Journal articles on the topic 'Serbian national identity'
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Biserko, Sonya. "HEGEMONIC NATIONALIST MATRICES OF THE PAST AND THE FUTURE OF THE BALKANS." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 84–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.04.
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The article examines the features of public attitudes, national consciousness and foreign policy of Serbia in the context of its relationship with the countries of the Western Balkans. On the basis of modern Serbian scientific literature and opinion piece, the author analyzes the current crisis state of Serbian society, which was the result of the policy of S. Milošević and the heirs of the ideas of Serbian nationalism. The main attention is paid to Serbia’s relations with the newly formed states after the collapse of the SFRY - Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro and North Macedonia - from the point of view of the problem of joining of these countries the EU and NATO. The author analyzes the political and psychological atmosphere in Serbian society, the moods and plans of the authorities of modern Serbia, as well as the views of the right-wing nationalist politicians and scientists in relation to neighboring states. The study acquaints the reader with Serbia’s foreign policy plans and their results in the context of the formation of a new national identity based on the «Saint Sava myth», Serbian Orthodoxy and Serbian ethnic nationalism. An important place in the formation of Serbian identity is occupied by the revision of the concept of the history of Yugoslavia, which leads to the deformation of historical consciousness and the dominance of ethno-national identity over all other types of identity, and above all, over civic identity. The author believes that the new identity now being formed in Serbia leads to the rejection of modern reforms based on the rule of law, human rights, pluralism and tolerance. The author concludes that for stabilization in the Balkans it is necessary to find a point of integration common to all peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina, regardless of their nationality. Bosnia and Herzegovina is a key link in the process of stabilizing the region. But all the other states of the Western Balkans are facing the same task. The researcher examines the role of Russia in the domestic life and foreign policy of Serbia and, in general, in the Western Balkans region, which has not yet resolved the problems of the transition period.
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Djeric, Gordana. "Mythical aspects of Serbian identity." Filozofija i drustvo, no. 19-20 (2002): 247–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0209247d.
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The paper deals with the use of mythical contents of Serbian national identity and stereotypes about Serbs in different kinds of public discourses; publicist. political and scientific. Mythical content and stereotypes are related to 'comprehensive image of the Serbian people', not to empirically testable particular identifiers. Moreover, vague stories about Serbian national being have epistemological priority over unambiguous descriptions of common collective ways of life. This feature of its usage make national myths suitable for political and cultural propaganda. They are a powerful tool for social control and manipulation. Political and cultural elites are reluctant to abandon abuses of mythical aspects in maintaining their positions. The aim of the proposed research is to identify particular abuses of mythical aspects in Serbian public discourse and disclose their historical sources, as well as to opt for a reassessment of Serbian national identity through open and scientifically grounded public discussion.
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Ristic, Irena. "Serbian identity and the concept of Europeanness." Panoeconomicus 54, no. 2 (2007): 185–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pan0702185r.
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Serbia is considered as "an unfinished state" with a rather "undefined Nation" and as such approaching the European Union. This raises the question to what extent these circumstances will influence the success of Serbia?s EU-integration process, since nation identity and statehood are in this article seen as constitutional parts of the concept of Europeanness. Thus this paper focuses on Europeanness and the identity behind it. It further gives an overview of the Serbian identity, first by presenting its dichotomy and then by highlighting the main factors, which have primarily shaped the identity of Serbia. Finally this paper shows why a clearly defined national identity would facilitate Serbia?s access to the EU.
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Wygnańska, Joanna. "Between Political Myths, Dormant Resentments, and Redefinition of the Recent History: A Case Study of Serbian National Identity." Qualitative Sociology Review 17, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 38–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-8077.17.2.03.
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The subject of the article concerns the issue of constructing and reconstructing national identity. The object of interest here is a sociological case study of Serbian national identity. It includes reconstruction and interpretation of in-depth interviews conducted in Serbia with the representatives of Serbian symbolic elites. The concept of symbolic elites is approached in the discussed research from Teun van Dijk’s perspective. Thus, they are individuals and groups directly involved in the production of public opinion, who have an impact on the content of publicly available knowledge, and the creation and legitimization of public discourse. The work is embedded in the methodological framework of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and is based on the assumptions of the Discourse‐Historical Approach (DHA). In this optics, the most important thing is the historical and social context of the studied process of the discursive construction of national identity. Therefore, the conclusions also touch upon the historical, political, and social perspective of the formation of Serbian national identity. The reflection also aims at presenting the analysis from the contemporary perspective (mainly in 2008-2020). Thus, paying attention to the political divisions in Serbia and the country’s road to democratization and European integration, the discussed research study shows the comprehensive specifics of the studied national identity.
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Budding, Audrey Helfant. "Yugoslavs into Serbs: Serbian National Identity, 1961–1971*." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 3 (September 1997): 407–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408515.
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In an essay published in September 1962, poet Pavle Stefanovic announced that in the next census he would identify himself as a Yugoslav rather than a Serb. Writing down “Serb” on official forms, Stefanovic said, had always made the sweat break out on his forehead, plunging him into “the nightmarish vision of an individual identity imposed upon me rather than chosen by my own will, one which fills me with polar opposites: pride and shame … a feeling of innocence and of culpability.” Mixed with his pride in parts of his Serbian heritage, he explained, was horror at the atrocities committed in the name of Serbdom by the Chetniks, the Serbian monarchist forces of the Second World War. Stefanovic emphasized that he was not rejecting Serbian identity because he thought the Serbian past was worse than others. Rather, he wished to throw off the symbolic weight attached to all national pasts. By declaring himself a Yugoslav, he thought, he could show that he considered nationality merely “a sort of historic-genetic address, a fact about one's origin,” and not a primary or sacred identity. In his eyes, choosing the Yugoslav identity meant asserting his own free will against the unchosen national collective, expressing his commitment to internationalism, and separating the future from a nightmare-ridden past.
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Gligorijević, Jelena. "Nation Branding in Two Major Serbian Music Festivals, Exit and Guča." Journal of Popular Music Studies 33, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 94–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jpms.2021.33.1.94.
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This article looks into the nation branding phenomenon surrounding two major Serbian music festivals, Exit and Guča, in the post-Milošević era. The departure point of analysis is the once-dominant national identity narrative of Two Serbias, by which Exit (as a purveyor of Western-style popular music) and Guča (as the self-proclaimed guardian of the Serbian brass-band tradition) were pitted against one another as representatives of Two Serbias, one looking towards the West, and the other towards the East. Moving away from this obsolete model of interpretation, this article examines the effects that the inception of nation branding in Serbian public discourse has produced on the local perception of each festival as well as on Serbian national identity within the broader contexts of post-socialist transition, the EU integration, and globalization. It also analyzes the ways in which the principles of market economy and branding practice are being “bastardized” in both festivals, resulting in what Mladen Lazić (2003) calls normative-value dissonance. Nation branding has forged a more unified view of Exit and Guča as national brands that ostensibly improve the international image of the country but which in reality deplete both festivals of their initial cultural and political potency. Ultimately, however, the proof of normative-value dissonance in Exit and Guča supports the argument that nation branding in these two festivals feeds back into earlier Balkanist discourse on Serbia’s indeterminate position between West and East; and it does so in a way that provides little hope for alternative visions of the nation’s future.
