Journal articles on the topic 'Serbs – Attitudes'
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1
Telaku, Mimoza. "Intergroup Contact, Intergroup Anxiety, and Attitudes towards the Opposing Group in Divided Society." Psihologijske teme 30, no. 3 (December 13, 2021): 397–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.31820/pt.30.3.1.
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The negative attitudes and negative emotions play a key role in maintaining the hostilities between the groups of a divided society. Evidence suggests that intergroup contact can improve or worsen intergroup attitudes. The current study examined the mediating role of intergroup anxiety on quantity of interethnic contact and acculturation attitudes and emotional responses to contradictory conflict narratives in a divided society with a background of armed conflict in the past. The study was conducted among 202 Albanians and 239 Serbs in Kosovo. The results indicate that as more as they meet members of the opposing group the less they feel intergroup anxiety and the more they show acculturation attitudes towards the opposing group among both Albanians and Serbs. However, such mediating role of intergroup anxiety was not found on emotional responses to contradictory conflict narratives, except among Serbs who live in certain enclaves. The findings are discussed in terms of context, reconciliation, and maintenance of frozen conflict.
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Malovic, Gojko. "Perception of Hungarians by the Serbs between the two world wars." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 132 (2010): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1032007m.
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Serbs and Hungarians are neighboring nations for more than a millennium. Over the course of last couple of centuries, due to historical circumstances, a substantial part of the Serbian population has been intermixed with Hungarians. Their mutual relationship has resulted in more than enough historically memorable events. Out of the conflicts of World War I, Serbs came out as the victors while Hungarians were on the side of the defeated. Consequences of the war in which Serbs and Hungarians fought each other left deep wounds on their mutual relationship. The devastating war blows and hardships which Hungarians brought onto Serbs during World War I have contributed to a certain level of distrust which Serbs felt towards Hungarians between the two world wars. This condition has largely influenced mutual sentiments of both peoples. During the period between the two world wars, Serbs acquired some new attitudes, but even more so strengthened the old ones they have had towards Hungarians. Serbs realized that Hungarians kept their national pride even in the period between the two wars, and that the Hungarian attitude towards Serbs has undergone certain change. The territorial dispute between Hungary as the national state of Hungarians, and Yugoslavia as a country predominantly populated by Serbs, represented the major obstacle and a source of misunderstanding between the two nations. The attitudes of the wider Serbian population towards Hungarians between the two wars are harder to apprehend because there was hardly any such research or analysis done in this period. What is available, however, are various personal i.e. subjective opinions recorded by individual Serbian intellectuals of various profiles of the time. They have acquainted themselves and, to a certain extent, studied both Hungarians who lived in Hungary and the Hungarian national minority who lived in Yugoslavia, mainly throughout the multinational region of Vojvodina. Between the two wars, Serbs held Hungarians in high esteem as serious people who, aside from some warlike and crude traits, possess good work habits, sensibility and integrity. This is evident in the fact that in this period Serbs did not come up with a single pejorative or insulting song, witticism or aphorism in regards to Hungarians. For the purpose of greater understanding and even closeness between the two nations in the future, it would be beneficial to carry out a more extensive research into the mutual relationship of Serbs and Hungarians, as well as of their respective cultural accomplishments, not only in the period between the two wars, but in other periods as well.
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Pavlović, Aleksandar. "Contribution to the research of attitudes about Albanians among Serbs in the Northern Kosovska Mitrovica." Bastina, no. 53 (2021): 437–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina31-30072.
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In this paper the author presents a part of the results of field research conducted among Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica between 2011 and 2014. The motive of the research was to offer a contribution to the understanding of the position of the Serbs in this city in the conditions of the altered socio-political context after the war on Kosovo and Metohija in 1999. A part of the research was paid to the problem of the image of Albanians in the perception of Serbs in the context of mutual conflict and the division of Kosovska Mitrovica into two parts - northern, majorly Serbian, and southern - majorly Albanian. This topic has imposed itself practically from the very beginning of the research, due to the fact that the Serbs in Kosovska Mitrovica generally defined their everyday life after the war in 1999 through the picture of division towards Albanians. Theoretically, the research was relied on the concept of ethnic identity, or ethnicity. Starting from Roland Barthes' interpretation of this phenomenon, according to which it is reflective, what means defined by boundaries as a social product arising from the need of groups to differentiate between each other, the aim of the research was to provide ethnographic material useful for understanding the identity position of Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica in the conditions of conflict with Albanian ethnic group. Methodologically viewed, the research was conducted by using an anthropological approach, which meant that the studied problem was analyzed at the interpersonal level and through the experiences of individuals. Attention was focused on the discourse, which means that the research topic was observed from the point of view of the testimonies of the respondents included in the research. The testimonies of the respondents were obtained by using in-depth, ie qualitative research methods, in the first place formal and informal interviews. The research showed that the identity discourse of the Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica towards Albanians was marked by distance, imbued with feelings of threat and distrust. Members of the Albanian ethnic group were observed through the generalizing prism of opposing others, so that they were attributed characteristics with most often diametrically different sign compared to the characteristics that the respondents attributed to themselves, to their own, Serbian ethnic group. On the one hand, the respondents attributed negative characteristics to Albanians, which they considered as not appropriate for Serbs. These characteristics were observed at a double level: 1) regardless of contacts with Serbs ("uncultured", "primitive", "uncivilized"); and 2) in the context of mutual contacts (hypocritical, pretentious, cunning, calculated, etc), ie from the aspect of the attitude towards Serbs which was generally described as hostile. Negative characteristics attributed to Albanians respondents perceived as features opposite to the characteristics of Serbs, which means that by emphasizing them, according to the principal of mutual contrast, they implicitly pointed to the positive values of their own, Serbian identity. On the other hand, the respondents attributed certain positive characteristics to Albanians, namely those that they considered to be in favor of members of Albanian ethnic group in relation to Serbs, which the Serbs lacked. These characteristics were also treated in contrast to Serbian characteristics, and they meant patience, tact, wisdom, diligence, meekness, keeping a given word. The results presented in the paper upgrades the results of previous research that included the analyses of the image of Albanians in the perceptions of Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija in the conditions of the altered socio-political context in this area after the war in 1999. Presented ethnographic material, obtained in period between 2011 and 2014, showed that Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica perceived Albanians primarily through the prism of simplified ideas, which viewed from identity aspect implied the perception of members of the Albanian ethnic group as violent, and members of their own, Serbian ethnic group as victims. Generalization as a form of opinion about Albanians in the statements of respondents was colored with the intertwining of negative and positive attitudes about the characteristics of members of the Albanian ethnic group, with the fact that these attitudes were expressed in such a way as to compare the characteristics of their own group. Yet, the research obtained several views which softened the contrast between Serbs and Albanians, by pointing out the elements of a social character common to each other. The image of Albanians, in the end, gained some complexity thanks to the attitudes of those respondents who spoke about members of this ethnic group through the perception of direct connections and personal experiences. This brought to light the attitude towards Albanian that in some measure deviated from the prevailing generalizations, which, from an analytical point of view, suggested that the image of members of this ethnic group in the perception of Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica was not as simplified as in the context of mutual conflict it might seem so at first glance.
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Baros, Sladjana. "Attitudes of Serbian "returnees" about identity Serbs and Croats." Glasnik Etnografskog instituta, no. 53 (2005): 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gei0553105s.
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Stankov, Lazar, and Goran Knezevic. "Amoral social attitudes and value systems among Serbs and Australians." Australian Journal of Psychology 57, no. 2 (August 2005): 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00049530500048649.
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Vladisavljević, Nebojša. "Grassroots Groups, Milošević or Dissident Intellectuals? A Controversy over the Origins and Dynamics of the Mobilisation of Kosovo Serbs in the 1980s." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 4 (December 2004): 781–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000296113.
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The mobilisation of Kosovo Serbs, barely noticeable from the capital initially but highly visible at the centre political stage between 1986 and 1988, played an important part in the political struggles of the late socialist Yugoslavia. The prevailing view in the literature is that Kosovo Serbs were little more then passive recipients of the attitudes and actions of high officials and dissident intellectuals. The elite thesis says that Belgrade-based dissident intellectuals initiated and guided the mobilisation of Kosovo Serbs, aiming to undermine the party's approach to Yugoslavia's national question and to initiate reassessment of the official policy on Kosovo and Serb–Albanian relations. According to the thesis, Milošević then took over and orchestrated the action of various groups of Kosovo Serbs in order to make the case for the removal of Kosovo's autonomy. The intellectuals and Milošević have generally supported this interpretation, claiming their role in the events leading to the constitutional change to the disadvantage of Kosovo Albanians in 1989–1990.
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Biro, Miklos, and Petar Milin. "Traumatic experience and the process of reconciliation." Psihologija 38, no. 2 (2005): 133–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/psi0502133b.
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The paper present the results of the survey that was designed to examine attitudes towards reconciliation, traumatic experience, as well as some basic values, attitudes and stereotypes in two cities of the former Yugoslavia where the nationalities that were in conflict live together. The survey was conducted on 400 subjects in Vukovar (inhabited by Serbs and Croats) and 400 subjects in Prijedor (Serbs and Bosniaks). The results show that the level of traumatic experience, as a single variable, has no correlation with the readiness for reconciliation. On the other hand, in General Linear Model, best predictors of the readiness for reconciliation were attitudes and values represented by the factors ?Non-Ethnocentric? and Non-Nationalistic/ Xenophobic?. Also, having friends among the ?opposing? nationality and having positive experiences with the members of opposing national groups is highly related to a readiness for reconciliation. Finally, a belief in war crime trials, combined with a readiness to admit the war crimes among its own nationality, was a significant predictor of readiness for reconciliation.
