vista del singolo, sondando la sua interazione con tematiche quali l’educazione della persona, la conoscenza di sé e l’uso della ragione, l’amor proprio e i vantaggi che una vita moralmente retta può portare. Il quinto capitolo invece è dedicato alla visione del tema della felicità collettiva, con riferimento alle pratiche caritatevoli in voga in Inghilterra alla fine del 1600 e al rapporto del singolo e della collettività con la provvidenza divina.

In this study, I expand the scope of the scholarship that Walter Ong and others have done in orality-literacy relations to examine the often uneasy juxtaposition of the oral and written traditions in the literature of the Victorian pulpit. I begin by examining the intersections of the oral and written traditions found in both the theory and the practice of Victorian preaching. I discuss the prominent place of the sermon within both the print and oral cultures of Victorian Britain; argue that the sermon's status as both oration and essay places it in the genre of "oral literature"; and analyze the debate over the extent to which writing should be employed in the preparation and delivery of sermons.