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Nedeljkovic-Knezevic, Milena, Maja Mijatov, Tatjana Pivac, and Sladjana Nedeljkovic. "Motives of Pilgrims for visiting Monasteries Visoki Decani and Pecka Patrijarsija." Glasnik Srpskog geografskog drustva 99, no. 2 (2019): 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gsgd1902065n.
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The period of returning the people to religion, that is evident in the last two decades, increased the number of the pilgrimage tours all over the world, including the Republic of Serbia. This research is oriented towards determination of different motives of Orthodox Christian Church Pilgrims from Serbia for visiting two monasteries important for Serbian medieval cultural heritage, catalogued on the UNESCO World Heritage List, the Monastery Visoki Decani and the Monastery Pecka Patrijarsija, as monasteries of high cultural and historical importance, with rich traditional spirituality, authentic architecture and fresco painting heritage. Both monasteries have significant role in the religious life of Serbians, but they also represent important symbols of the national identity among the Serbian people. Nowadays, the pilgrimage tours for visiting these monasteries are occurring in difficult conditions for Serbian citizens, due to the problem related to the safety and security situation and political conditions. This research was conducted in order to identify are there differences in pilgrims? motivation for travelling, according to their socio-demographic characteristics. Thus, the focus on researching the motives of Serbian citizens for conducting the pilgrimage tours to these monasteries is significantly enhanced by the fact that visits to these monasteries involve even a risk for the life safety among the Serbian pilgrims. For conducting the research, we used the questionnaire with the identified 6 factors as possible motives for the pilgrimage.
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Pantelić, Bratislav. "The last Byzantines: perceptions of identity, culture, and heritage in Serbia." Nationalities Papers 44, no. 3 (May 2016): 430–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2015.1105205.
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Focusing on material culture, this article considers a range of issues concerning the cultural policies, ideologies, and identities that have underlain Serbian development since the Middle Ages, and tests some widely held yet previously uncontested views. In particular it questions the Serbs' perceived affiliation with the Byzantine Empire and challenges the view that this affiliation was so pervasive that it influenced Serbian development and national formation in the modern age. It is argued that Byzantium had little if any role in the Serbs' cultural development - neither in historical memories nor in surviving traditions. Serbia's Byzantine culture is largely a myth developed in the 1930s by the Serbian clergy as a corollary of the Russian-inspired Svetosavlje ideology. This myth was meant to dislocate Serbia's cultural identity from its secular European sources and reposition it closer to Orthodox Russia.
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Vukoicic, Jelena. "Civil war in BH and Serbian national identity." Politea 2, no. 4 (2012): 121–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/pol1204121v.
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Lunić, Tomislav, and Duško Lunić. "Serbian national identity through the prism of Saint Sava's cult and Kosovo covenant." Napredak 3, no. 1 (2022): 95–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak3-36440.
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Since the topic we have addressed is a common source of the inspiration for poets, enthusiasts and artists from various areas, it was not easy to formulate and adjust it to the strictly scientific approach. In that respect, we would like to say that certain parts of the text are fiction and subject to fascinations that cannot be scientifically defined, but have an important role in cultural and historical terms and constitute an important factor in the formation of the Serbian national identity. In the first part of the text we review Saint Sava's role in taking the Serbian people into Orthodox Christianity. The emphasis is on the role of the Church that has followed the Serbian people throughout its suffering, giving its comfort and the feeling of safety. Belonging to the ecumenical family of Orthodox Christianity was and has remained the priority. Furthermore, we point to the significance of Kosovo covenant. Prince Lazar and his noblemen made a sacrifice for the Serbian nation on the whole and, metaphorically speaking, he carved his name in Christ's book of eternity. In the last part of the paper we draw the parallel between Saint Sava's cult and Kosovo covenant which, on one hand, represent the object of imagination and artistic fascination, while, on the other hand, they play an important symbolic role in the creation of the Serbian national identity.
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Volčič, Zala. "Blaming the Media: Serbian Narratives of National(ist) Identity." Continuum 20, no. 3 (September 2006): 313–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10304310600814177.
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Volčič, Zala. "Place and resistance." Focaal 2004, no. 44 (December 1, 2004): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/092012904782311317.
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This article, based on ethnographic research in Serbia, analyzes the topics of identity, memory and urban resistance in Serbia through an analysis of forty interviews with young Serbian intellectuals aged 23 to 35. I focus on the themes that recur in my informants' discourses on (national) spaces of belonging of the 1990s. My concern here is with making links between questions of memory, identity, belonging, resistance and space.
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Milosavljevic, Boris. "Svetislаv Vulovic’s Notebook." Prilozi za knjizevnost, jezik, istoriju i folklor, no. 88 (2022): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pkjif2288033m.
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The National Library of Serbia holds numerous collections of manuscripts. Among them is a notebook attributed to Bozidar Knezevic (1862-1905), philosopher, historian and translator from English, French, German and Russian into the Serbian language. After thorough analysis of the manuscript, chronology, and published papers the author of the Notebook referred to, we could conclude that Notebook did not belong to Bozidar Knezevic, but Svetislav Vulovic (1847-1898), literary critic and literary historian, professor of Belgrade Faculty of Philosophy, member of the Royal Serbian Academy of Sciences. The paper deals with the composition and dating of the Notebook (1894, 1896, 1897). It considers Vulovic?s diary notes, reconstruction of his travels in Southern Serbia and Austria-Hungary (Abbazzia respectively), the identity of the people he met and spoke to. He recorded the versions of Serbian national epic poems he heard sung to the gusle, and published them.
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Raduski, Nada. "Serbs as a new national minority in post-Yugoslav states." Sociologija 53, no. 4 (2011): 417–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1104417r.
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Recent political changes in states founded on the territory of the former Yugoslavia have resulted in profound changes in relation to minorities. The factual status of Serbian minorities in the neighboring countries has been influenced by various circumstances - demographic, political, legal, historical, etc. Outside Serbia, in former Yugoslav republics there are nearly half a million persons belonging to Serbian nationality who have the status of national minority. Although their social and legal status is defined according to European standards of minority protection, closer analysis points to a rather unfavorable status of Serbian minorities. A reason for such a situation may also be found in the poorly designed and insufficiently organized policy of the homeland country. Bilateral treaties are a way to protect more efficiently compatriots in other countries, as well as an efficient mechanism for better integration of minorities in all fields of social life in the territorial country. Minorities? rights stipulated in most bilateral treaties are the right to ethnic identity, linguistic rights, right to education, media rights, etc.
