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Journal articles on the topic 'Sermoni medievali'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Donavin, Georgiana. "“De sermone sermonem fecimus”: Alexander of Ashby's De artificioso modo predicandi." Rhetorica 15, no. 3 (1997): 279–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.1997.15.3.279.

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Abstract: Alexander of Ashby's De artifldoso modo predicandi has the distinction of being the first medieval sermon rhetoric since the De doctrina Christiana to apply classical rhetorical terms to preaching. The text ineludes a dedicatory prologue to Alexander's abbot (of the Augustinian canons at Ashby), the treatise proper on a sermon's construction, and five sample sermons. In contradistinction to current formalist descriptions of the De artificioso modo predicandi, this essay focuses on its audience awareness. I argue that the historical importance of this treatise lies not merely in its revival of classical terminology, but also in its theorization of rhetorical scenes in which classical teachings might apply to the sermon.

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2

Aguilar, Josep Antoni. "«Així com un camp de batalla»: A l’entorn de les imatges de tipus militar als sermons de Vicent Ferrer." Revista de lenguas y literaturas catalana, gallega y vasca 24 (January 15, 2020): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rllcgv.vol.24.2019.26405.

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El corpus sermonari de sant Vicent Ferrer es ric en simils i al・legories de tall bellic. El present article analitza l’us d’aquest tipus d’imatgeria per part del dominic valencia, principalmente mitjancant la lectura comparada dels seus sermons amb els d’altres predicadors medievals i diversos tractats de predicacio de l’epoca. En concret, hom centra l’atencio en tres aspectes de la presencia d’aquesta mena d’imatges dins la predicacio vicentina: a) la presentacio de Jesucrist com un cavaller (Christus miles) que lluita contra el diable per tal de redimir la humanitat; b) el desenvolupament de similitudines complexes en que el conjunt de la cristiandat es presentat com una host en formacio de batalla contra els vicis i les temptacions; i c) el recurs frequent a l’al・legoria del castell espiritual, un simbol el significat del qual fluctúa en funcio de cada sermo.Saint Vincent Ferrer’s corpus of sermons presents a rich variety of military similes and allegories. The present paper analyzes the use of these images in Ferrerian preaching, and does it mainly by means of a comparative approach which takes into account also the work of other medieval preachers and several Artes praedicandi treatises. Particular consideration has been given to three diferent aspects of the use of this sort of imagery in Ferrer’s sermons: a) the portrayal of Jesus Christ as a knight (Christus miles) who jousts against the devil for human salvation; b) the elaboration of complex similitudines in which the whole of Christendom is represented as a host assembled in battle array against temptations and vices; c) the regular use of the spiritual allegory of the castle under siege, a symbol whose meaning fluctuates from sermon to sermon.

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3

Regev, Shaul. "Oral Preaching and Written Sermons in the Middle Ages." European Journal of Jewish Studies 9, no. 1 (April 21, 2015): 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1872471x-12341274.

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Our knowledge of the nature of medieval Jewish public sermons is limited and our conclusions mostly inferential. Nonetheless, based upon the sermon literature and through analysis of various introductions and manuals for preachers of the time, we can fairly accurately reconstruct the oral sermon. We know where and when sermons were delivered, their content, the characteristics of the various preachers, the expectations of the listeners and the efforts the preachers made to make their sermons appealing to a diverse audience. Inevitably, over the course of centuries, both the form and the content of sermons changed. This was in response to the shifting needs and desires of audiences and reflects the changes in orientation of the various periods, such as the move from philosophically based sermons to those with Kabbalistic or Halakhic content.

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4

Wenzel, Siegfried. "A Sermon in Praise of Philosophy." Traditio 50 (1995): 249–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900013234.

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Worcester Cathedral MS F.10 forms a random collection of Latin, English, and macaronic sermons which were gathered and copied by a fairly large number of scribes in the middle of the fifteenth century. These sermons, most of them anonymous, are for a variety of occasions and audiences and have been entered in no particular liturgical order, even if, as the presence of several sets of quire numbers indicates, the individual quires were reordered several times in the medieval period. The collection contains a number of pieces that were evidently preached to a university audience, as is shown by their addressing “magistri” and by internal references to a university milieu. Their locale was presumably Oxford. Besides such general university sermons, the collection also includes two that are labeled “Introitus Sententiarum” and three other pieces that agree with these in form — the scholastic sermon structure — and content — praise of theology or holy Scripture and Peter Lombard. These five pieces are introitus, academic speeches or sermons which, according to university statutes, bachelors as well as masters (or doctors) of theology were required to deliver as they began their courses on the Bible or on Peter Lombard's Sentences. In addition, the manuscript contains an item that is very similar to the introitus sermons in that it follows the scholastic sermon structure and praises its subject. The latter, however, is not theology but philosophy, and the thema on which the piece is based is not a biblical text but a quotation from Aristotle. A sermon on a secular text itself is a rarity in medieval sermon literature, certainly from England; and appearing as it does in a sermon collection, the piece seems to be a rarissima avis stuck in the wrong flock.