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Dabu, Ileana Simona. "Values and Attitudes in Banat Multiethnic Communities." European Review Of Applied Sociology 12, no. 18 (June 1, 2019): 6–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/eras-2019-0001.
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AbstractThe Banat area is considered an area of interculturality and multilingualism, an area where there is an interference of cultures, a continuous dialogue between cultures and spiritualties. Banat, being a multicultural and multiethnic space, is a model of harmonious coexistence between the many ethnic groups that make it up. In the present research we have aimed at identifying the individual values of the inhabitants of the studied communities and the attitudes towards the others (Romanians, Serbs, Hungarians, Germans, Bulgarians and other ethnic groups), and also their attitudes towards work, land, church, trust in state institutions and traditional occupations.
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Milošević, Srđan. "Land Property Regime According to the Vidovdan Constitution and the Agrarian Question in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes." Tokovi istorije 29, no. 3 (December 31, 2021): 11–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.3.mil.11-36.
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Тhe paper discusses the attitudes of political parties on land property regimes in the context of the agrarian issue, and dynamics of the debate on this matter in the Constitutional Committee and in the Constituent National Assembly of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The very notion of “agrarian question” concerns specifically small peasant landholdings in the process of development of capitalism. This question was raised in the context of the debate on socio-economic problems that were invited by, and eventually, introduced into the Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Vidovdan Constitution, 1921) under the pressure of progressive opposition parties and parts of the ruling political organizations.
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Bozic, Sofija. "Niko Bartulovic on the eve of World War II: the ideological views of the Croatian intelectual." Prilozi za knjizevnost, jezik, istoriju i folklor, no. 77 (2011): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pkjif1177013b.
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The article reviews the ideological attitudes of the Croatian writer and engaged intellectual Niko Bartulovic, in the second half of the 20 century. Bartulovic was democratically committed, a prominent opponent of extremist forces and movements of the time in politics, fascism, communism, clericalism, enthusiastic supporter of the Yugoslav idea and Yugoslavia, based on the principle of national unity. Yugoslav champion real, he accepted the existence of Serbian, Croatian and Slovenian identity along with a feeling of belonging to a single nation, while the total integration of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes left for the future. In order to prevent separatist tendencies which threatened the internal stability of Yugoslavia, stood up to calm the tension in the Serbian-Croatian relations and consensual resolution of the Croatian question in a way that will not jeopardize the existence of a common state of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.
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Hasić, Jasmin, and Zejna Yesilyurt. "Milorad Dodik’s Public Attitudes and Perceptions Toward the ICTY." Politička misao 57, no. 4 (February 25, 2021): 78–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.57.4.04.
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The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was formally closed on 21 December 2017. During the quarter century of its existence, ICTY’s rulings had a significant impact on public discourses and narratives about the Bosnian war. Different opinions among the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) about ICTY’s role and its verdicts have emerged over time, especially among the leaders of the dominant ethno-political parties representing the three ethno-constituent groups – Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs. Milorad Dodik, current member of the BiH Presidency, a former President of Republika Srpska (RS) entity, and the leader of one of the most prominent political parties in RS, was particularly vocal and critical about the work of the ICTY. This paper closely examines Dodik’s public views and opinions toward the ICTY. We use content- and operational code analysis to analyze key features of his perceptions toward the ICTY’s work while serving as the President of RS for two consecutive terms.
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Medjedovic, Janko, and Boban Petrovic. "Predictors of party evaluation in post-conflict society: The case of Serbia." Psihologija 46, no. 1 (2013): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/psi1301027m.
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The goal of present study is to increase understanding of evaluation of political parties by exploring their relations with dispositional constructs conceptually related to political behavior. These are: personality traits, social attitudes and the Ethos of conflict, which emerges from protracted violent conflict between societies. The conflict examined in this study involves Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo. Principal components analysis conducted on parties? preferences isolated two dimensions which can be broadly interpreted as Socio-liberal and National-conservative orientation. Regression analyses have shown that these two dimensions are explained mostly by the Ethos of conflict, followed by social attitudes and personality traits. Personality traits of Honesty and Originality predict evaluation towards Socio-liberal parties. High patriotism and a positive evaluation of one?s own nation characterize supporters of National-conservative parties, while Socio-liberal participants have low patriotic attitudes and do not consider that the aims of Serbian politics in Kosovo automatically exclude the Kosovo Albanian aims.
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Biro, Mikloš. "PUBLIC OPINION IN SERBIA ON ICTY: A CHICKEN OR AN EGG?" Primenjena psihologija 10, no. 4 (January 11, 2018): 463. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/pp.2017.4.463-475.
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The paper presents seven consecutive public opinion polls in Serbia (in the period 2000–2011) on the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and its “partiality“ towards Serbs. The author connected changes in attitudes of citizens during the observed years with the public statements of the “national leaders“ about the Tribunal, as well as with the presentation of the facts of Serbian war crimes in Serbian media. Even though the observed correlation could not be interpreted in the terms of causal relation, the author pointed out to the importance of creators of the public opinion, and offered a possibility that the leading politicians and media in Serbia were not reactive to the attitudes of citizens (as they claimed) but vice versa – they created the public opinion of citizens by their statements or by presentation of the facts about Serbian war crimes.
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Petrovic, Ilija. "Foreign medical help in Serbian liberation wars from 1912 until 1918." Archive of Oncology 18, no. 4 (2010): 143–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/aoo1004143p.
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This work concerns involvement of the foreign medical missions during the Serbian Liberation Wars from 1912 until 1918, the work of their members immediately behind the front lines and in the back, healing of the wounded and the diseased, especially at the time of the great epidemics of typhoid fever, and also the efforts of numerous Serbian friends who collected the funds and material for equipping and sending of those missions. An American mission which came first to Serbia, soon after the beginning of the war operations and which was led by Dr. Edward Ryan, was specially mentioned. For many smaller of bigger missions, it is known that they acted in some of the Serbian war zones. A special attention was paid to the work of The Scottish Women's Hospital, its formation and means of funding, work in war conditions, attitudes towards wounded Serbs and posture during the Serbian retreat before the German, Austro-Hungarian and Bulgarian occupying armies. This text is largely the author's own view of his two books on medical assistance which the Serbs received from their friends from abroad (Medical Missions at Serbian Battlefields 1912-1918 and The Scottish Women with the Serbs 1914-1918). The first of these booklets contains a list with over 1350 names (of which, approximately 700 are the medical doctors), and the other 1230, were based on the author's personal inspection of the available literature and materials, significantly increased the official data of the Serbian Red Cross about the number of medical staff who reached Serbian battlefields: doubles them for the Balkan wars, while in the Great war they were at least five times greater.
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Petrović, Boban, Janko Međedović, Olivera Radović, and Sanja Radetić Lovrić. "Conspiracy mentality in post-conflict societies: Relations with the ethos of conflict and readiness for reconciliation." Europe’s Journal of Psychology 15, no. 1 (February 28, 2019): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/ejop.v15i1.1695.
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After almost 20 years since the end of the armed conflicts in former Yugoslavia, we are witnesses to the fact that the main causes of the conflicts have not been overcome. Reconciliation between ethnic groups that had been in conflict by means of economic and political cooperation, must have a psychological foundation. This study investigates the relations between Conspiracy Mentality, basic lexical social attitudes, and the factors important for Croatian-Serbian and Kosovo Albanian-Serbian reconciliation, i.e., the Ethos of Conflict and the Readiness for Reconciliation. We hypothesize that Conspiracy Mentality will predict the propensity for reconciliation over and above basic social attitudes, and that will mediate the relations between basic social attitudes and factors contributing (or preventing) reconciliation. With the samples of Serbs from Central Serbia (n = 307) and Northern Kosovo (n = 271), Conspiracy Mentality, Ethos of Conflict, Readiness for Reconciliation and five basic lexical social attitudes (Traditional Religiosity, Unmitigated Self-Interest, Communal Rationalism, Subjective Spirituality, and Inequality-Aversion) were measured. Results showed that Conspiracy Mentality is negatively related to the Readiness for Reconciliation and positively to the Ethos of Conflict. Additionally, Conspiracy Mentality predicts Ethos of Conflict over and above the basic social attitudes. Finally, Conspiracy Mentality mediates the relationships between Traditional Religiosity, Inequality-Aversion and Subjective Spirituality on the one hand, and Ethos of Conflict on the other. The results suggest that Conspiracy Mentality should be taken into consideration when creating policies and programmes focused on reconciliation.
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Ilic, Vladimir. "Attitudes of the ethnic elites members in Vojvodina to minority rights and to interethnic relations." Sociologija 44, no. 1 (2002): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0201025i.
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A survey was done with 100 distinguished members of cultural and media elite members. The results showed that ethnic elites in Vojvodina had better economic position than ordinary citizens, but that one ninth of them was poor. On inter-personal level they are very open towards the members of other ethnic groups. As for the attitudes, ethnic elites members differed from ordinary citizens mostly by strongly supporting market economy and liberal concept of development. They couldn't differentiate clearly between individual and collective rights. This was understandable since in multi-ethnic surrounding where Serbian ethnic nationalism still prevailed individual rights were to the great extent determined by ethnic origin. Minority ethnic communities elites had clearer understanding of this fact because their ethnic groups paid higher price in such circumstances. Members of least numerous ethnic groups mostly favored individual over collective rights, major cause for this being probably their fear from Serbian-Hungarian deal at the expense of third party. Yet, this survey's findings regarding this topic were substantially better than any before, since the awareness of need for collective rights to be recognized grew in all ethnic groups, including Serbs.