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Djukic, Vesna. "Orthodox Christianity and identity: Studies of monastery St. Prohor Pcinjski." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 165 (2018): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1865001d.
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The paper investigates the relationship between the state, society and Serbian Orthodox Church in 19th and 20th century, considered from the standpoint of national identity, as a basic principle of contemporary cultural policies. The aim of the paper is to identify similarities and differences in three intersecting points in time in the relationship between state and church, as well as look at possibilities and obstacles for their cooperation in the context of democratic transition and consolidation of society in Serbia, following the dissolution of Yugoslavia. The theoretical exploration starts from the position that Orthodox Christianity, as it is ?dependent on the state and concept of national church?, is a source of nationalism and obstacle to democracy, based on which a number of intellectuals and civil organizations in Serbia are against acceptance of Orthodox Christianity as an identifier of national identity of post-totalitarian society in Serbia. Qualitative empirical research that investigated the starting theoretical assumptions is based on the case study of Pcinja county in the South East of Serbia, which is a religious, cultural and political centre of this part of Serbia, with monastery Saint Prohor Pcinjski located in its centre. The results of research demonstrated that repressive political factors supressed Orthodox Christianity from the public life, thus there is no empirical evidence of ?Orthodox nationalism?, and instead we can observe that throughout 20th century the church was a victim of ideologies of Yugoslavia, Communist atheism and ethnical nationalisms of the newly established countries in the region. In Serbia, this type of relationship towards Orthodox Christianity moved from former party state that dominated the society into a section of civil society, whose political activities tend to overtake the role of former Communist party. This part of civil society, as it is burdened with totalitarian heritage itself, bases its political attitudes on the empirically unfounded theoretical speculations, which is why, despite its efforts, it represents a challenge to the democratization of inherited post-totalitari an cultural system and an obstacle for Serbian Orthodox Christian community to realize its democratic right to free expression of values and ideas in which it believes.
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Meleshkina, E. Yu, and I. A. Pomiguev. "MONTENEGRO IN SEARCH OF NATIONAL AND STATE IDENTITY." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 15, no. 1 (2021): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2021-1-5-18.
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The article analyzes the political development of Montenegro from the state- and nation-building perspective. This process takes place in the context of multi-ethnicity and disagreements about national and religious identity. The concept of center-peripheral polarity by S. Rokkan is used as the main analytical tool. It reveals the influence of relations between centers and the peripheries on state and nation-building. The authors examine the historical aspects of the national identity formation in Montenegro. The article focuses on the factors that complicate the process of state- and nation-building, including the institutional ones. The authors consider problems of different levels that hinder the implementation of a unified national policy in relation to all «non-Montenegrin» groups: the cleavages between Montenegrins and Serbs, between Montenegrins and other ethnic minorities, between the Montenegrin state and the Serbian Orthodox Church. The article analyzes the current stage of nation- and state-building, the peculiarities of the influence of external actors on this process. The results of the 2020 parliamentary elections, when the opposition came to power largely due to the active position of the Serbian Orthodox Church are also discussed. The authors come to a conclusion about the effectiveness of institutions that must provide political decision-making and consensus-building between different ethnic groups.
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ĆUJIĆ, MIODRAG. "SERBIAN DIASPORABETWEEN DISSOLUTION AND UNITY." Kultura polisa, no. 46 (October 18, 2021): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.51738/kpolisa2021.18.3r.1.05.
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Cooperation between the Serbian diaspora and the Republic of Serbia is not expressed in full potential, because it is limited to a one-sided financial and partly cultural concept. In order for the Serbian diaspora to reach its full potential, it is necessary to expand the existing concepts. Contemporary problems in expression national identity require a more serious approach, because if only one member of the community is neglected, especially if he is in the diaspora, in the near future the consequences will be such that in addition to weakening awareness of belonging, the end result will be loss of national identity. This outcome can be prevented if the criteria of the current relationship between the Republic of Serbia and its citizens in the diaspora are redefined. Accent it is necessary to set on: (1) better and more comprehensive elements of statistical indicators of migration of domestic citizens; (2) a different approach to the economic draft budget of the Republic of Serbia, which would go beyond the current framework, short-term assistance from the diaspora in the form of remittances; 3) the issue of security of citizens of the Republic of Serbia is completely left to the states in which they currently exist, which is insufficient; (4) the cultural component is represented, but unfortunately through unilateral efforts mainly by the diaspora, while the home country is largely reserved. The essential problem is in the cooperation of these two sides of one state. If this cooperation remains at the level it is at now, the question is whether the sec-ond generation in the diaspora will have any empathy towards the country of their origin.
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Marković, Tatjana. "Ottoman legacy and Oriental Self in Serbian opera." Studia Musicologica 57, no. 3-4 (September 2016): 391–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/6.2016.57.3-4.7.
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Serbia was an Ottoman province for almost four centuries; after some rebellions, the First and Second Uprising, she received the status of autonomous principality in 1830, and became independent in 1878. Due to the historical and cultural circumstances, the first stage music form was komad s pevanjem (theater play with music numbers), following with the first operas only at the beginning of the twentieth century. Contrary to the usual practice to depict “golden age” of medieval national past, like in many other traditions of national opera, the earliest Serbian operas were dedicated to the recent past and coexistence with Ottomans. Thus the operas Na uranku (At dawn, 1904) by Stanislav Binički (1872–1942), Knez Ivo od Semberije (Prince Ivo of Semberia, 1911) by Isidor Bajić (1878–1915), both based on the libretti by the leading Serbian playwright Branislav Nušić, and also Zulumćar (The Hooligan, librettists: Svetozar Ćorović and Aleksa Šantić, 1927) by Petar Krstić (1877–1957), presented Serbia from the first decades of the nineteenth century. Later Serbian operas, among which is the most significant Koštana (1931, revised in 1940 and 1948) by Petar Konjović (1883–1970), composed after the theatre play under the same name by the author Borisav Stanković, shifts the focus of exoticism, presenting a life of a south-Serbian town in 1880. Local milieu of Vranje is depicted through tragic destiny of an enchanting beauty, a Roma singer Koštana, whose exoticism is coming from her belonging to the undesirable minority. These operas show how the national identity was constructed – by libretto, music and iconography – through Oriental Self. The language (marked by numerous Turkish loan words), musical (self)presentation and visual image of the main characters of the operas are identity signifiers, which show continuity as well as perception of the Ottoman cultural imperial legacy.