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5

Ackerman, Ari. "Zerahia Halevi Saladin and Thomas Aquinas on Vows." Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy 19, no. 1 (2011): 47–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/147728511x591180.

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AbstractThis article examines two medieval sermons that examine philosophic and halakhic issues: the Passover sermon of Hasdai Crescas, which discusses the laws of Passover, and a sermon of Zerahia Halevi Saladin, a disciple of Crescas, which probes an aspect of the laws of vows (nedarim). In the analysis of Zerahia’s sermon, a comparison is made between his discussion and Thomas Aquinas’s examination of vows in his Summa Theologica. The comparison establishes the dependency of Zerahia on Aquinas regarding this issue. Likewise, Zerahia’s sermon is compared with Crescas’s, and the relationship between the legal theories of Crescas and Zerahia is investigated. The articles concludes with a brief examination of the significance of the analysis these sermons for understanding of the impact of scholastic sources on Spanish-Jewish philosophy and the relationship between law and philosophy in the writings of Hasdai Crescas and his students.

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6

Wilk, Ks Piotr. "Przymioty świętego. „Sermones VI–VIII” Ryszarda ze św. Wiktora – wstęp, przekład, komentarz." Łódzkie Studia Teologiczne 31, no. 4 (December 30, 2022): 133–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.52097/lst.2022.4.133-144.

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This article presents the reader with the first Polish translation of the three sermons (Sermon VI–VIII) from the first part of Liber exceptionum by Richard of Saint Victor, one of the main representatives of the Victorine school operating in the 12th century in Saint Victor’s Abbey in Paris, which deals with presentation saint, and especially Apostols. The text is undoubtedly an example of medieval Christian hagiography. It is preceded by a preface, in which Richard is briefly introduced and in which the sermons are generally characterized as well as the corresponding imagine of saint itself. Translation has been provided with notes for more efficient reading.

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7

Ellington, Donna Spivey. "Impassioned Mother or Passive Icon: The Virgin's Role in Late Medieval and Early Modern Passion Sermons*." Renaissance Quarterly 48, no. 2 (1995): 227–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2863065.

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On 13 April 1403, Parisian chancellor Jean Gerson delivered one of his most famous sermons, a sermon on the Passion of Christ entitled “Ad deum vadit.” That evening, in the second part of the sermon, Gerson set forth the central and most dramatic portion of the Passion narrative, the crucifixion of Jesus. As he had done throughout the story, Gerson sought to recreate the feelings, responses, and very words of Mary as she witnessed her son's suffering. In an anguished question that echoed Jesus’ own, Gerson proclaims that Mary was able to cry to God.

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8

Kaczor, Ewelina. "St. Hedwig of Silesia: The Ducal Ideal of a Wife in Light of 15th-century “Sermones de sancta Hedwigis”." Respectus Philologicus, no. 41(46) (April 15, 2022): 246–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/respectus.2022.41.46.123.

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A collection of 15th-century Latin sermons for the day of St. Hedwig of Silesia (“Sermones de s. Hedwigis”) constitutes the source material for an analysis of matrimonial role models and the ideal of a wife (uxor) in medieval culture. The collection includes 84 sermons about St. Hedwig, preserved in 45 codes of Silesian provenance. The corpus of sermons on St. Hedwig is supplemented by 61 edited versions of “Vita sanctae Hedvigis” written in 47 manuscripts. The present article includes an analysis of St. Hedwig as a married woman, the ideal of a pious wife avoiding the pleasures of the flesh and observing moral norms in marriage, above all in sexual relations.

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9

Dorfbauer, Lukas J. "Zwei karolingische Fragmente von nicht identifizierten Predigtsammlungen (München, BSB, clm 29319/3 und 29319/40)." Fragmentology 2 (December 2019): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.24446/y86u.

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The present paper offers discussions of two Carolingian fragments of sermon collections now at the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich (clm 29319/3 and 29319/40), based on the first identification of their contents. It is demonstrated that clm 29319/3 originally belonged to the same book as the liturgical fragment clm 29304/1; this lost book, which served as exemplar for the famous Benedictionale Frisingense (clm 6430), may turn out to be of major importance for the study of a sermon formerly attributed to Eligius of Noyon (CPL 2096). It is also demonstrated that clm 29319/40, directly or indirectly, served as the exemplar for the hitherto only known copy of an early medieval sermon (Doctrina populorum; CPPM 1A, 2360) in clm 14380. The text of this sermon is printed here for the first time; its sources and also its use in Carolingian sermons (e.g. in a sermonary by Hrabanus Maurus) are discussed.

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10

Engh, Line Cecilie. "Imaginative immersion in the Cistercian Cloister." Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 31 (December 31, 2019): 133–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/acta.7804.