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Lazić, Mladen. "Montenegro. Capitalist Transformation at the European Periphery." Südosteuropa 66, no. 2 (July 26, 2018): 143–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2018-0013.
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Abstract The author reviews the basic facts necessary to understand the specific process of Montenegro’s capitalist transformation in the past thirty years or so, a process particularly influenced by certain characteristics of the political system. The survival in power of one political party throughout the period of systemic changes, as well as the more than twenty-year personal rule of Milo Đukanović which continued despite the introduction of liberal-pluralist principles, are primarily explained by the control of the state apparatus by the ruling elite. Alongside that was a low level of economic development. In addition, ambivalent attitudes of the populace to Montenegro’s independence from Serbia and the interethnic relations of Serbs and Montenegrins have played their own role. In the second part, the text displays the leitmotif underlying the contributions to the thematic section on Montenegro in this issue.
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Mihic, Vladimir. "Are we Europeans?: Correlates and the relation between national and European identity." Psihologija 42, no. 2 (2009): 203–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/psi0902203m.
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Researches of the correlates of the national identity are plentiful both in Serbian and foreign literature. However, in the past decade or so, a new social identity starts to make its way into the researches of the social psychologists-European identity or the sense of belonging to the Europe and the Europeans. This paper deals with the relation between national and European identity, as well as with the correlates of both of these, or one of them. The sample consisted of 451 subjects, all residents of major cities in the Vojvodina region (northern Serbia), divided into several categories-ethnicity (Serbs and Hungarians), educational level (primary and secondary school or University degree), gender and age. Several scales have been used: Cinnirela's national and European identity scale, Collective self-esteem scale, scale measuring attitudes towards the European integration-STEIN and Social dominance orientation scale-SDO. The questionnaire with the demographic characteristics has also been the part of the instrument. The research has been conducted in 2005 and 2006 in the all of the major Vojvodinian cities. Results show the relation between national and European identity is foggy, but general conclusion is that we can observe them as independent identities. The correlates of the national identity were ethnicity, high social dominance orientation, high collective self-esteem and negative attitude towards the European integrations. Correlates of the European identity were fewer: ethnicity, positive attitude towards the European integration and low social dominance orientation.
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Medjedovic, Janko, and Boban Petrovic. "Intergroup conflict runs in the family: Parental social attitudes and political ideology predict the ethos of conflict in their offspring." Psihologija, no. 00 (2020): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/psi200402028m.
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Ethos of Conflict (EOC) represents a set of societal beliefs regarding violent intergroup conflict. One of the important topic in intergroup conflict research is the political socialization of beliefs regarding conflict - the intergenerational transmission of the conflict-related beliefs from parents to children. However, the empirical data on this process is still very scarce. This is why the main goal of the present research was to examine the associations between EOC beliefs between the parents and their offspring; furthermore, we analyzed which of the parental social attitudes and political ideology beliefs predict EOS in their offspring. The research participants were family members of Serbian nationality (Ntotal=253; 102 families). We examined EOC in the context of the conflict between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo. The data revealed high correlation in EOC between parents and their children. Furthermore, parental traditional religiousness, materialistic ethnocentrism, high conservative, and low liberal political ideology predicted EOC in the offspring. The research findings showed that parental attitudes can indeed be a major source of EOC in their children. Results specified that religious, self-oriented and conservative parents have higher EOC themselves and tend to share beliefs about the conflict with their children to a higher extent. The results have a conceptual and practical implication for building reconciliation and peace.
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Krasniqi, Sanije, and Besnik Krasniqi. "Sport and peacebuilding in post-conflict societies: the role of Open Fun Football Schools in Kosovo." Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 11, no. 3 (June 27, 2019): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-07-2018-0369.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to fill the gap in the research literature on how sport can be used more productively as a peacebuilding device in post-conflict countries. Design/methodology/approach This paper uses interviewing method that includes both semi-structured and unstructured interviews with trainers, instructors and children involved in implementing Open Fun Football Schools (OFFSs) in Kosovo. Findings Findings show that OFFSs have played a vital role in peacebuilding in Kosovo by bringing together people from different ethnic backgrounds in Kosovo, which contributed to social inclusion of Albanians and Serbs, and other communities by changing their initial attitudes toward one another. Research limitations/implications The main research limitation is the usage of semi-structured and unstructured questionnaires instead of structured questionnaires, which would provide more generalized conclusions about the OFFSs. More research is needed on this topic to investigate the effect of similar programs in other country contexts. Practical implications The most important practical implication of the research is that conflict mitigation through football sports programs and activities can be used in other similar contexts by donors and the international community. OFFSs offer a hope for peacebuilding, and if adequately implemented can contribute to peacebuilding in post-conflict societies similar to Kosovo’s context. The positive attitude changes as a result of participation in the OFFS programs shows that these joint programs can promote better ethnic relations. There is a need for the expansion of such programs to reach more people. Originality/value The study provides an original contribution as there has been almost no prior research which actually measured the effects of OFFSs on change of youth attitudes through the integrated sport programs with different ethnicity in Kosovo.
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Peza-Perriu, Majlinda. "RELATIONS BETWEEN ALBANIAN AND BULGARIAN DURING 1912-1914." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (December 10, 2018): 2447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28072447m.
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The history of the Balkans has been and is the story of the peoples who have lived and tried for the relationship of a worthy and peaceful neighborhood on this peninsula. But in a few cases, these relationships are defined by state policies and as such have been conflicting. Referring to political developments, after the First Balkan War Balkan conflicts between the Balkan states conditioned the outbreak of the Second Balkan War. Albania's destiny was directly linked to these Balkan conflicts. The only Balkan state, which had no territorial claims in Albania, resulted to be Bulgaria. In this regard, we point out that Bulgaria's interests after the First Balkan War resonated with the interests of Albanians. The decision of the Ambassadors' Conference in London unduly left outside the borders of the new Albanian state almost half of the country's lands. Did Bulgaria support the new Albanian state at the London Conference of Ambassadors? What was the attitude of the Bulgarian population during the Albanian uprising against the Serbs of 1913? The treatment and analysis of these issues is also the focus of our research in the framework of this scientific paper. In reflecting on such issues, we have relied on the consultation of a broad and contemporary literature, seen in the context of comparability of archival documents, with new approaches and attitudes.
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Peza-Perriu, Majlinda. "RELATIONS BETWEEN ALBANIAN AND BULGARIAN DURING 1912-1914." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (December 10, 2018): 2447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij29082447m.
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The history of the Balkans has been and is the story of the peoples who have lived and tried for the relationship of a worthy and peaceful neighborhood on this peninsula. But in a few cases, these relationships are defined by state policies and as such have been conflicting. Referring to political developments, after the First Balkan War Balkan conflicts between the Balkan states conditioned the outbreak of the Second Balkan War. Albania's destiny was directly linked to these Balkan conflicts. The only Balkan state, which had no territorial claims in Albania, resulted to be Bulgaria. In this regard, we point out that Bulgaria's interests after the First Balkan War resonated with the interests of Albanians. The decision of the Ambassadors' Conference in London unduly left outside the borders of the new Albanian state almost half of the country's lands. Did Bulgaria support the new Albanian state at the London Conference of Ambassadors? What was the attitude of the Bulgarian population during the Albanian uprising against the Serbs of 1913? The treatment and analysis of these issues is also the focus of our research in the framework of this scientific paper. In reflecting on such issues, we have relied on the consultation of a broad and contemporary literature, seen in the context of comparability of archival documents, with new approaches and attitudes.
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Miketić, Uroš. "Programs of parties in Serbia on Kosovo and Metohija on the basis of their internet presentations." ПОЛИТЕИА 10, no. 19 (2020): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/politeia0-27147.
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This paper, using the operational method of content analysis, gives an overview of the programmatic attitudes of the parties in Serbia about the province of Kosovo and Metohija. We have used internet presentations of the parties in our case, but in some cases this meant that these were outdated programs from the period of diametrically opposed political circumstances in the country and the world, or general presentations without stating when and where the program was adopted. In any case, the Kosovo and Metohija issue is recognized by most parties, especially those with the most numerous membership and a long tradition, as an issue of first-class state importance. The parties are almost unanimous when it comes to protecting the rights of Serbs, their cultural heritage, and the economic interests of Serbia in the province. However, the positioning of the parties with regard to the final status of the province has brought major differences. Some parties stand firmly on the position of Resolution 1244 and the 2006 Constitution of the Republic of Serbia in relation to this matter, while on the opposite side are those political factors advocating for a permanent solution based on compromise. The statements of contemporary political actors in Serbia about the province of Kosovo and Metohija are not the subject of this paper, but we are exclusively focused on programs as a permanent testimony to the attitude of political circles in Serbia towards the aforementioned issue to this day.
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Detrez, Raymond. "Orthodox Christian Bulgarians Coping with Natural Disasters in the Pre-Modern Ottoman Balkans." Religions 12, no. 5 (May 20, 2021): 367. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12050367.
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Premodern Ottoman society consisted of four major religious communities—Muslims, Orthodox Christians, Armenian Christians, and Jews; the Muslim and Christian communities also included various ethnic groups, as did Muslim Arabs and Turks, Orthodox Christian Bulgarians, Greeks, and Serbs who identified, in the first place, with their religious community and considered ethnic identity of secondary importance. Having lived together, albeit segregated within the borders of the Ottoman Empire, for centuries, Bulgarians and Turks to a large extent shared the same world view and moral value system and tended to react in a like manner to various events. The Bulgarian attitudes to natural disasters, on which this contribution focuses, apparently did not differ essentially from that of their Turkish neighbors. Both proceeded from the basic idea of God’s providence lying behind these disasters. In spite of the (overwhelmingly Western) perception of Muslims being passive and fatalistic, the problem whether it was permitted to attempt to escape “God’s wrath” was coped with in a similar way as well. However, in addition to a comparable religious mental make-up, social circumstances and administrative measures determining equally the life conditions of both religious communities seem to provide a more plausible explanation for these similarities than cross-cultural influences.