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Peno, Vesna, and Ivana Vesic. "Serbian church chant in the service of national ideology." Muzikologija, no. 20 (2016): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/muz1620135p.
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In this paper we investigate the process of the creation and embodiment of the concept of Serbian folk church chant throughout the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century among Serbian intellectuals and scholars. In order to indicate its main dimensions we focused on church music narratives of that time. Due to a detailed analysis of discussions and writings in periodicals as well as the published chant collections themselves, we were able to assess the dominant interpretations of the historical development of church singing in the Serbian Orthodox church. Looking closely at suppositions made about the origins and formation of church chants through the history of the Serbian church we could unveil their character e.g. whether they were the result of previously done research or were just a product of speculative thinking. In addition, we formed assumptions on the embeddedness of the concept of Serbian folk church chant in influential narratives on national identity and culture developed among the Serbian political and intellectual elite. The aim of our investigation was to show that the concept of Serbian folk church chant was not only determined by socio-political strivings in the Serbian state but that it was also a product of the wider political and cultural goals of the Serbian elite. Finally, we sought to suggest the important role played by 19th and early 20th century Serbian church music scholars in the process of imagining the Serbian nation.
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Vico, Sanja. "‘Globalized difference’: Identity politics on social media." Journal of Global Diaspora 1, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/gdm_00004_1.
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By drawing on an ethnographic study of digital communication practices of Serbian Londoners, this article identifies a new form of subtle spontaneous identity politics on social media that seeks to reassert national identity and present it both as an exotic difference and as cosmopolitan. It argues that this form of identity politics has been brought about thanks to social surveillance on social media, the context of London ‐ as a global city ‐ and the particular socio-historical position of the Serbian national identity. Thus, this article contributes to the socio-technical approach to social media, which considers both technical properties of social media and a range of social factors, including users’ agency, in understanding the social consequences of social media. The article concludes that this identity politics is ambivalent in its character ‐ while it is a source of empowerment, it also tends to commodify difference.
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Zulić, Omer. "Serbian national ideology and projects in the field of culture in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with reference to the wider area of Tuzla in the Austro-Hungarian period (1878-1918)." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.47.
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Since the middle of the 19th century, Croatian and Serbian national ideas have been systematically and purposefully imposed on Bosnian Orthodox and Catholics in Bosnia. In this way, the Serb and Croat nations are formed on a religious basis in Bosnia. "Serbs" and "Croats" as national-political determinants are introduced into Bosnia from Serbia and Croatia. Their goal is to nationalize the Catholic population in the Croatian, and the Orthodox in the Serbian national sense. In the Austro-Hungarian period, activities in the field of strengthening national identities were also noticeable in the field of culture. Then there is a more massive organization of the population through various forms of cultural, educational, sports, economic and other societies. These associations, formally non-governmental and non-political, operated politically, with the task of executing national movements and strengthening the national consciousness of Orthodox and Catholics. In this way, a religious and ethnic mosaic was formed in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the mentioned period, which created a kind of forms of national movements. This was especially pronounced among the Orthodox population, which in symbiosis and cooperation of cultural, educational, business associations, and church communities, achieved significant progress and results in terms of national awareness and strengthening national and cultural identity. The goal of founding Serbian singing societies is to nurture and strengthen the Serbian national consciousness through nurturing the church song, through books (enlightenment), song and presentation of Serbian theatrical, and especially historical contents. In this way, the singing societies were the bearers of the national and educational-cultural revival of the Orthodox population. The press played a significant role in political action and the spread of national ideas and aspirations. Namely, the press was the most suitable form in terms of spreading ideas and strengthening the national-religious identity, primarily among the Orthodox, but also the rest of the population. Therefore, the occupation authorities strictly controlled and approved the establishment of printing houses with strict checks. Nevertheless, this was not an obstacle for certain newspapers to emphasize their political views and commitments through columns, which is why some were banned, as is the case with the Tuzla newspaper, called "Serbian Movement", which was banned in 1914. Theaters in this period were also very suitable for action on the national-political level. The primary goal of the theater's activities was not cultural uplifting, but agitation in order to develop national consciousness, primarily among the Orthodox population, and in that sense of action against the occupying authorities, but also Bosnia and Herzegovina. Traveling theaters primarily gave performances of historical themes, with the aim of igniting national consciousness, among the Orthodox. Therefore, this paper aims to point out the reflections, primarily of Serbian national-political aspirations in the field of culture in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with reference to Tuzla, in the Austro-Hungarian period.
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Kim, Sanghun. "Politics in Literature―Yugoslav Literature at the End of the 20th Century and Nationalism." Society for International Cultural Institute 15, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.34223/jic.2022.15.1.1.
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The causes of the collapse of the Yugoslav Federation can be found in many ways, but ‘nationalism’ is the most decisive. However, the issue of “should only the Serbian people be held responsible for the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the civil war?” is a very sensitive issue, and looking at the history of nationalism that existed before the formation of Yugoslavia shows that Serbia and other republics cannot be completely free from that responsibility. In this paper, we examine the historical development and characteristics of ‘nationalism’ in Yugoslavia, particularly in Serbia and Croatia, and based on this, the relationship between ‘literature’ and ‘nationalism’ in Serbia and Croatia around the 1990s. The Serbian and Croatian literary circles have clearly differentiated their position over the dissolution of Yugoslavia since 1991, while the Croatian literary community, which sought to gain independence from Yugoslavia, sought to find its national identity in literature and to make it as distinct as possible. Based on the overall position of Serbian and Croatian literary circles, we examine representative Serbian and Croatian writers who worked on literature around the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Bosnian civil war at the end of the 20th century.
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Crawford, Keith. "Culture Wars: Serbian History Textbooks and the Construction of National Identity." History Education Research Journal 3, no. 2 (July 1, 2003): 43–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.18546/herj.03.2.04.
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Šarac, Z., and E. V. Voevoda. "National and cultural identity crisis of Bosnia and Herzegovina Serbs within Austro-Hungarian Empire (1878–1908)." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 5, no. 3 (September 28, 2021): 113–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2021-3-19-113-127.