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This article uses analytical concepts from cognitive science to explore and deepen our understanding of how medieval monastics imagined themselves as characters within biblical narratives. It argues that Cistercian monks - and in particular Bernard of Clairvaux - used techniques of imaginative immersion to enter and blend themselves into biblical viewpoints and events, thereby engaging the monks in epistemically and personally transformative experiences. The article concludes that this served to build community and to enculture monks and converts. Specifically, the article offers a close reading of two of Bernard's liturgical sermons, Sermon Two for Palm Sunday and Sermon Two on the Resurrection, to show how his sermons 1) traverse time and space and 2) blend viewpoints. Examples are also taken from texts by John Cassian, Augustine, Gregory the Great, and William of St. Thierry. Keywords: Bernard of Clairvaux, blended viewpoint, deictic displacement, lectio divina, liturgical time and space. On cover:Monks singing the Office and decorated initial A[sperges me.]. Gradual Olivetan Master (Use of the Olivetan Benedictines), illuminated manuscript on parchment ca. 1430-1439. Italy, Monastero di Santa Maria di Baggio near Milan, Ca 1400-1775.Beinecke Ms1184: The olivetan Gradual. Gradual. General Collection, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University.

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11

Reeves, Andrew. "English Secular Clergy in the Early Dominican Schools: Evidence from Three Manuscripts." Church History and Religious Culture 92, no. 1 (2012): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124112x621257.

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AbstractAs part of their mission to preach faith and morals, the medieval Dominicans often served as allies of parochial clergy and the episcopate. Scholars such as M. Michèle Mulchahey have shown that on the Continent, the Order of Preachers often helped to educate parish priests. We have evidence that thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Dominicans were allowing parochial clergy to attend their schools in England as well. Much of this evidence is codicological. Two English codices of William Peraldus's sermons provide evidence of a provenance relating to a parish church: London Gray's Inn 20, a collection of his sermons on the Gospels, was owned by a parish priest, and Cambridge Peterhouse 211, a manuscript of his sermons on the Epistles, contains an act issued by the rector of a parish church. Another manuscript of Peraldus's sermons contains synodal statutes. As the Order of Preachers was outside of the diocesan chain of command, these statutes point to the use of these sermons by those who were subject to the episcopate. Since the Dominicans were normally forbidden from sharing their model sermon literature with secular clergy, these codices suggest a program on the part of the English province of the Order of Preachers to make sure that diocesan clergy could attend Dominican schools in order to gain the skills necessary to preach the basic doctrines and morals of the Christian faith to England's laity.

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12

Taylor, Larissa. "Images of Women in the Sermons of Guillaume Pepin (c.1465-1533)." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 5, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 265–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031082ar.

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Abstract The stereotype of the misogynistic medieval churchman persists in almost all scholarly assessments of gender attitudes and beliefs in the premodern period. Such sweeping generalizations do little to help us understand attitudes in one particular time and place, or changes over time; studies of individuals allow a more nuanced and richer understanding of male beliefs about women. Sermons in the late Middle Ages exhibit the full range of attitudes about women. In the sermons of Guillaume Pépin (c. 1465-1533), we find the preaching of a man who did not categorize women as the personification of Good or Evil, but talked at length about women and their problems in daily life with sympathy and compassion. The figures he evokes in his sermons are quite often strong, independent-minded women. Comparison with sermons in the mid-sixteenth century shows that many later preachers conform more closely to the stereotype, with the amount of attention given to women in sermons decreasing dramatically and negative descriptions predominating. Language is used much differently, and the resulting images of women are one-dimensional, with the female sex portrayed as subordinate, weak, and silly. These changes can be attributed to a number of factors, including the simplified sermon structure of the post Reformation period, the Reformation and misconceptions about the priesthood of all believers, the attempt to impose Catholic orthodoxy, and an increasing emphasis on the "natural order" of things.

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13

Johnson, Holly. "The Divine Dinner Party: Domestic Imagery and Easter Preaching in Late Medieval England." Traditio 67 (2012): 385–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900001409.

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When Margery Kempe imagines each member of the Trinity sitting within the chamber of her soul on a cushion of an appropriate color, she uses familiar household furnishings to develop a metaphor that helps explain a complex theological concept, while at the same time creating the sense that these ideas are as natural and easy to accept as the objects from which the metaphor is constructed. Similarly, in an Easter sermon preached in 1431, her contemporary Nicholas Philip, a Franciscan friar of the convent in King's Lynn (Margery's hometown), uses household furnishings to prepare his listeners to receive the Eucharist at Easter. The sermon is built on the metaphor of the body as the house to which Christ has been invited for a feast, and, like Kempe's Trinity image, this house has furnishings — a carpet, a tapestry, a cushion, a seat cover — and the feast itself involves a variety of dishes along with music and entertaining guests. The sermon develops a multifaceted image that becomes a complete sensory experience, focusing not on the meaning of transubstantiation but on the communicant's proper disposition. While Nicholas Philip's Easter sermon may be unusual in using this imagery to shape an entire sermon, many late medieval Easter sermons preached in England employ such domestic imagery to elucidate for their audiences the significance of the Eucharist, the reception of which, for most of the laity living in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, took place only on Easter. In a process that can be called the domestication of the divine, such metaphors render this annual reception less distant and abstract, making an event with supernatural implications as natural and familiar as a dinner party. However, the rhetorical purpose of this domestication is not primarily to encourage feelings of comfort and easy familiarity with the theological underpinnings of the sacrament, but to promote virtue and responsibility in the recipient both in preparation for and following this event. Nicholas Philip's Easter sermon thus testifies to a homiletic concern of many late medieval English preachers as well as to the artistic license a preacher might take to effect that concern.