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Rapti, Edmond, and Theodhori Karaj. "ALBANIAN UNIVERSITY STUDENTS’ ETHNIC DISTANCE AND STEREOTYPES COMPARED WITH OTHER BALKAN NATIONS." Problems of Education in the 21st Century 48, no. 1 (November 20, 2012): 127–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.33225/pec/12.48.127.
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The purpose of this study is to identify the Albanian university students’ ethnic distance and the negative ethnic stereotypes compared with other ethnic groups in the Balkans. In addition, the study aims at determining the relationship between the ethnic distance and negative ethnic stereotypes. The sample of this study consists of 600 students selected at random in seven Albanian public universities. The instruments used in this study are a seven item ethnic distance scale for measuring the ethnic distance and a ten item scale for measuring ethnic stereotypes. The ethnic distance scale reliability coefficient is 0.76. The reliability coefficient for the ethnic stereotypes scale varies from 0.84 to 0.90. The descriptive statistics (mean - comparison) is used to describe the level of ethnic distance and ethnic stereotypes...Pearson Product-moment Correlations are used to identify the intensity and orientation of the relation between the ethnic distance and stereotyped attitudes. The study findings indicate that Albanian university students manifest high levels of ethnic stereotypes and ethnic distance compared with other Balkan ethnic groups, especially Serbs and Greeks. In line with the other research, the findings of the present study indicate that there is a positive relationship between the ethnic distance and negative ethnic stereotypes. Key words: Balkan ethnic groups, ethnic distance, ethnic stereotypes.
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Mentzel, Peter. "The German Minority in Inter-War Yugoslavia." Nationalities Papers 21, no. 2 (1993): 129–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999308408280.
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The Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes inherited a considerable number of Germans along with its ex-Habsburg territories when it was established in December 1918. The two most important German communities in inter-war Yugoslavia were the Germans of Slovenia and the Germans of the Vojvodina and Croatia-Slavonia, the so-called Donau Schwaben (Swabians). There were also scattered pockets of ethnic Germans in Bosnia-Hercegovina. The Yugoslavian ethnic Germans (Volksdeutsche), like the other Yugoslavian non-Slav minorities, were objects of discrimination by the Yugoslavian government. The Slovenian German community responded to this hostility by developing a virulent German nationalism which, after 1933, rapidly turned into Nazism. The Swabian community, on the other hand, generally tried to cooperate with the central government in Belgrade. The Swabians remained rather ambivalent toward the rising Nazi movement until the tremendous successes of the Third Reich in 1938 made Nazism irresistibly attractive. In the face of the government's anti-German policies, why did each of these German communities manifest such different attitudes towards the Yugoslav state during the inter-war period? This article will show how several factors of history, demography, and geography combined to produce the different reactions of the two groups.
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Timofeev, A. Yu. "Metamorphoses of memory of the the Russian-Serbian Brotherhood of War in Modern Serbia." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 4 (September 4, 2020): 142–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-4-73-142-156.
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The article considers the perception of World War II in modern Serbian society. Despite the stability of Serbian-Russian shared historical memory, the attitudes of both countries towards World wars differ. There is a huge contrast in the perception of the First and Second World War in Russian and Serbian societies. For the Serbs the events of World War II are obscured by the memories of the Civil War, which broke out in the country immediately after the occupation in 1941 and continued several years after 1945. Over 70% of Yugoslavs killed during the Second World War were slaughtered by the citizens of former Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The terror unleashed by Tito in the first postwar decade in 1944-1954 was proportionally bloodier than Stalin repressions in the postwar USSR. The number of emigrants from Yugoslavia after the establishment of the Tito's dictatorship was proportionally equal to the number of refugees from Russia after the Civil War (1,5-2% of prewar population). In the post-war years, open manipulations with the obvious facts of World War II took place in Tito's Yugoslavia. In the 1990s the memories repressed during the communist years were set free and publicly debated. After the fall of the one-party system the memory of World War II was devalued. The memory of the Russian-Serbian military fraternity forged during the World War II began to revive in Serbia due to the foreign policy changes in 2008. In October 2008 the President of Russia paid a visit to Serbia which began the process of (re) construction of World War II in Serbian historical memory. According to the public opinion surveys, a positive attitude towards Russia and Russians in Serbia strengthens the memories on general resistance to Nazism with memories of fratricide during the civil conflict events of 1941-1945 still dominating in Serbian society.
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Mahmutćehajić, Rusmir. "Antisuverenizam, dimenzija ideologijskog antibosanstva / Antisouverenism, the Ideological Anti-Bosnianism's Dimension." Pregled: časopis za društvena pitanja / Periodical for social issues 63, no. 1 (June 6, 2022): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.48052/19865244.2022.1.1.
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Within the historical, cultural and political Bosnian people’s subjectivity, there is a constant possibility of its awareness in relation to the sovereign, territorially complete and politically independent Bosnian state. And the plan to prevent or destroy that is the essential content of the ethnonational teleologies of Serbs and Croats in which Bosnia and its people were considered only the means for the final achievement of ethnonational goals. That is why the ideology of anti-Bosnianism is an important content of ethnonational teleologies of Serbs and Croats. Although it changes forms, its essence lasts throughout the history of ethnonationalism. From tracking and studying the traces of various forms of ethnonational anti-Bosnianism through history, culture and politics, clues leading to the genocide that took place and weighed, from deciphering the mental states of both those who committed the crime and those suffering them, a question arises: which dimension of that complex phenomena most often eludes understanding and is left without a clear name? The name anti- overeignty seems to clearly reflect the core of that dimension in the semantic field of anti-Bosnian ideology. That name befits the mainstream ethnonational teleologies of Serbs and Croats in their relations to the possibilities of political awareness of the Bosnian people in its sovereign state. But the same name befits the essential contents of the state ideologies of Serbia and Croatia in their relations with the state sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina, territorial integrity and political independence. Until these states recognize both de jure and de facto that Bosnia and Herzegovina's state sovereignty is as the same as theirs, and even more than that, there will not and cannot be harmonization of relations between them and the establishment of living conditions that would be persistently improved in politics. It means in reconciling conflicting interests towards the common good. When we say “more than that,” it means that Bosnia and Herzegovina's social pluralism, long threatened by Serbian and Croatian hegemony, must be protected as a political principle and as a condition for overcoming geopolitical insecurity in the European territory to which these countries belong. The state of Bosnia and Herzegovina is not the cause of that insecurity. These are the destructive attitudes of Serbian and Croatian political and cultural elites towards it. The framework of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, its history, culture and politics are long-lasting. And the constitutional rule in it, in the modern sense of the term, was established after World War II. The foundation of the current Bosnian order is the constitution adopted and guaranteed within the broadest framework of international law. However, it should be understood in the long history of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the history of defending and denying the various constitutional arrangements that preceded it. That constitution is neither the beginning nor the end of the development of constitutional rule in that state. All efforts to defend and deny the historical duration of Bosnian culture and politics, as well as constitutional rule, are the basis for answering the question: Why are neither the current nor any future constitutional order inseparable from Bosnian history, culture and politics?
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Hodžić, Jasmin. "Stavovi srpskih političara o jeziku u Bosni i Hercegovini 1991–1995." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (November 15, 2022): 370–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.370.
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The topic of this article does not cover the views of all Serbian politicians on the language in Bosnia and Herzegovina from the beginning of the 1990s, at least not those who remained in the convocation of the Assembly of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and who were opponents of the policy of the Serbian Democratic Party, that is, they did not agree with it. In this paper, we analyze shorthand notes from the so-called Assembly of the Serbian people in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1991 to 1995 (from January 1992, the so-called Republic of the Serbian People of Bosnia and Herzegovina; and from March 1992, the so-called Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and from September 1992, the Republic of Srpska). The aim of this paper is twofold. One is analyzing the nationalist attitudes of Serbian politicians about the language in Bosnian society from the beginning of the 1990s, while the other is pointing out the presence of some open and tolerant attitudes. Topic wise, we follow the narrative about the use of the alphabet or the discussion about the relationship between the Latin and Cyrillic alphabets. Moreover, particular focus is on the discourse about the name of the language and the mutual relationship between the linguistic identities of Serbs, Croats and Bosniak Muslims. Lastly, we will pay special attention to the issue of Ekavica (ekavian speech) and the model of political partialness and imposition of the Ekavian language of identity in the dialect space to which it does not originally belong. As the use of Ekavica was the biggest point of contention in the debates of Serbian politicians, in this paper we will additionally refer to a brief historical overview of the status of Ekavica in the Bosnian society, especially in education. Documents about the usage of Ekavica in special circumstances will also be presented in this paper. As the documents show, however, Ekavica is a means of spreading Serbian national interests in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Following some ideas of proposed or adopted legislative acts on language from the beginning of the 1990s, we will analyze the transcripts from a total of thirteen parliamentary sessions where language was discussed, along with about twenty individually expressed views during parliamentary procedures. As a thorough presentation or analysis of all of the above would exceed the usual article length, we will present only some parliamentary positions directly as sources. Other views will be systematized and analyzed as a group through the discussion and conclusions. Views that directly concern the current organization of our society and state will be particularly dealt with. In that regard, significant data on how Serbian is positioned in relation to the Bosnian and Croatian languages through the directly stated views of Serbian political representatives on several occasions and at separate parliamentary sessions can also be observed. Two opposing models were found – tolerance in language views, on one hand, and open discrimination and linguistic imperialism in the misuse of language for political purposes on the other hand. The starting motive for research of this type is a contextualized relationship to the current situation in connection with official negative attitudes towards language rights in the Bosnian entity the Republic of Srpska, with a special contextual connection with the latest legislative acts – the so-called unity of the Serbian cultural space, the guidelines for the unified cultural and educational policy of the Serbian people (from 2019), and the Declaration on the borders of the Serbian language (from 2022) – without directly entering into the content elements thereof.