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The purpose of this article is to reveal the causes of national and cultural identity crisis of Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the period of Austro-Hungarian occupation and annexation, which led to modifications of their self-identity. The paper meets this research aim through an extensive study of the relevant literature presenting the views of Serbian and Russian scholars. On the basis of comparative-historical and socio-cultural approaches, the authors collate the existing definitions of ethnic, national and cultural identity and define the crucial factors that make the cornerstone of cultural identity: mother tongue, ethnicity, territory, religion, habitat, food, mode of life, customs and traditions, folklore and literature, artwork and historical past. They go on to chronologically identify the developments and changes of society on the territory of the present-day Bosnian state. The article further analyzes the position of the peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina within Austria-Hungary comparing their status in society and explains the choice of Bosnian Muslims and Croats as the pillar of the new government. The research produced a number of key findings. The key determinants that formed and helped to preserve Serbian cultural identity through ages are Orthodox Christianity based on St. Sava sacred tradition and the Kosovo myth, a half-historical, halflegendary event that formed the heroic and spiritual code of values and serves as a gospel in preserving Serbian cultural identity. Another feature that produced a significant impact on transforming cultural identity of Bosnian Serbs was conversion to Islam on part of some Bosnians who came to be known as Bošnjaks. Along with Islam and Orthodox Christianity, part of the Serbian population of Bosnia and Herzegovina belonged to the Roman Catholic Church, identified themselves as Croats who spoke Croatian and used Latin script. Thus the indigenous south Slavonic ethnic group of Serbs who had the same historical background and spoke the same language was divided by religion and, partially, the language — the pivotal determinants of identity. The paper demonstrates the joint efforts of the peoples inhabiting the present-day Bosnia and Herzegovina in their struggle against the occupants which were manifested in the activities of Young Bosnia, an organization that aimed at preserving national identity and creating a united Serbian state. The authors conclude that the problem of national and cultural identity crisis of Bosnia and Herzegovina Serbs finds its roots in the historical clash of three civilizations and cultures — south Slavonic, oriental and western. The article identifies the markers of national and cultural identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina Serbs, the disintegration of which led to a crisis.
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Nikolić, Kosta. "The ideocratic state and national identity: the Serbian experience in the 20th century." Istorija 20. veka 38, no. 1/2020 (February 1, 2020): 9–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2020.1.nik.9-34.
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Since the end of the second decade of the 21st century the Serbian people have been living on the ruins of Yugoslavia. In this country, formed over a century ago, the Serbs were united for the first time in their history, yet they gambled it away. How did this happen? While some interpretations emphasize the role of individuals, others give prevalence to structural elements. As a potential link between the two, this paper examines the influence different ideologies had on the creation of the Serbian identity in the 20th century and scrutinizes the role of these ideocratic tendencies in the process of nation building and state formation, as well as its integration and disintegration.
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Indjic, Trivo. "Tenants from Dzehana's house: A case of Natural history museum or of national negligence." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 127 (2009): 107–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn0927107i.
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For every serious cultural policy, museums are the creators and guardians of cultural and national identity and the foundations of knowledge. The Museum of Natural History of Serbia, since its foundation in 1895 (as The Museum of the Serbian Country) has not received the elementary, adequate conditions for work (building, budget, staff). History of this particularly significant cultural and scientific institution is a sad example of misunderstanding and arrogance of the authorities towards national culture, science and education lasting till today.
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Sušić, Osman. "Bosnia and Herzegovina in Serbian cultural club concepts." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 108–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.108.
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This paper covers the period from 1937 to 1945, the period of the establishment and works of the Serbian Cultural Club. The paper will discuss the political circumstances in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in wich Serbian Cultural Club was founded, as well as the program goals and its activities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Special emphasis will be put on the period of the Second World War in the Bosnia and Herzegovina and the former common state and the activities of the Serbian Cultural Club in the Second World War. The work and achievement of the program goals of the Serbian Cultural Club in the Second World War will be presented through the work of the Exile Government in London and the activities of the Chetniks Movement in the Bosnia and Herzegovina and the former common state. The Serbian Cultural Club was formed as a form of political association and activity, which included politicians, public workers, scientists, members of various political organizations, representatives of state and parastate bodies and organizations, under the slogan "Serbs for Reunion". The club acted as a unique and homogeneous organization, regardless of the composition of the membership, with the goal of saving Serbia and Serbs. This most clearly expressed his overall activity, composition and degree of influence on state policy. The most important issues of state or Serbian nationalist policy for the interest of the Government were discussed in the Club, so the club had an extensive network of boards and several media. Professor and Rector of the University of Belgrade, Dr. Slobodan Jovanović, was elected the first president of the Serbian Cultural Club. He was the ideological creator of this organization (and he set out the basic tasks and goals of the Club). The vice presidents were Dr. Nikola Stojanović and Dr. Dragiša Vasić, and Dr. Vasa Čubrilović the secretary. Dr. Stevan Moljevic was the president of the board of the Serbian Cultural Club for the Bosnian Krajina, based in Banja Luka. According to Dinić, the initiative for the formation of the Serbian Cultural Club was given by Bosnian-Herzegovinian Serbs Dr. Nikola Stojanović, Dr. Vladimir Čorović, Dr. Vladimir Grčić and Dr. Slobodan Jovanović. The activities of the Serbian Cultural Club can be divided into two stages. The first from its founding in 1936 until the signing of the Cvetković-Maček agreement, and the second from 1939 to 1941. The program of the Serbian Cultural Club was a sum of Greater Serbia programs of all major political parties that operated in Serbia with the help of state institutions. The goals of the Serbian Cultural Club were mainly: expansionist policy of expanding Serbian rule to neighboring areas, denying the national identity of all other Yugoslav nations and exercising the right to self-determination. The program goals of the Serbian Cultural Club were to propagate Greater Serbian ideology. With its program about Greater Serbia and its activities, the Serbian Cultural Club has become the bearer of the most extreme Serbian nationalist aspirations. After the Cvetković-Maček agreement of August 1939, the Serbian Cultural Club demanded a revision of the agreement, calling for a Serbo-Croatian agreement based on ethnic, historical or economic-geographical principles. The adoption of one of these principles was to apply to the entire area inhabited by Serbs. The subcommittees of the Serbian Cultural Club in Bosnia and Herzegovina had the primary task of working to emphasize its Serbian character, and after the Cvetkovic-Macek agreement to form awareness that the whole of Bosnia and Herzegovina should enter the Serbian territorial unit. With the prominent slogan "Wherever there are Serbs - there is Serbia", the Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina were marked as the "vigilant guardian of the Serbian national consciousness". The leadership and most of the members of the Serbian Cultural Club joined the Chetnik movement as Draža Mihailović's national ideologues. The policy of the militant Greater Serbia program and Serbian nationalism of the Serbian Cultural Club was accepted as the program of Draža Mihailović's Chetnik movement. Some of Draža Mihailović's most important associates belonged to the Serbian Cultural Club. The main political goals of the Chetnik movement are formulated in several program documents. The starting point in them was the idea of a "Greater and Homogeneous Serbia", which was based on the idea that Serbs should be the leading nation in the Balkans.
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Elezović, Zvezdana. "Identity themes in the works of Serbian artists in Kosovo and Metohija until the 1990." Bastina, no. 55 (2021): 503–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina31-34294.