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14

Mclaughlin, R. Emmet. "The Word Eclipsed? Preaching in the Early Middle Ages." Traditio 46 (1991): 77–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900004207.

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The modern interest in and study of medieval sermon literature was first driven by a combination of confessional acrimony and professional scholarship. L. Bourgain, Albert Lecoy de la Marche, Richard Albert, Rudolf Cruel, Anton Linsenmayer, and G. R. Owst combed through the archives to uncover the written remains of medieval preaching, and what they discovered came as a surprise to those who had been raised on the Protestant black legend of a mute medieval Church. For quantity and variety the period from the twelfth century to the Reformation must count as one (or several) of the great ages of pulpit activity. In fact, on the eve of the Reformation there was some concern that too much was being preached too often. For example, as a result of complaints by laity and clergy alike, in 1508 the Bishop of Breslau ordered a limit on the number of sermons preached in the city. To be sure, modern judgments concerning the quality of that preaching in both style and content vary with the confessional stance and aesthetic preferences of the individual scholar. But of the late medieval dedication to preaching in season and out there can be no doubt.

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15

Barr, Beth Allison. "“he is bothyn modyr, broþyr, & syster vn-to me”." Church History and Religious Culture 94, no. 3 (2014): 297–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09403001.

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Examining recent claims that the early modern Bible served as an empowering force for women, this article draws evidence from English sermons designed for quotidinal lay instruction—such as the late medieval sermons of Festial, the sixteenth-century Tudor Homilies, and the seventeenth-century sermons of William Gouge and Benjamin Keach. As didactic religious texts written and delivered by men but also heard and read by women, sermons reveal how preachers rhetorically shaped the contours of women’s agency. Late medieval sermons include women specifically in scripture and authorize women through biblical role models as actively participating within the church. Conversely, early modern sermons were less likely to add women into scripture and more likely to use scripture to limit women by their domestic identities. Thus, through their approaches to biblical texts, medieval preachers present women as more visible and active agents whereas early modern preachers present women as less visible and more limited in their roles—thereby presenting a more complex story of how the Bible affected women across the Reformation.

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16

Arcangeli, Alessandro. "Carnival in medieval sermons." European Medieval Drama 1 (January 1997): 109–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.emd.2.301058.

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17

Wilson, Chris. "The Medieval Church in Early Methodism and Anti-Methodism." Studies in Church History 49 (2013): 192–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400002138.

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John Wesley’s sermon ‘Of Former Times’ (1787) provides just one example of his belief in the historical importance of the eighteenth-century Great Awakening. In its conclusion he noted that ‘[n]o “former time” since the apostles left the earth has been “better than the present”’. In another sermon he argued explicitly that religious progress in the eighteenth century was greater than during the Reformation. Undecided about a more suitable comparison, he could not choose between the apostolic age and the rule of Constantine the Great. In these arguments the early Methodists understandably afforded little time to the Middle Ages, which were seen as a dark period between the light of early Christianity and the brightness of their own movement. Yet this essay will argue that, despite this general approach to the history of the medieval church, there is an early Methodist medievalism worth recovering and that it can be best understood in the context of eighteenth-century religious polemic and debate.

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18

Morawska, Karolina. "Ut non diligat vir uxorem sicut adulteram – poglądy kaznodziejów na seksualność w średniowiecznej Polsce." Forum Socjologiczne 8 (April 24, 2018): 25–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2083-7763.8.2.

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Ut non diligat vir uxorem sicut adulteram — sexuality in medieval Poland as seen by the preachersHow can the attitudes of medieval people towards any manifestations of sexuality be examined? The objective of the study is to reveal the utility of sermons in research on sexuality in medieval Poland. Knowing that the content of the studied sermons is frequently set in the reality of everyday life, it is not unfounded to expect that any kinds of behaviour and attitudes criticized and condemned by preachers constitute a credible reflection of the customs typical for the inhabitants of medieval Poland. One can therefore discover what kind of sexually motivated behaviour was permitted, what attitudes were expected and what eluded any control, shaping the reality and customs of medieval Poland.

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19

Wenzel, Siegfried. "Lexical Doublets (Binomials) in Sermons from Late Medieval England." Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 123, no. 1 (May 30, 2022): 157–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.51814/nm.103427.

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The article examines the use of synonymous binomials in sermons produced in England in the fifteenth century. It discusses sermons in English, Latin, and macaronic. English and macaronic sermons use such binomials for rhetorical ornamentation; Latin ones do so too, though to a lesser extent.

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20

Porton, Gary. "RABBINIC MIDRASH: PUBLIC OR PRIVATE." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 5, no. 2 (2002): 141–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700700260253930.