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Kovic, Milos. "The eastern question in the parliament of the United Kingdom in 1876." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 178 (2021): 189–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2178189k.
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This article scrutinizes the attitude of the British political elites towards the Eastern question, in the year of the beginning of the Serbian liberation and unification wars of 1876-1878. It is based on diverse sources, Hansard?s Parliamentary Debates being the most important one. The Eastern question, as geopolitical problem of the future of the Balkan and Levantine lands from which the Ottoman Empire was gradually retreating, has been considered through the confrontation of Great Britain and Russia on the wider Eurasian stage, especially in relation to their conflict in the Central Asia. The article is mainly devoted to the different interpretations, debates and conflicts in the British Parliament and public opinion, provoked by the Serbian uprising in Herzegovina and Bosnia, atrocities in Bulgaria, and the beginning of the Serbian-Turkish Wars. The divisions went mainly through the party lines. Behind almost all events in the East, the Conservatives perceived the hand of Russia and League of the Three Emperors (Dreikaisebund). These ?foreign influences? were attributed mainly to Russia and Serbia, as the alleged Russia?s tool in the Balkans. Thus, according to the Conservatives, the Serbs and Russians were to blame for the sufferings of Bulgarians in the hands of the Turks. Additionally, they were repeating that Turkish crimes were committed in self-defence, and that the numbers of victims were hugely exaggerated by the Russian, Serbian and Bulgarian propaganda and the British liberal press. The Conservatives had similar attitudes towards the atrocities committed by the Turks in the Eastern Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Liberals, on the other hand, were insisting that the main causes of these uprisings and wars were national feelings, economical problems, and the misrule of the Turks. They were directing their moral indignation not only to the Turks, but to the British government as well. According to the Liberals, by despatching of the British fleet in the vicinity of the Ottoman capital, the British government encouraged the Turks and made Great Britain co-responsible for the atrocities committed in Bulgaria, Serbia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Giergiel, Sabina. "Powojenna diaspora. Kilka uwag o obrazie serbskiej i chorwackiej emigracji w najnowszej literaturze." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 38 (February 18, 2022): 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2011.006.
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The Post-War Diaspora: Some Remarks on the Depiction of Serbian and Croatian Emigrants in Recent LiteratureThe essay aims to show how modern literature of both Serbia and Croatia depicts the early South Slavic emigration of the post-World War II period. Describing historical conditions before and during WWII, the author depicts Serbian and Croatian emigration groups which differ one from the other in their mental backgrounds. But the books analysed in the essay show that, when abroad, both Serbs and Croats present identical attitudes and are involved in the same rituals, exclusion and stigmatisation. The analysis is based on two texts: one written by Vladimir Tasić, a Serb emigrant to Canada, the other by Daša Drndić, a Croatian woman of many years’ emigrant experience. In their books the two authors describe members of both nations who form strongly consolidated groups abroad and exhibit nationalistic viewpoints. Both Tasić and Drndić are modern literary writers, open to novelty in art. Furthermore, they openly reject the nationally oriented state models which originated after the collapse of Yugoslavia. They also criticise representatives of the post-war emigration. The author of the essay thus concludes that, after years of silence about the post-war diaspora, the contemporary emigrant communities emerge in two contrasting ways in Serbian and Croatian literature and in scholarly discourse. One is represented by politically and aesthetically conservative artists and scholars, and has a clearly apologetic character. The other, represented by Drndić and Tasić, expresses a critical approach.
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Mencej, Mirjam. "Magic and Hodžas as Magic Specialists in Contemporary Bosnia and Herzegovina." Godišnjak Centra za balkanološka ispitivanja, no. 49 (January 6, 2022): 171–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5644/godisnjak.cbi.anubih-49.144.
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While the early scholars thought that magic practices and beliefs would soon disappear, research from the second half of the twentieth and 21th centuries in Europe testifies to the fact that many people continue to believe in the effects of magic, and that counter-magic continues to be practiced. This paper gives a short overview of magic-related beliefs and practices in 21th century rural Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is based on fieldwork that I conducted in the countryside from 2016 to 2019, among the population of all three major ethnic groups, i.e., Bosniaks, Croats and Serbs, as well as some Roma. Fear of magic is rather widespread: many interlocutors claimed to have suffered the consequences of bewitchment or narrated about the bewitchment experiences of their close relatives and acquaintances. While narratives on bewitchments referring to the time before the war were often related to bewitched cows and milk, after the war they mainly concern psychological and psychosomatic disorders, anxiety or depression, marital problems, problems within the family, but also unacceptable behaviour (such as aggressiveness, insubordination, cheating etc.) as well as infertility and bachelorhood, which are most often explained as a consequence of someone else’s magic. To counteract the effects of bewitchment, people turn to various specialists, among whom the most popular are Muslim clerics called hodžas. In spite of their help against bewitchment, their reputation is generally extremely ambivalent: dealing with “magic” is considered to be contrary to Islamic teachings; taking money from people in distress is deemed problematic; and their knowledge triggers ambivalent attitudes.
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Kireeva (Sergeenko), Ekaterina. "The Annexation crisis of 1908 as a turning point for Serbia’s foreign policy." Slavic Almanac 2022, no. 3-4 (2022): 114–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2022.3-4.1.05.
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The article is devoted to one of the most important events in the history of the Balkan peninsula, namely the Annexation crisis of 1908. The author contemplates key points of the crisis and the details of the negotiation process, in which Austria-Hungary and Russia took active part. Besides that, special attention is dedicated to the impact of the Annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1908 on the policy of the Serbian state aimed at liberating and uniting all lands populated by Serbs, the Bosnian lands included. The Annexation and its subsequent recognition by the Ottoman Empire destroyed these plans. As a result, Serbia’s course of foreign policy was revised and from that moment on Serbia had to focus on accession of another area with Serbian population — Kosovo. In addition, reactions of other concerned country, Montenegro, are dwelt upon. Together with Serbia, it opposed the actions of Austria-Hungary. Cetinje was hoping for a compensation and was waiting for Russia’s support. The discovery in the State Archive of Austria of the unpublished memoire of an Austro-Hungarian politician Leopold von Berchtold (1863–1942) who was a witness to these events, enabled the author to have a closer look at the attitudes of Russia and Austria-Hungary who agreed to maintaining the status quo before the crisis. During the crisis, Berchtold was the ambassador of the Dual Monarchy in Saint Petersburg and could witness the Russia’s reaction to the actions of Vienne. The article also takes into account the published memoire of the Russian diplomat and foreign Minister of the time S. D. Sazonov.
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Vukoičić, Jelena. "Conflict and/or coexistence: The phenomenon of Bosnian komsiluk." Socioloski godisnjak, no. 9 (2014): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socgod1409039v.
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In this article the author analyses the phenomenon of Bosnian komsiluk, the term that is mostly used in order to describe multiethnic society in B&H, that is the relations between different ethnic communities living on the same territory. It is said that komsiluk, in some works on the subject of Bosnia and Herzegovina, is mostly portrayed as the key evidence of harmonic multiethnic society which was destroyed in the civil war in the nineties, by the nationalist forces outside of B&H. The author, however, emphasizes that these kinds of attitudes wrongly interpret the essence of this phenomenon. Komsiluk much less represents the expression of the centuries old tolerance, and much more the mechanism of the everyday functioning of different ethnic communities, based on the respect of very strict rules of behavior and the maintenance of borderline between the members of different nations. The best proof of this 'superficial closeness' of the peoples in B&H is their behavior in the periods of political and security crisis, which were numerous in the turbulent history of this region. In each one of these cases, Serbs, Muslims and Croats have had different political platforms and started brutal interethnic conflicts. Civil war in the period from 1992. until 1995., therefore, is in no way exception, but rather the rule, that is, the continuity of the accumulated political problems solving within Bosnian komsiluk. Author concludes that, in order to understand complex interethnic relations in B&H, it is important to understand the essence of the phenomenon of komsiluk, which, without any doubt, represents very important factor in the turbulent history of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Ahmetović, Amir. "Elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constitution assembly of the Kingdoms of Serb, Croats and Slovenes and the transformation of social splits into political divisions." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 66–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.66.