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The paper discusses the issue of identity themes in the work of contemporary Serbian artists in Kosovo and Metohija, until the 1990s. Among Serbian artists were those who nurtured themes related to the Serbian cultural identity of the 1970s and 1980s. The painter Vlada Radovic' expressed this through the works of "The Patriarchate of Peć", "The Forest of Dečani with a view of the Visoki Dečan Monastery and "The Holy Virgin Ljeviška". After him, Sava Rakočevic', in his creative beginnings, also sought and found inspiration in the Kosovo pledge and in Kosovo as a space woven into Serbian cultural identity. His painting "Monument to the Kosovo Heroes" is a representative example. Trajko Stojanovic Kosovac also drew inspiration from Kosovo-pledge inspiration in even more difficult times. His aquatint and graphics cycle is dedicated to Dečani - the treasury of Serbian spirituality and culture. In Trajko Kosovac's studio, Zoran Furunovic had been working on copying murals before enrolling basic studies, where we recognize his interest in topics related to Serbian cultural identity. Initiated by the entire situation in the entire Kosmet area, where everything is directed against the people of Serbian nationality, the painter Petar Đuza with a direct response and through the paint "Heroics of Myth Grows Into Tragic Reality" provides the observer with an overview of unpleasant events. In the 1970s and 1980s, Svetomir Arsić Basara, as the leading Serbian sculptor in the Province, began to show through sculpture the impossibility of reconciling with the threat to Serbian national and cultural identity.
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Djordjevic, Dragoljub. "Religions and confessions of national minorities in Serbia." Sociologija 47, no. 3 (2005): 193–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0503193d.
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Setting aside the major national community, Serbs, the text analyzes the religious-confessional profile of all 28 national communities in Serbia according to the 2002 census. In the Serbian ethnic profile there are more national minorities gravitating towards Christianity rather than Islam. Among Christian national minorities, Orthodox and Roman Catholic confessions are almost equally represented, while Sunni Islam is the most prevailing confession among Muslim minorities. In describing religions and confessions of national minorities, the following concepts and phenomena are taken into consideration: "confessional identification", "violation of confessional identity", "religion of fate", "religion of choice", "syncretistic religiosity", "combinatory religiosity", "religious seekers", "religions of minorities", "minority religions", "religious communities of minorities" and "protestantization process".
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Mustafa, Liburn, and Mensur Morina. "Central governance and minority rights: The case of the developing country." Corporate Law and Governance Review 4, no. 2 (2022): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/clgrv4i2p7.
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The purpose of the paper is to study the institutional approach of the Serbian state toward ethnic minorities, specifically towards the Albanian ethnic minority in Serbia. The research focuses on the Serbian state governance forms and how these forms reflect on local governance policies by the Albanian majority. The deprivation of many individual and national rights has influenced the strengthening of the national identity (Searle-White, 2001). The paper is a theoretical study that is based on the qualitative research method and includes the discourse analysis of programs, events, writings, and statements of intellectual and political figures of the relevant times. The paper finds out that the violation of freedom and national rights toward the Albanian minority in Serbia has reflected strong forms of political behavior. In conclusion, it turns out that the Albanian political class in Serbia, disappointed by the state institutions, seeks the help of the mother state of Kosovo so that the status of the Albanians in Serbia is resolved the same as the status of the Serbs of Kosovo. This paper seeks to contribute to central government relations with ethnic minorities as well as making a non-prejudiced approach to the freedoms and rights of ethnic minorities in general
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Rakočević, Selena. "Bouncing as a distinguishable structural feature of srpsko kolo: Aspects of identification and notation." New Sound, no. 54-2 (2019): 19–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/newso1954019r.
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Kolo or kolo u tri, as it is termed by scholars, is the most widespread dance genre in Serbia since World War II, which has been considered as a vital symbol of Serbian national identity in recent decades and, consequently, got the adjective srpsko (Serbian). The movement pattern of kolo has been notated in Rudolf Laban's kinetography many times by various researchers since the 1980s and its microstructural and formal shaping has been the subject of ethnochoreological analysis in Serbia. However, the performing and notational particularities of the stretching and bending leg movements, which affect the vertical motion of the center of gravity of the body - the socalled bouncing, that is its distinguishable characteristic, has not been discussed previously. This article, therefore, explores some aspects of the performance and notation of bouncing in srpsko kolo.
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Sijakovic, Bogoljub. "The Great War, ethics of Vidovdan, memory." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 150 (2015): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1550001s.
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After a characterization of contemporaneity (dominance of the financial sector and high technology, politicization of economy, ideological use of culture and thought control) and a brief analysis of expansionism (political, economic, cultural) on the eve of the Great War, the author gives a more detailed description of the spiritual situation in the wake of the Great War: in philosophy, literature, and art, as well as the national political programmatic texts and war propaganda publications of German intellectuals of the time. The continuity of the Austro-Hungarian colonial policy towards the Balkans and Serbia culminated in instigation of a preventive war against Serbia by the elites in Berlin and Vienna, which is important for the question of responsibility for the war, with concrete war aims which reflected in the causes of the war. These war elites wanted to declare the assassination in Sarajevo as the cause of war, which in fact was a political assassination and tyrannicide. The liberation movement of democratic youth Mlada Bosna (Young Bosnia) needs to be viewed both in the European context and inspired by the Serbian tradition of Kosovo cult and the ethics of Vidovdan (St Vitus Day) speaking about the sacrifice as sublimation of history and about honorable suffering as element of identity. Historical memory suggests that historical responsibility is transgenerational. The epic proportions of Serbian suffering in the Great War have additionally incited the idea of the Temple of St Vitus Day (Vidovdanski Hram) conceived by Ivan Mestrovic. The bases of this idea were shaken by Milos Crnjanski in his Lyrics of Ithaca where he succeeded to bring back to Vidovdan (St Vitus Day) its inexhaustible national power of validity. Because of enormous Serbian military and civilian casualties in recent history, the establishing of a Victims of War Memorial today would have identity, existential, ethical and ontological significance for the Serbian people.
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Spasich, Jelena Lj. "Globalization processes in the Serbian media language." Media Linguistics 8, no. 1 (2021): 193–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu22.2021.208.
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The aim of this article is the analysis of the results of previous Serbian research on the impact of globalization on the Serbian media language. One of the main negative aspects of globalization is the weakening of national identity in order to adapt to world trends. The negative effects of globalization processes include the decline in the print media circulation and the growing popularity of cheap entertainment content offered by television, the disappearance of analytical, quality press, as well as the adaptation of information to mass distribution. The Serbian media language reflects the general social trend of approaching European and world trends, which, in addition to numerous positive effects, carries with it the risk of neglecting the elements of national cultural heritage, including the use of the national alphabet. Globalization processes affect all levels of the language structure and as a result, they are also manifested in the Serbian media language at the phonological, morphological, syntactic and orthographic level. The Serbian media language is characterized by the unjustified use of internationalisms originating from the English language. Anglicisms are often inadequately adapted, and most often appear in entertainment news and texts about popular culture, which are addressed to younger readers, as well as in electronic editions of printed dailies, weeklies and magazines in Serbia. The effects of cultural globalization, which is perhaps most visible in the media sphere, can be mitigated if the elements of national cultural heritage are carefully preserved. The use of Cyrillic in the Serbian media, the use of anglicisms only when they are really necessary, and a critical attitude towards the adoption of foreign language patterns can reduce the negative consequences of McDonaldization in the media sphere.