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AbstractThis paper argues that Rabbinic Midrash is a definable literary phenomenon that has its primary locus within the Rabbinic schoolhouses of late antiquity. It argues against the claim that much of our current Rabbinic Midrash originated in the Rabbinic sermons of late antiquity. While some rabbis may have delivered sermons in synagogues or to the "community" in different public settings, we shall see that there are few specific indications of that fact. When we find rabbis within the context of synagogues, they most often are not delivering sermons. And when rabbis "preach" to the community, it is often in cities known for their Rabbinic academies. It therefore is unclear exactly to whom these "sermons" were delivered. Medieval and early modern sources indicate that Rabbinic sermons were a part of synagogue activity on Sabbaths as well as on special occasions, such as weddings and funerals. Even during these periods, however, the exact content of these sermons is in many cases far from certain. Also, changes that occurred within the Jewish communities and in their surrounding environments help to explain why Jewish sermons appear at that time. The existence of Rabbinic sermons during the medieval period accordingly does not testify to their presence in late antiquity.

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21

Medgyesy, Norbert. "The figure of Saint Ladislaus in Hungarian Baroque Chants and Sermons." Saeculum Christianum 25 (April 25, 2019): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/sc.2018.25.9.

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The source material for the present research contains chants and sermons written in honour of Saint Ladislaus from 1634 to 1836. A precise survey shows a variety of motifs dealing with the figure of Saint Ladislaus. The main question of the study is to what extent the Baroque speeches transmit the figure of St. Ladislaus as described in medieval sermons? It is showed that there are many links but it it impossible to find a direct relationship between baroque literature and medieval texts.

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22

Gillespie, V. "Models of Holiness in Medieval Sermons." English Historical Review 118, no. 478 (September 1, 2003): 1036–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/118.478.1036.

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23

Dimitrova, Aneta. "Translation and Transformation of John Chrysostom’s Urban Imagery into Old Church Slavonic." Studia Ceranea 10 (December 23, 2020): 63–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.10.04.

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John Chrysostom was not only one of the most prolific and influential authors of late antiquity but also a renown preacher, exegete, and public figure. His homilies and sermons combined the classical rhetorical craft with some vivid imagery from everyday life. He used descriptions, comparisons, and metaphors that were both a rhetorical device and a reference to the real world familiar to his audience. From 9th century onwards, many of Chrysostom’s works were translated into Old Church Slavonic and were widely used for either private or communal reading. Even if they had lost the spontaneity of the oral performance, they still preserved the references to the 4th-century City, to the streets and the homes in a distant world, transferred into the 10th-century Bulgaria and beyond. The article examines how some of these urban images were translated and sometimes adapted to the medieval Slavonic audience, how the realia and the figures of speech were rendered into the Slavonic language and culture. It is a survey on the reception of the oral sermon put into writing, and at the same time, it is a glimpse into the late antique everyday life in the Eastern Mediterranean.

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24

Virgulti, Ernesto. "Brock University." Florilegium 20, no. 1 (January 2003): 102–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.20.028.

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Although Brock University does not have a specific program in Medieval Studies, it does offer a number of courses dealing with die Middle Ages in various departments of the Faculty of Humanities. The Dean of the Faculty, Dr Rosemary Drage Hale, has herself devoted a considerable amount of her research to the Middle Ages, especially in the areas of medieval women’s religious experience and medieval sermons.

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25

Thayer, Anne T. "Medieval Sermon Studies since The Sermon: A Deepening and Broadening Field." Medieval Sermon Studies 58, no. 1 (October 2014): 10–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1366069114z.00000000018.

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26

Schreiner, Susan E. "Exegesis and Double Justice in Calvin's Sermons on Job." Church History 58, no. 3 (September 1989): 322–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168467.

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Medieval exegetes contributed distinguished commentaries on the Book of Job that had far-reaching influence. When, in 1554, Calvin ascended the pulpit in Geneva to deliver a series of sermons on Job, his listeners heard not only the Genevan Reformer but echoes of that medieval tradition. In Job's story Calvin saw a God whose providence held sovereign sway over nature, history, and Satan. Having undertaken these sermons, however, Calvin soon confronted Job's question: Why do the righteous suffer? Calvin did not answer Job alone. He turned to both medieval Joban commentaries and Scotist-nominalist categories to resolve this book's central issue of divine justice. But we will see that despite all these resources the exegetical difficulties posed by the text itself forced Calvin to realize that his central hermeneutical device brought with it implications with which he was ultimately uncomfortable. That device was double justice.

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27

Odstrčilík, Jan. "Multilingual Medieval Sermons: Sources, Theories and Methods." Medieval Worlds medieval worlds, Volume 12. 2020 (2020): 140–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/medievalworlds_no12_2020s140.

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28

Berardini, Valentina. "Discovering Performance Indicators in Late Medieval Sermons." Medieval Sermon Studies 54, no. 1 (October 2010): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/136606910x12798085080334.

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29

Hornbeck, J. P. "Lollard Sermons? Soteriology and Late-Medieval Dissent." Notes and Queries 53, no. 1 (March 1, 2006): 26–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/notesj/gjj114.

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30

Marek, Jindřich. "Medieval Utraquist sermons on Czech patron saints." Graeco-Latina Brunensia, no. 1 (2019): 105–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/glb2019-1-8.