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Based on the available literature, social division is defined as a measure that separates community members into groups. When it comes to Bosnia and Herzegovina and its population who spoke the same language and shared the same territory, the confessional (millet) division from the time of Turkish rule, as a fundamental social fact on the basis of which the Serbian and Croatian national identity of the Bosnian Catholic and the Orthodox population remained in Bosnia and Herzegovina even after the departure of the Austro-Hungarian administration in 1918. Historical confessional and ethnic divisions that developed in the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian periods became the key and only basis for political and party gatherings and are important for today's Bosnia and Herzegovina segmented society. The paper attempts to examine the applicability of the analytical framework (theory) of Lipset and Rokan (formulated in the 1960s) on social divisions in the case of the elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constituent Assembly of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs in 1920? Elements for the answer can be offered by the analysis of the relationship between the ethno-confessional affiliation of citizens, on the one hand, party affiliation, on the other and their acceptance of certain political attitudes and values on the third side. If there is a significant interrelation, it could be concluded that at least indirectly the lines of social divisions condition the party-political division. The political system, of course, is not just a simple reflex of social divisions. One should first try to find the answer to the initial questions: what are the key lines of social divisions? How do they overlap and intersect? How and under what conditions does the transformation of social divisions into a party system take place? The previously stated social divisions passed through the filter of political entrepreneurs and returned as a political offer in which the specific interests and motives of (ethnic) political entrepreneurs were included and incorporated. After the end of the First World War, ethnic, confessional and cultural divisions were (and still are) very present in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The key lines of division in the ethnic, confessional and cultural spheres, their development and predominantly multipolar (four-polar) character through changes in the forms and breadth of interest and political organization have influenced political options (divisions) and further complicating and strengthening B&H political splits. The concept of cleavage is a mediating concept between the concept of social stratification and its impact on political grouping and political institutions and the political concept that emphasizes the reciprocal influence of political institutions and decisions on changes in social structure. Thanks to political mobilization in ethno-confessional, cultural and class divisions, then the "history of collective memory" and inherited ethno-confessional conflicts, mass political party movements were formed very quickly in Bosnia and Herzegovina as an integral part of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs ( Yugoslav Muslim organization, Communist Party of Yugoslavia, Yugoslav Democratic Party, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...). The lines of social divisions overlap with ethnic divisions (Yugoslav Muslim Organization, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...) but also intersect them so that several ethnic groups can coexist within the same party-political framework (Communist Party of Yugoslavia). The significant, even crucial influence of party affiliation and identification on the adoption of certain attitudes speaks of the strong feedback of the parties and even of some kind of created party identity. The paper discusses the first elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina organized during the Kingdom of SCS and the formation of Bosnia and Herzegovina's political spectrum on the basic lines of social divisions.
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Mosusova, Nadezda. "The wedding and death of Milos Obilic: From The Fairy’s veil to The Fatherland." Muzikologija, no. 25 (2018): 119–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/muz1825119m.
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The prominent Serbian and Yugoslav composer Petar Konjovic (1883-1970) wrote five operas between 1900 and 1960. Konjovic?s operatic opus represents his homeland and his spiritual spectrum: in the first place, indelible memories of his childhood and youth focused on the Serbian National Theatre in Novi Sad, in particular its heroic repertoire of Serbian literature. Consequently, three out of five of Konjovic?s music dramas are derived from Serbian epic and theatre plays. In addition to Ivo Vojnovic?s Death of the Jugovic Mother, these are Dragutin Ilic?s Wedding ofMilos Obilic and Laza Kostic?s Maksim Crnojevic. Therefore three of Konjovic?s operas can be conditionally brought together as being in many ways related, not only by their content but also by music and the scope of time they were created: The Fairy?s Veil (based on Wedding of Milos Obilic)during World War I, The Fatherland (based on Death of the Jugovic Mother)during World War II, and between them The Prince of Zeta (based on Maksim Crnojevic). The last of them, subtitled ?A sacred festival drama? (following with its subtitle the idea of Wagner?s Parsifal) had its gala performance in Belgrade National Theatre on 19 October 1983. The structure of the musical composition was inspired by the ?Kosovo mystery play? by Vojnovic (1857-1929), an outstanding dramatist from Dubrovnik. In this case, the playwright was a narrator of the historical-legendary past of the Serbs. Drawing on Serbian national epic poetry which deals with the downfall of the Serbian medieval empire caused by the Turkish invasion, Vojnovic constructed his play on the basis of the central poem of the epic cycle about Kosovo, The Death of the Jugovic Mother. Both the epic and Vojnovic?s play present the tragedy of Serbian people in the figure of the Mother. She dies with a broken heart after the loss of her heroic husband, Jug-Bogdan, and her nine sons, the Jugovici, in the decisive battle against the Turks in the Kosovo field in 1389. Vojnovic?s play was performed in Belgrade and Zagreb in 1906 and 1907 respectively, as well as in Trieste (1911) and Prague (1926); and several Serbian and Croatian composers wrote incidental music for it. Slovenian composer Mirko Polic was also inspired by it and his work was performed in Ljubljana in 1947, while Konjovic?s ?festival drama? finished in 1960 was staged much later. Its premiere in 1983 was scrupulously prepared by the father-son duo, Dusan Miladinovic (conductor) and Dejan Miladinovic (director), who paid special attention to the visual aspect of the performance. The director, together with the scenographer Aleksandar Zlatovic created for The Fatherland a semi-permanent set of symbolical characters, with an enormous raven, made of jute, replacing the backdrop. The costume designer was influenced by medieval frescoes from Serbian monasteries in Kosovo. The director himself conceived a ?mute? and motionless appearance of figures of Serbian warriors in ?tableaux vivants? by placing them in attitudes of combat on the edge of the revolving stage during the curtain music between the acts. What the composer Konjovic aimed for with his last music drama was to eternalize in music the beautiful Serbian epic, depicting the tragic history of his people and thus reminding Serbs of their roots. In this sense The Fatherland was Konjovic?s Ninth Symphony and his oath of Kosovo.
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Radic, Prvoslav. "On the external standardization of the language of Serbs." Juznoslovenski filolog, no. 64 (2008): 365–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/jfi0864365r.
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The weakening of the SFRY (Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia) which was followed by its dissolution, had an impact on a wide range of issues, one of them being the degradation of the so called Serbo-Croatian language. Not only did the external political influences contribute to the dissolution of the SFRY, but they also play a part in the linguistic profiling of new standard varieties today. However, as the dissolution of Yugoslavia couldn't have been imagined without consequences for Serbs primarily, the transformation of the 'Serbo-Croatian' language into a series of new language norms-successors of the old ones, cannot take place without challenging the rights of the great number of Serbs who live outside of Serbia. These are the rights that primarily refer to the linguistic and social identity - therefore the national identity. The best illustration of this are the external influences in the domain of linguistic engineering today, and these influences can basically be divided into extensive (e. g. commercials, radio and TV programmes) and intensive (textbooks, handbooks etc). The aim of this study is the analysis of those different kinds of pressures put on the standard variety of the language of Serbs. From the domain of the extensive influences (commercials) there is an example of the instruction given on a tube of toothpaste (Vademecum laboratories, Perfection 5 - Schwarzkopf & Henkel, Dusseldorf - Germany), and as an example of the intensive influences of this type, there is an American textbook (R. Alexander, E. Elias-Bursa} Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian, a Textbook, With Exercises and Basic Grammar, The University of Wisconsin Press, 2006). Both of these language materials proved to be highly compatible when it comes to the characteristics that should become an integral part of the standard language variety of Serbs, and apparently only the Serbs who live in Serbia. Among the language characteristics which are 'typically Serbian' the most prominent are: ekavian dialect ('lepa deca', not: 'lijepa djeca'), the 'da + prezent' construction ('moram da citam', not: 'moram citati'), the prepositional form 'sa' ('sa limunom', not: 's limunom'), as well as many other characteristics like interrogative sentences beginning with da li ('Da li si student?', not 'Jesi li student?') etc. As it follows the newly formed political borders in the area of the former SFRY, the contemporary linguistic engineering has engaged itself in creation of the new standard language varieties, including the one (or should we say, primarily the one) that belongs to the Serbs. However, the Serbs don't have the need for the re-standardization of their language (which became widely familiar to the European community since the 17th century, and it underwent the process of standardization at the beginning of the 19th century owing to the work of Vuk Karadzic) after the dissolution of SFRY, especially if it would be carried out from the outside and not take into account all the entities of this nation, e. g. the Serbs in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro etc. Because it is those Serbs who have always contributed significantly to the culture, science, and the overall identity of the Serbs generally, doing an immense favor to the European and even the world culture, and science in general. That is why the European culture - if it seeks to remain multiethnic and democratic - and other cultures similar to her, must allow the Serbs to preserve their cultural and national identity, wherever they may live - and the best proof of this will be its attitude towards the standard language variety which was established by Serbs almost two centuries ago.
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Kluchnyk, Liliya, and Stepan Davymuka. "Savings and Migration Capital of Households: World Experience and Domestic Realities." Economic and Regional Studies / Studia Ekonomiczne i Regionalne 13, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 342–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ers-2020-0025.
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SummarySubject and purpose of work: The subject of the paper is the formation of household savings in Ukraine and their sources of aggregate household incomes, with particular attention to the Ukrainian labor migration. It is an important source of foreign exchange earnings in the form of remittances, which help improve the welfare of population and ensure economic growth in the country.The purpose of the paper is to research and determine major trends of the development of households’ financial resources, to examine the foreign experience of forming and use of residents’ savings and to determine the ways it can be applied in Ukraine, and to analyze the main trends of state policy in the regulation of labor migrants’ remittances.Materials and methods: The author of this paper analyzed the literature on the subject and performed desk research using data from reports and studies published by EU statistics (Euro stat Statistics) and GUS (Statistics Poland), statistical yearbooks of Europe; WDR reports (Global Financial Development Report 2019/2020) and NBU (Official website of the National Bank of Ukraine).Results: The author’s research has shown that the process of saving is quite popular for European people is quite popular. Accordingly, in 2019, the residents of Poland, Hungary and Romania were the most frugal – 82%, 84% and 85%. Further attitudes towards savings are the following: Turks (77%), Ukrainians (76%), Croats (75%), Serbs (72%), Germans (73%), while savings are slightly less important for Austrians (70%), Slovaks (67%), Czechs (66%), and Montenegrins (59%). This savings situation has clearly demonstrated the power of effective household decisions for overall political and economic activity in Europe. Finally, the migration capital of Ukraine has a “shadow character” due to, first of all, the desire to minimize the costs of transferring funds home through official channels, as well as distrust of the banking sector in Ukraine.Conclusions: To increase the efficiency of the formation and use of household savings in Ukraine, it is necessary to increase the interest of citizens in savings by partially or completely exempting from taxation the income directed to accumulation and create the conditions necessary for the implementation of new banking, insurance, and other types of financial services.