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Djuric-Milovanovic, Aleksandra. "Serbs in Romania relationship between ethnic and religious identity." Balcanica, no. 43 (2012): 117–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1243117d.
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The paper looks at the role of religion in the ethnic identity of the Serbs in Romania, based on the fieldwork conducted in August 2010 among the Serbian communities in the Danube Gorge (Rom. Clisura Dun?rii; loc. Ser. Banatska klisura), western Romania. A historical perspective being necessary in studying and understanding the complexities of identity structures, the paper offers a brief historical overview of the Serbian community in Romania. Serbs have been living in the Banat since medieval times, their oldest settlements dating back to the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Today, they mostly live in western Romania (Timi?, Arad, Cara?-Severin and Mehedin?i counties), Timi?oara being their cultural, political and religious centre. Over the last decades, the community has been numerically declining due to strong assimilation processes and demographic trends, as evidenced by successive census data (34,037 in 1977; 29,408 in 1992; 22,518 in 2002). The majority belong to the Serbian Orthodox Church (Diocese of Timi?oara), but a number of neo-Protestant churches have appeared in the last decades. The research focuses on the role of the Orthodox religion among the Serbian minority in Romania and the role of new religious communities in relation to national identity. The role of the dominant Serbian Orthodox Church in preserving and strengthening ethnic identity is looked at, but also influences of other religious traditions which do not overlap with any particular ethnic group, such as neo-Protestantism. With regard to the supranational nature of neo-Protestantism, the aim of the study is to analyze the impact of these new religions on assimilation processes among the Serbs in Romania and to examine in what ways different religious communities influence either the strengthening or the weakening of Serbian ethnic identity.
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Peno, Vesna, and Ivana Vesic. "Serbian еcclesiastical chanting for the glory of god and in the service of the nation." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 164 (2017): 651–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1764651p.
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Shaped in complex social circumstances and in accordance with the postulates of baroque historicism, Serbian ecclesial art has expressed clear tendency toward nationalization of Serbian religious identity during the 18th century. Due to general musical illiteracy of the clerics, the real conditions for the development of chanting art in Serbian Church were nonexistent. However, by the end of 18th and at the beginning of the 19th century the myth of authentic Serbian national Church singing, being the result of special ?Serbian folk piety?, was established. The construction of Serbian Church chanting tradition was primarily initialized by the growing distance from Greek psalmody in Serbian worship. In other words, because there was no historically relevant form of singing, the ancient singing of Fruska Gora and Krusedol, i.e. the singing of Karlovci, had to be constructed as an antithesis to Byzantine- Greek musical tradition. By comparing historical facts and critically reading the narrative of the origins of national Church music in the time of Metropolitan Stefan Stratimirovic of Karlovci, a new interpretation of common stereotype about Serbian musical reform and its main protagonists was produced. This paper offers an original analysis of the origin of: 1) the singing of Fruska Gora, in the context of the belief that Fruska Gora, with its monasteries which preserved the memory of the golden age of Serbian history, are sacred spaces - Serbian Mount Athos; as well as 2) the singing of Karlovci, where was the centre of Metropolitanate of Karlovci and first Ecclesiastical Seminary which was connected the ungrounded belief that it was nursery of a magnificent form of church chanting by the end of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th century. This paper, also for the first time, pointed the relationship between the monasteries of Fruska Gora, as Serbian sacred spaces of great importance for national identity, and their abbots Dimitrije Krestic, Dionisije Cupic and Jerotej Mutibaric, who were, according to oral tradition, the creators of singing of Karlovci. The adequate music and historical sources that would offer us an insight into the process of musical reform that was conducted by them do not exist, but their contributions in constituting national self-awareness and ?Serbian piety? are well known and documented. In conclusion, by the end of the 18th and the beginning of 19th century, but also during the entire century of ?nationalism(s)?, the prayers in Serbian Church were chanted for the glory of God, although with a clear tendency to emancipate a new religious identity of Serbian people. However, the catholic ecclesial spirit of Tradition was repressed in order to fulfill the goals of ideology of religious nationalism.
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Trifunovic, Vesna. "Religious education and cultural identity." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 133 (2010): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1033039t.
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The paper stresses how important it is to adapt subject content in formal school (primary school, primarily) to meet the needs of social and cultural development. Effective primary school teaching contributes to cultural development by spreading and accepting a cultural model and by strengthening the national and cultural identity. Following the logic of new political reality and new landmarks of social development, the Serbian society is trying to find the answers to the following questions: first, how to use tradition in transition process and change the quality of relationship to tradition; second, how to bridge the gap between national culture, on the one hand, and universal cultural patterns, on the other? Religious education can greatly contribute to strengthening the national and cultural identity, owing to particular values it carries. The paper stresses the possibility of creating identity (national and cultural) in the conditions characterized by the crisis of identity in the globalzing society.
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Karić, Tijana, Vladimir Mihić, and José Ángel Ruiz Jiménez. "STEREOTYPES IN YOUNG SERBS ABOUT CROATS AND BOSNIAKS PROVOKED BY COLLECTIVE MEMORY STIMULI." Primenjena psihologija 10, no. 4 (January 11, 2018): 437. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/pp.2017.4.437-462.
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Not many studies have dealt with how Serbs from Serbia see Croats and Bosniaks in the light of the wars from 1990s. In our study, we used a quasi-experimental approach to assess the type of stereotypes provoked in Serbs, and their relationship to social distance and the national identity. The sample consisted of 66 participants of Serbian ethnicity, born between 1991 and 1995, who are residing in Serbia. The instruments included Social Distance Scale, National Identity Scale, socio-demographic questionnaire and a set of collective memory stimuli followed by a set of questions. As stimuli, we used shortened versions of collective memories as described by Ruiz Jiménez (2013), in order to set a context which referred to the 1990s wars. The results have shown that the described stimuli have impactneither on stereotypes nor on the social distance and the national identity of participants. However, the social distance is lower than in previous studies in the region, and Croats are consistently seen in more negative terms than Bosniaks and Serbs.
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Petrovic, Jelena. "Conditional support for territorial migrations in Serbian national discourse." Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict 5, no. 2 (November 23, 2017): 205–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlac.5.2.03pet.