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Nadtochi, Ekaterina E. "The role of the first Russian funeral sermon of the late 17th - early 18th centuries in the formation of the obituary genre." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 478 (2022): 21–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/478/3.

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The article analyzes the first examples of funeral sermons delivered in Russia at the beginning of the 18th century: the speech of Pastor Stumpfius at the funeral of Franz. Lefort and “The Word for the Burial of Peter the Great” by Feofan Prokopovich, voiced during the burial of Peter I. The text regulating the ceremony of farewell to the emperor by the organizer of the funeral Ya.V. Bruce and “A Brief Tale of the Death of Peter the Great, Emperor and Autocrat of All Russia” by Feofan Prokopovich are also explored. The aim of this study is to learn what role the first funeral speeches played in the formation of the obituary genre in Russian literature. In the course of studying the materials, the author revealed that the most important of the innovations of the funeral ritual was the funeral memorial word, borrowed from the Protestant tradition. The funeral word in Russia existed in both secular and Old Believer culture.“Funeral Teaching on the Day of the Burial of General and Admiral Franz Yakovlevich Lefort” by Pastor Stumpfius speaks not so much about Lefort's departure from life, but about death and virtue in general, about the importance of a righteous lifestyle. Stumpfius closely follows the Lutheran tradition of emphasizing apocalyptic semantics in the funeral sermon. The religious and didactic pathos of the sermon determined the subordinate role of political semantics. In addition, baroque motifs in Stumpfius' sermons have parallels in the Russian medieval tradition. “The Word for the Burial of Peter the Great” was delivered by Feofan Prokopovich at the funeral of Peter I. The speech at the tomb of the emperor went beyond church rhetoric and the main subject was the secular state accomplishments of the late monarch. The most important component of church rhetoric - the significance of the Divine will and the justification of the right of the deceased to enter the Kingdom of Heaven - virtually disappeared from the speech. Prokopovich does not speak about the fate of the soul of the deceased at all. His audience is the subjects and family of Peter I, and the scope of the monarch's accomplishments is the earthly and, moreover, political world. Prokopovich transfers the symbolism of the resurrection from the spiritual and religious plane to the state and political one. Thus, comparing the two speeches, we can say that the word for death at the beginning of the 18th century exists as a dynamic system, on the one hand, it is a form of a journalistic eulogy, where the main emphasis is placed on the sphere of socially significant achievements; on the other hand, it is a funeral sermon that describes the personal qualities of the deceased as merits before God. For the obituary, which was formed later, the first version is a proto-genre source.

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Sybil Jack. "Constructing the Medieval Sermon (review)." Parergon 27, no. 1 (2010): 181–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.0.0245.

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Pouscoulous, Nausicaa, and Frédéric Goubier. "Virtus sermonis and the semantics-pragmatics distinction." Vivarium 49, no. 1-3 (2011): 214–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853411x590507.

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AbstractLate medieval theories of language and contemporary philosophy of language have been compared on numerous occasions. Here, we would like to compare two debates: that between the nature of Virtus sermonis, on the medieval side—focusing on a statute published in 1340 by the Faculty of Arts of the University of Paris and its opponents—and, on the contemporary side, the on-going discussion on the semantics-pragmatics distinction and how the truth-value of an utterance should be established. Both the statute and Gricean pragmatics insist on the importance of taking into account the speaker’s intention and the context in establishing the signification of an utterance. Yet, upon closer examination, a more convincing parallel might be drawn between the statute’s position and current theories in truth-conditional pragmatics. Focusing on a few aspects of the statute that seem to find a counterpart within contemporary pragmatics, we try to show how the issues they give rise to converge, but also diverge.

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Hirsh, John C. "Johnson, Holly. The Grammar of Good Friday: Macaronic Sermons of Late Medieval England. Sermo: Studies on Patristic, Medieval and Reformation Sermons and Preaching 8. Turnhout: Brepols, 2012. xxx+485 pp. €110.00 (cloth)." Journal of Religion 94, no. 3 (July 2014): 386–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/677702.

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Mazurkiewicz, Roman. "Łaciński pierwowzór kazań maryjnych Jana z Szamotuł (Paterka) / The Latin Source of the Marian Sermons of Jan of Szamotu Ły (Paterek)." Ruch Literacki 54, no. 1 (January 1, 2013): 15–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10273-012-0052-9.

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Summary This author of this article has tracked down the Latin source of the Marian Sermons of Jan of Szamotuły aka Paterek (c. 1480-1519). The extant MS of the Sermons, is dated to the early 16th century. They cover the stories of the Immaculate Conception, the Nativity, the Holy Name, and the Life of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Although indebted in their structure and theological content to medieval scholastic treaties, they were generally believed to be Jan of Szamotuły’s own work. Now we know that his source was a volume of sermons Stellarium coronae Benedictae Mariae Virginis, written by the Hungarian Franciscan Pelbart of Temesvar (c. 1435-1504). The two texts are compared with a view of identifying the characteristic features of the Polish translation (paraphrase). The article also presents some conjectures about the date and circumstances of the writing of the Sermons and their prospective use.