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Stankovic, Vlada. "Bulgaria and Serbia in the historical works of George Akropolites and George Pachymeres." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 46 (2009): 179–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0946179s.
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The paper analyzes the well-known historical works of George Akropolites and George Pachymeres from the viewpoint of their literary composition structure, lexica and narrative techniques used for describing events and personalities from Bulgaria and Serbia. An attempt is made to surpass the 'traditional' methodology and the usually applied standard approach that focuses almost exclusively to the search for the 'strong' historical facts in these literary works par excellence, in that way overlooking their strong literary character, careful expressions, sometimes evident and sometimes more subtle style differences whose purpose was to underline the focal points and the conclusions of the content of the stories - in short, the information and the stories about Bulgaria and Serbia by Akropolites and Pachymeres are analyzed in their entirety, viewed as the integral parts of the complex literary works, and not as isolated episodes, divided from the rest of the narrative. The ways in which George Akropolites depicted and described deaths of the Bulgarian rulers were studied as one of the best examples of his conscious endeavors to bring the literary style of his History in accord with his own judgments about the rulers of the neighboring country. Scenes of death, conspicuously frequent in Akropolites' relatively short historical work, play an important role in characterizing personalities, and the same principle which Akropolites uses for judging the Byzantines is applied to the Bulgarians as well: generally positive opinion about somebody's life and achievements is emphasized with a depiction of his death in a positive way (Ivan II Asen), and vice versa, Akropolites' 'villains' receive their horrible deaths as a deserved punishment for their bad deeds (Kalojan's death). On the other hand, Akropolites' scarce information about Serbs is supplemented with his depiction of the Serbian king Uros (1243-1276), and his stance after the death of John Batatzes from the funerary oration to the same emperor, which has been completely overlooked by the scholars until now. Akropolites confirms that the Empire of Nicaea and king Uros's Serbia were strongly connected, and that only after the death of the 'mighty' John Batatzes Serbian king allied himself with the ruler of Epiros, despotes Michael II Angelos. More complex in structure, language, narrative techniques and expressions than Akropolites' is without doubt the voluminous History by George Pachymeres. In the context of Pachymeres' depiction of the Bulgarians and Serbs, the chapters that describe Byzantine marital diplomacy regarding Bulgaria and Serbia are studied in details, with the emphasis placed equally on the literary analysis of the corresponding chapters, and on the concordance between the content and style, author's attitudes and expressions used, Pachymeres' intention and the form he had chosen, which all contribute in the end to the better understanding of the historical circumstances, as well. The following chapters of Pachymeres' History, forming the comprehensive narrative segments, were examined in detail: - the description of the marriage of the Bulgarian tsar Constantine Tich with the niece of the emperor Michael VIII (Pachym?r?s II/ V, 3: 441-445); - the unsuccessful attempt of alliance by marriage between the Serbian prince Milutin and the second daughter of the emperor Michael VIII (Pachym?r?s II/ V, 6: 453-457); - negotiations for the marriage between now king Milutin and Simonis, young daughter of the emperor Andronikos II, with all the circumstances that followed the complex negotiating process (Pachym?r?s III/ IX, 30: 299-303 Pachym?r?s III/ IX, 31: 303-305; Pachym?r?s IV/ X, 1: 307-309; Pachym?r?s IV X, 2: 309-313; Pachym?r?s IV/ X, 3: 313; Pachym?r?s IV/ X, 4: 313-315 Pachym?r?s IV/ X, 5: 315; Pachym?r?s IV/ X, 8: 319-321; Pachym?r?s IV/ X, 9 321-327).
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Yücedağ, İsmail, and Nurgün Koç. "Arnavutlar Arasında Anadilde Eğitim Talepleri İle Alfabe Tartışmaları ve Osmanlı Devleti’nin Tutumu / Mainstream Education Requests with Alphabet Discussions between the Albanian and Attitudes of the Ottoman State." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 7, no. 1 (March 31, 2018): 506. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v7i1.1412.
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<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>Education passed through a wide range of reform movements like other institutions in Ottoman Emire during XIX century. The era of Abdülhamit II is especially prominent regarding educational reforms. A number of important steps were taken during his reign to improve education such as building new schools, effort to increase the number of students, more participation of girls in education and teaching, use of modern tools and techniques etc. This period was also characterized by the development of nation-states that were started to be established under the influence of the nationalist movement. Some cultural privileges were given to the Balkan peoples, such as Greeks, Bulgarians, Serbs, and Vlachs, who had revolted against the Ottoman Empire to keep them binding with the state. The right to education was one of those important privileges. Indeed, non-Muslims who had already educated in their own tongues and schools had begun to use their studies of language and education more in shaping their cultural identities in this period. At this point, it can be said that the Albanians were more backward than the other Balkan peoples, because unlike the other Balkan nations, though they were in an ethnic union but having more religious pluralism (Muslim, Orthodox Christian, and Catholic Christian) in their society. Therefore, the demand of Albanians from the Ottoman State for their education with their own tongues has only emerged from the beginning of the 1900s. The Ottoman central government looked favorably on these requests and considered the right to education in mother tongue as a constitutional right for them. However, the Albanians could not have a consensus that should their education in the mother tongue be in Turkish (Arabic) letters or Latin alphabet. This was also a reflection of the cultural differences in Albanians.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>XIX. yüzyılda Osmanlı Devleti’nde diğer bütün alanlarda olduğu gibi eğitimde de geniş reform hareketleri içine girilmiştir. Yüzyılın son çeyreğinde, özellikle II. Abdülhamit döneminde eğitimle ilgili reformlar öne çıkmaktadır. Okul yapımı, öğrenci sayısının arttırılması çabası, kız öğrencilerin eğitim ve öğretime daha fazla katılması, modern araç- gereç ve tekniklerin kullanılması vb. çalışmalar dikkat çekmektedir. Bu dönem aynı zamanda milliyetçilik akımının güç kazandığı ve belli ölçüde başarıya ulaştığı bir dönemdir. Osmanlı Devleti’ne karşı ayaklanan başta Rumlar, Bulgarlar, Sırplar, Ulahlar gibi Balkan halklarının devletten kopmasını engellemek için onlara birtakım kültürel ayrıcalıklar verilmiştir. Ana dilde eğitim hakkı da bunlardan biridir. Esasen daha öncesinde de kendi dillerinde ve okullarında eğitim gören gayrimüslim halklar, bu dönemde dil ve eğitim ile ilgili çalışmalarını daha çok kültürel kimliklerin şekillendirilmesi için kullanmaya başlamışlardır. Bu noktada Arnavutların diğer Balkan halklarına göre daha geri planda kaldığı söylenebilir. Çünkü diğerlerinden farklı olarak etnik yönden bir olsalar da dini yönden ayrışım içindeydiler (Müslüman, Ortodoks Hristiyan ve Katolik Hristiyan). Bu yüzden Arnavutların Osmanlı Devleti’nden kendi dilleri ile eğitim talebi ancak 1900’lü yılların başlarından itibaren karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Bu taleplere Osmanlı merkezi olumlu bakmış ve ana dilde eğitim talebini anayasadan kaynaklanan bir hak olarak görmüştür. Fakat Arnavutlar kendi içlerinde anadilde eğitimin Arapça harflerle mi yoksa Latin alfabesiyle mi olması konusunda bir uzlaşıya varamamışlardır. Bu durum da Arnavutlardaki kültürel farklılığın bir yansımasıdır.</p>
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Lutovac, Zoran. "Les Serbes au Monténégro après la séparation en 2006." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 146 (2014): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1446055l.
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Ce trait? examine le probl?me de la position et du statut des Serbes au Mont?n?gro, ainsi que leur organisation politique et sociale depuis la s?paration de la Serbie et du Mont?n?gro en 2006. La question de l?identit? nationale de la population chr?tienne orthodoxe du Mont?n?gro reste encore dans la sph?re de la politique et non pas de la statistique et repr?sente une des scissions sociales principales du Mont?n?gro contemporain. Les Serbes ne sont pas satisfaits, et cela ? juste raison, de la mani?re dont on a trait? cette question jusqu?? pr?sent et juste le moyen dont on se servira d?sormais pour r?soudre cette question d?finira consid?rablement le caract?re du Mont?n?gro en tant qu??tat et le peuple Serbe dans cet ?tat. La r?ponse ? la question si les Serbes seront reconnus comme un peuple autochtone et ?gal d?pendra, avant tout, des Serbes au Mont?n?gro eux-m?mes, mais aussi, elle d?pendra consid?rablement de l?attitude et de la position que prendra la Serbie par rapport ? cette question et ensuite de la capacit? des ?lites politiques mont?n?grines au pouvoir de les accepter, non seulement en th?orie mais aussi en pratique, comme une communaut? nationale ?gale.
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Sokół, Jakub. "Serbian nation and its problems from the perspective of Polish nationalists in the early 21st century." Review of Nationalities 7, no. 1 (December 1, 2017): 205–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pn-2017-0006.
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Abstract The article analyzes the situation of Serbs in Kosovo in terms of its reception by contemporary Polish nationalists in the magazine “Szczerbiec”. Serbian topics in Polish nationalist communities can count on special interest and recognition. The nationalist environments of many countries are showing solidarity with the Serbian nation in Kosovo and demanding recognition of their rights to these lands. The sympathy shown by Serbs to Poles, whose Slavic origins are linked, is pointed out. It can be assumed that the characteristics, attitude and views of the Serbs will foster mutual relations in the future.