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Giraudo, Andrea. "The Critical Edition of the Medieval Waldensian Sermons." Medieval Sermon Studies 59, no. 1 (January 2015): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1366069115z.00000000024.

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Taylor, Larissa. "Medieval Sermons and Society: Cloister, City, University (review)." Catholic Historical Review 86, no. 4 (2000): 664–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2000.0099.

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Rossatto, Noeli Dutra. "O NADA EM SARTRE E ECKHART." Síntese: Revista de Filosofia 44, no. 139 (October 13, 2017): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.20911/21769389v44n139p237/2017.

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Resumo: Estudos atuais relacionam o nada (neant) em Jean-Paul Sartre (1905-1980) com o dos místicos medievais, entre os quais figura Mestre Eckhart (1260-1328). Um de seus sermões está citado textualmente por Sartre em Saint Genet – ator e mártir. Contudo, o filósofo francês não revela textualmente a fonte consultada. Em um primeiro momento, investigaremos a possibilidade de Sartre ter lido diretamente o místico alemão ou mediante a interpretação de Heidegger; ou ainda a do medievalista francês Etienne Gilson. Ao que parece, Sartre leu diretamente a obra do místico. No entanto, isso só nos leva a ter de mostrar, em outro momento, que a compreensão do nada (nicht) eckhartiano por Sartre resulta da leitura da obra do medievalista francês. É isso que, ao final, determinará a diferenciação entre um nada cognitivo e ideal, atribuído por Sartre a Eckhart, e um nada ontológico e existencial, resultante de seu existencialismo.Abstract: Current studies relate nothingness (neant) in Jean-Paul Sartre (1905-1980) with that of the medieval mystics, among which figures Master Eckhart (1260-1328). One of his sermons is textually cited by Sartre in Saint Genet — actor and martyr. However, Sartre doesn’t textually reveal the referred source. At first, we will investigate whether a direct reading of the German mystic occurred, or if its reception took place by means of Heidegger’s interpretation or that of French medievalist Etienne Gilson. As it seems, Sartre read directly from the mystic’s work. However, secondly, we will show that the understanding of nothingness (nicht) in Eckhart results from the French medievalist’s interpretation. That is what will, ultimately, determine the differentiation between the cognitive and ideal nothingness in Eckhart and the ontological and existentialist nothingness in Sartre.

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Saldzhiev, Hristo. "The Apocryphal Bulgarian Sermon of Saint John Chrysostom on the Оrigin of Paulicians and Manichean Dimensions of Medieval Paulician Identity." Studia Ceranea 10 (December 23, 2020): 425–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.10.21.

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The article deals with one of the medieval Bulgarian sources about the origin of Paulicianism – the so called Sermon of Saint John Chrysostom on the Оrigin of Paulicians. On the basis of linguistic, textological and historical analysis it is concluded that the “sermon” appears to be a popular “contra version” of an unknown Paulician myth of historical and religious identity. It is suggested a reconstruction of this supposed myth and its obvious connections with Manicheism are traced out. Finally the traces of Manicheism in Paulician belief system are discussed.

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Carruthers, Leo Martin. "Activités de "The International Medieval Sermon Studies Society"." Bulletin des anglicistes médiévistes 46, no. 1 (1994): 946. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bamed.1994.1937.

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Roccati, G. Matteo. "Constructing the Medieval Sermon, Edited by Roger Andersson." Studi Francesi, no. 163 (LV | I) (May 1, 2011): 146–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/studifrancesi.5862.

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Montoza Coca, Manuel. "Towards a critical Edition of the «Sermones» by Don Martín García." Medievalia 19, no. 2 (April 14, 2017): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/medievalia.397.

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Duclow, Donald F. "Meister Eckhart on the Book of Wisdom: Commentary and Sermons." Traditio 43 (1987): 215–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036215290001254x.

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A common view of medieval thought focuses on the separation of speculative thought from biblical exegesis which occurs with the rise of the universities. Whereas in the patristic era and the early Middle Ages theology and exegesis formed a unity, the introduction of Aristotle and the techniques of quaestio and disputatio detached theology from the study of scriptural texts. The results were twofold: theology attained a new autonomy and a distinctive form in the summa, and exegesis — free of the demands of theological speculation — could pursue a more literal and historical style of interpretation. Whatever the historical accuracy of this view, it has certainly shaped modern scholarship on medieval thought. Theologians and philosophers have focused on summae and disputed questions to such an extent that the Leonine edition of Thomas Aquinas has yet to publish his major Commentary on the Gospel of John. Since Thomas is considered first of all a theologian, not an exegete, his biblical commentaries have been accorded less interest and attention than his systematic works. In contrast, students of medieval exegesis may so emphasize literal and historical interpretation that they exclude or dismiss commentaries that are speculative or mystical. Beryl Smalley's The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages represents this trend, as it devotes little attention to Bernard of Clairvaux but concentrates on commentators like Guerric of St. Quentin, who gave ‘his attention to the literal sense first and foremost.’

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Kilcoyne, Francis P., and Margaret Jennings. "Rethinking "Continuity": Erasmus' Ecclesiastes and the Artes Praedicandi." Renaissance and Reformation 33, no. 4 (October 1, 1997): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v33i4.11372.