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Schapovalov, V. A. "Sympathy for barin in Russian household tales." Belgorod State University Scientific bulletin. Series: History. Political science 46, no. 4 (December 30, 2019): 673–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.18413/2075-4458-2019-46-4-673-681.
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The article reveals the degree and character of the positive barin`s image in Russian vernacular tales. It is usually argued that a landlord as pictured in the vernacular tales is an antagonist of a peasant combining greed, stupidity, idleness and rigidity. One can hardly question this argument knowing the dominant behavior stereotypes of Russian landlords, for most of whom the peasants were basically animated objects. However, the social relations in the Russian village were more complex and multilayered, and it is also reflected in folklore, including vernacular tales. The landed gentry had different incomes, while their education, worldview and religiosity also varied. Therefore, barins` attitude towards their serfs differed as well: from inhuman cruelty to «paternal» virtue determined by the awareness that their prosperity depended on the well-being and loyalty of their serfs. Although rarely, there were also some barins who were sincere benefactors of their serfs. One can reveal this variety of attitudes in the vernacular tales. The positive moral characteristics of the gentry might be intertwined with the abovementioned negative ones. This highlights the complexity of perception of barin`s power by peasants. Thus, the vernacular tales is an important historical source to study the barin-muzhik relations in the Russian village, especially its socio-psychological aspect.
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Đurović, Draženko. "PROBLEM NACIONALNOG OPREDJELJENJA BOSANSKOHERCEGOVAČKIH MUSLIMANA 1945–1954: IZMEĐU POLITIKE KPJ/SKJ I OSJEĆAJA PRIPADNOSTI „TURSKOJ VJERI“." Istorija 20. veka 40, no. 2/2022 (August 1, 2022): 423–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.dju.423-440.
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Although the CPY advocated the existence and equality of the three peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina during the liberation and revolutionary struggles, at the end of the Second World War a change of political course on the status of Muslims and a renunciation of the affirmation of their national identity followed. Despite the fact that the “people’s government” took a position on the “free” national expression of the Bosnian population of the Islamic religion, the political circumstances and relations established after the liberation, to some extent, guided the national “evolutionary path” of Muslims. Serbs were the main force of the national liberation struggle, so after the war they were considered the most reliable element of the new state and order, which encouraged the communists of the Islamic faith to identify with the nation of the informal war victor and the leading people in power in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The result was that the predominant number of the leadership and the Muslim party membership accepted the Serbian national name, which profiled the further policy of the CPY towards this Slavic people. However, contrary to the national orientation of the Muslim party membership and the political affinities and efforts of the CPY, the Muslim masses did not accept the Serbian, and especially the Croatian national nomination, but “kept” their ethnic identity, declaring themselves undecided. This generated a paradoxical situation and political contrast, which was one of the complicating factors of the political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Poorly developed national consciousness, faced in the past with different orientations of their own intelligentsia, the Bosnian Muslim masses found themselves in a “gap” between the unprincipled policy of the CPY towards their position and national nomination, and the legacy of the Turkish tradition with which they identified. They often called themselves Turks, implying affiliation with the Islamic faith, and such tendencies persisted until the second half of the twentieth century. The communists suppressed the use of the Turkish name to denote local Muslims, and allowed and promoted the expression of negative attitudes towards the Ottoman imperial past, for which there were two reasons. Such an appointment clashed with the current policy of shaping the national “evolutionary path” of Muslims and the fight against the “backward influence of religion”, because the Turkish nomination meant the equivalent of belonging to the Islamic faith. Considering that Islam was a basic element of identity and social being for Bosnian Muslims, such a policy of the Party was also a significant factor in complicating political relations in the republic.
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Vlasidis, Vlasis. "The Serbian heritage of the Great War in Greece." Balcanica, no. 49 (2018): 189–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1849189v.
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During the First World War Serbian soldiers were encamped or fought in different parts of Greece. Many of them died there of diseases or exhaustion or were killed in battle. This paper looks at the issue of cemeteries of and memorials to the dead Serbian soldiers (primarily in the area of Corfu, Thessaloniki and Florina) in the context of post-war relations between Greece and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia), at the attitude of post-Second World War Yugoslavia towards them, and the Serbs? revived interest in their First World War history. It also takes a look at the image of Serbs in the memory of local people.
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Jessica Christie, Maria, Amelia Regina Pamuji, Handyanto Widjojo, and Krishnamurti Murniadi. "Analisis Hubungan Antara Karakteristik Iklan Online, Sikap Konsumen, Flow, dan Minat Membeli." Kajian Branding Indonesia 2, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21632/kbi.2.1.69-86.
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Perkembangan Internet di Indonesia yang pesat mendorong munculnya perilaku masyarakat yang instan dan serba digital. Fenomena ini menyebabkan semakin maraknya media periklanan digital di Indonesia serta banyaknya iklan digital yang terpapar kepada konsumen. Penelitian ini bertujuan mengetahui hubungan antara karakteristik iklan (informativeness, entertainment, dan credibility), sikap konsumen dan minat membeli terhadap iklan online yang muncul pada platform Youtube, dan mengetahui faktor yang paling mempengaruhi minat membeli antara attitudes toward online advertising, subjective norm dan flow. Structural Equation Modelling digunakan sebagai metode pengolahan data. Penelitian ini melibatkan 181 responden pria dan wanita pengguna Youtube usia 19 - 34 tahun yang berdomisili di Jabodetabek dan belum pernah melihat iklan Coca-Cola Brotherly Love. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa entertainment, informativeness dan credibility mempengaruhi consumer attitude toward online advertising secara signifikan, demikian juga consumer attitude toward online advertising mempengaruhi purchase intention secara positif dan signifikan. Implikasi manajerial dari penelitian ini ialah untuk dapat meningkatkan purchase intention konsumen terhadap suatu produk melalui media iklan, maka penting untuk memastikan bahwa konsumen memiliki sikap yang positif terhadap iklan yang didapatkan melalui komponen karakter iklan online yaitu entertainment, informativeness dan credibility.
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Vukovic, Slobodan. "Stereotypes about the Serbs and the break-up of Yugoslavia." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 120 (2006): 75–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn0620075v.
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The article deals with the influence of Western press, mainly German Austrian and American on the break-up of the second Yugoslavia. Regarding German and Austrian press, it only renewed old and created new stereotypes about the Serbs and Serbia in the eve and during the break-up of Yugoslavia. Comparative analysis shows that these are the long lasting structures and that this writing is in accordance with a long tradition. At the end, German and Austrian elites reached consensus regarding these specific issues, that is, break-up of Yugoslavia. On the other hand, the attitude of the USA press was changing in accordance with the changes in the position of the administration. American media have a unique standpoint towards the foreign public and they represent the proclaimed interests of the administration. This means that the USA government, through the controlled media, prepared its public for its future steps in order to justify the recognition of separated republics.
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Dragosavljević, Vasilije. "ŠTAMPANA GLASILA JNP ZBOR O POLITIČKOBEZBEDNOSNOJ SITUACIJI U BANOVINI HRVATSKOJ (1939–1940)." Leskovački zbornik LXII (2022): 231–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lz-lxii.231d.
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In this paper, I shall analyse a number of articles published by the Yugoslav People’s Movement Zbor (JNP Zbor) in its party papers and newssheets, with the aim of reconstructing the attitude adopted by this political organization regarding the political and security situation in the Banate of Croatia in the period 1939-1940. In particular, the focus shall be on the process of the downfall of the regime established by the Croatian Peasant Party in the Banate of Croatia, which resulted from the persecution of Serbs and other non-Croat population and concurrent conflicts within the Croatian national movement. Special attention shall also be paid to the repressive measures taken by the Croatian Peasant Party regime against the Serbian population, whose sufferings were a prelude to the genocide that the Ustashe regime eventually perpetrated against the Serbs in the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) during the World War 2.
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Čeh Steger, Jožica. "Oton Župančič in začetki južnoslovanske tvorbe." Studia Historica Slovenica 20 (2020), no. 1 (March 30, 2020): 227–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.32874/shs.2020-07.
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The paper presents the literary writings and cultural-political activities of Oton Župančič in the period before the World War I and during the war with the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes or the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, respectively. Based on the analysis of Župančič's cultural-political activities, his poems with national(istic) and political substance published in journals/newspapers, books of poetry – notably the collection V zarje Vidove (In the Vitus Dawn), selected essays, notes and correspondences, it was possible with respect to the mentioned period to discern his concern for the nation's fate, i.e. his attitude towards Slovene and Yugoslav identity. As a Bela Krajina native, he identified as both a Slovene and a Yugoslav at the same time. But his definition of an integral Yugoslav identity in the first few decades of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes did not include language unitarism.
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Ćalić, Jelena. "Pluricentricity in the classroom: the Serbo-Croatian language issue for foreign language teaching at higher education institutions worldwide." Sociolinguistica 35, no. 1 (November 1, 2021): 113–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soci-2021-0007.
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Abstract The study presented in this article looks at the effects of the changes in national language policies following the break-up of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia on teaching the Serbo-Croatian language or a “language which is simultaneously one and more than one” as a foreign language. The study explores how language ideologies and conflicting attitudes towards national standard languages, recorded both within nation-states and across nation-state borders, are understood by teachers in the context of teaching Serbo-Croatian as a foreign language. The article also examines the extent to which these understandings reflect current discussions of pluricentric languages and methods adopted for teaching pluricentric languages as foreign languages.