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Erasmus' "radical orientation towards continuities," coupled with a series of congruent physical and philosophical circumstances, suggests a possible relationship between certain medieval artes praedicandi and the Ecclesiastes sive de Ratione Concionandi. By exploring the parallels between these texts, especially in the areas of sermon structure and function, the meaning of amplification and allegory, and specifically used terminology, this study extends the parameters of continuity by allowing the earlier allusive material to enrich one's understanding of the great Renaissance sermon manual. Thus, Erasmus' achievement can be viewed, not as a miraculous aberration, but as part of a long and variegated preaching tradition.

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Shahar, Shulamith. "The Boy Bishop’s Feast: a Case-study in Church Attitudes towards Children in the High and Late Middle Ages." Studies in Church History 31 (1994): 243–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012900.

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THE main sources for the boy bishop’s feast are available in print. These include sections in ceremonial- and service-books, cathedral statutes, councils’ decrees,compotus, that is, accounts of the gifts and offerings of money the boy bishop received, as well as his expenses, household books that include registrations of the expenses for the annual entertainment of the boy bishop and his retinue, as well as two sermons the boy bishop delivered. Chambers, in hisMedieval Stage, first published in 1903, dedicated a detailed description to the feast. A short reference to the feast appears in most research works on medieval schools and a number of articles have also been published on the subject. I’ll thus refer to the origins of the feast, but describe it only briefly, disregarding variations between places, and then turn to the subject of my paper: the boy bishop’s feast, as reflecting the image of childhood, attitudes towards childhood, and medieval educational conceptions. These are expressed in the feast itself and more clearly in the sermons written by adults to be delivered by the boy bishop.

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Savelier, Oksana. "Sensum de Senso vs Verbum de Verbo. The Choice of Strategy for the Translation of Medieval Sermons." ISTORIYA 13, no. 11 (121) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023063-8.

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The article is dedicated to the problem of choosing a strategy for the translation of historical sources, specifically, medieval Western European sermons. It gives a brief review of the development of translation thought and provides in detail the main translation theories of the 20th century, as well as their principles and features. The particular attention is paid to the works of biblical translators (E. Nida, E.-A. Gutt, C. Nord, E. Wendland, A. S. Desnitsky etc.). The Holy Scripture as a translators' research object seems to be the closest to the sources considered by the author. The article analyzes the linguists’ postulates and methodological recommendations — within the theories of Dynamic, Functional and Literary Equivalents, as well as theories of Relevance, Skopos and Frames — from the point of view of its applicability to the translation of historical texts. Based on her own research and translation experience, the author proposes for consideration a number of techniques and ideas that are potentially suitable for translating not only sermons, but also other medieval religious sources.

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Barr, Beth Allison. "Medieval sermons and audience appeal after the Black Death." History Compass 16, no. 9 (August 7, 2018): e12478. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hic3.12478.

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Cels, Marc B. "Forgiveness in Late Medieval Sermons: On the Unforgiving Servant." Medieval Sermon Studies 62, no. 1 (January 2018): 42–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13660691.2018.1520989.

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Pascua Vílchez, Fidel. "'Sermo de sepulchro Domini': un estudio sobre los folios 3v y 4r del manuscrito 'BM ms. 528' de Cambrai." Romanitas - Revista de Estudos Grecolatinos, no. 16 (December 30, 2020): 247–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17648/rom.v0i16.29237.

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Estudio de los folios 3v y 4r del manuscrito BM ms. 528 de Cambrai, que contienen un texto en latín de autor desconocido titulado Sermo de sepulchro dñi. Con base en Godoi (2014), Quetglás (2006) y Sánchez Prieto (2015), entre otros, analizamos el objeto de estudio mediante comparación con los acervos digitales de Corpus Corporum y de Documenta Catholica Omnia, persiguiendo los siguientes objetivos: transcribir el contenido de los folios a formato Word, explicar las organizaciones externa e interna del texto, identificar al autor del sermón y ofrecer una traducción al español. Concluimos que: el texto es inédito hasta la fecha; en su transcripción el copista medieval cometió tres errores por omisión debidos a la pronunciación en el dictado interior y a la mala lectura de una abreviatura; la estructura interna del texto no coincide con la interna; no es posible establecer la identidad de su autor con seguridad.

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Tyra, Steven W. "“Mary puts us all to shame”." Church History and Religious Culture 98, no. 3-4 (December 12, 2018): 367–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09802002.

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AbstractThis article examines Martin Luther’s interpretation of Saint Mary Magdalene throughout his career, from his Psalms lectures of 1513 to his sermons on John’s Gospel in 1529. In particular, it will be argued that Luther both adopted and reshaped the exegetical tradition flowing from the twelfth-century theologian, Bernard of Clairvaux. The final result was a Reformation reading of the Magdalene that was neither fully medieval nor “Protestant” as the tradition would later develop. Luther’s journey with the saint thus illumines his ambiguous place in the history of biblical interpretation, as well as his fraught relationship to the medieval past.

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