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Abstract After more than a decade of Serbia’s investment in the EU integration, its citizens are still imagining their national identities from the externally assigned position of ‘flawed’ Europeans. To respond to this subject position in the context of ongoing migration trends in Europe, these individuals engage in identity politics that both celebrate elements of otherness, and also locate them in the country’s own internal and Eastern Others. This study uses critical discourse analysis to examine the ideological effects of these negotiations in response to the 2010/2011 asylum-seeking crisis, when a number of Serbian citizens applied for asylum in several EU countries, which defined this as an abuse of Schengen system. The analysis of more than 1,000 online comments shows that newsreaders offer conditional support for asylum seekers to (re)inscribe preferred social hierarchies. Represented simultaneously as suffering citizens and immoral internal other, asylum seekers serve as the strategic means by which ethnic discrimination becomes an invisible element of everyday nationalism.
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Tomasevic, Katarina. "Davorin Jenko and Stevan st. Mokranjac. Biographical fragments. A contribution to cultural remembrance." Muzikologija, no. 16 (2014): 195–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/muz1416195t.
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This paper contributes to the marking of the centenary of the death of two significant composers and conductors - Davorin Jenko (1835-1914) and Stevan St. Mokranjac (1856-1914). Although belonging to different generations, Jenko and Mokranjac were simultaneously active in Serbian culture over the course of almost four decades. This was a very dynamic and fruitful period, marked by historical and political unrests and by the intense processes of searching for Serbian national/ cultural identity. Divided into several fragments, the article identifies the points of intersection in their biographies, examining the delicate nature of their relationship in the context of the discourses of nationalism. Special attention is paid to the facts from the history of the Belgrade Singing Society and the National Theatre, but also to the manifestations by means of which a tradition of cultural remembrance of these two artists is maintained in Serbia in 2014.
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Mumovic, Ana M. "DAM ON THE GREAT RUSSIAN SEA (Contribution to the interpretation of the Review of the History of Serbian Literature by A. N. Pipin)." Folia linguistica et litteraria XII, no. 35 (2021): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31902/fll.35.2021.6.
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The paper aims is to present and evaluate the Review the History of Serbian Literature A. N. Pipin's as a classical history of Serbian literature that became part of the national culture. The development of the history of literature among Serbs, as an independent discipline and its modest beginnings, can be found in the first decades of the 19th century, in the time of Dositej and Vuk. In its beginnings, the history of literature was a "story" about the literary past of a nation and at its core was - criticism. This main idea as an axiom is a signpost that leads from the history of literature, which has long performed the function of criticism, to the genesis of literary criticism as the youngest branch of literary science and the way it formulated and exercised its functions in conditions when literary history was in a certain measures and history of the people. The Serbs received the first History of Serbian Literature (1865) from the pen of Pavel Jozef Šafarik (1795–1861), a Protestant and German student who served in Novi Sad. The next history of Serbian literature was also written by a foreigner, the Russian Alexander Nikolaevich Pipina (1833–1904). His Review the History of Serbian Literature (1865) has not been fully translated into Serbian. When marking questions from the new Serbian literature, Pipin's approach leads to a synthesis of ideas about cultural and political and national development. Slavery replaced the idea of revival "among Orthodox Serbs who fled to Austria". From that perspective, he views the development of national literature as an important part of culture and identity. Pipin also deals with the issue of national identity and the awakening of the national consciousness of the Slavs in his extensive study "Panslavism in the Past and Present" (1878), in which "the Serbian national question is incorporated into the general critique of Russian official policy and Slavophile orientation in the Balkans during Eastern Europe crisis". In this paper, we value his competence, cultural mission, the gift of the comparator, without which there is no great literary historian, and his practical contribution to classifying Serbian literature and culture in the European context.
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Šljivić, Milena. "The role of religion in the formation of national identity among Serbs from Kosovo and Metohija." Bastina, no. 53 (2021): 329–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina31-27367.
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The history of Balkan states shows that religion in its essence has been a main factor of differentiation of numerous national communities and key to the formation of nations on Balkan soil. This testifies to the great importance of religion in this area. Religion has influenced the separation of nations and the creation of different national identity. Orthodoxy has always been of a great importance to Serbs. However, religion, as already mentioned, was significantly limited an emphasized by politics throughout history depending on the political agendas of that time. The end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21th century brought a large number of challenges for Serbia which jeopardized its national identity. The political ruling forces in Serbia have turned to religion as an element that can, without any doubt, influence on the strengthening national identity. Taking into account developments in Kosovo and Metohija during the last decades, the need for strong national identity and sense of belonging has been more important than ever. From that need arise the process of turning to religion as a way to preserve traditions and customs that have been threatened by other nations and identities. In the specific context of Kosovo it is important to keep in mind that religion is precisely the element that has sustained Serbs as a national group in these territories. Through religion, the permanence of the Serbian nation is manifested and proved day by day, not only in the territory of Kosovo and Metohija, but also in the rest of Serbia in order to maintain the spirit and morale of those who fled and left their homes.
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Colic, Ljiljana. "Andria Torkvato Brlic as a publisher of the Ottoman Turkish narative sources for Serbian national history." Prilozi za knjizevnost, jezik, istoriju i folklor, no. 80 (2014): 101–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pkjif1480101c.
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The study focuses on the activities of Andria Torkvato Brlic as a publisher of Ottoman Turkish narrative sources for Serbian national history. Although he did not know Ottoman Turkish language, in his intellectual engagement Mr. Brlic focused the greatest attention to the researches of Turkish (Ottoman) historical sources for Serbian national history. The lack of this knowledge he tried to compensate by using the German translation made by Walther Berhnauer. Apart from its presence in Serbian historiography, the work and efforts of Mr. Andria Torkvato Brlic with the aim to work on the awakening of the national consciousness and keeping cultural and spiritual identity of the Serbian people has not yet been recognized in the full measure. Moreover, in spite of the fact that he was a pionir in this field, his publication was lately strongly criticized.
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Mihic, Vladimir. "Are we Europeans?: Correlates and the relation between national and European identity." Psihologija 42, no. 2 (2009): 203–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/psi0902203m.
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Researches of the correlates of the national identity are plentiful both in Serbian and foreign literature. However, in the past decade or so, a new social identity starts to make its way into the researches of the social psychologists-European identity or the sense of belonging to the Europe and the Europeans. This paper deals with the relation between national and European identity, as well as with the correlates of both of these, or one of them. The sample consisted of 451 subjects, all residents of major cities in the Vojvodina region (northern Serbia), divided into several categories-ethnicity (Serbs and Hungarians), educational level (primary and secondary school or University degree), gender and age. Several scales have been used: Cinnirela's national and European identity scale, Collective self-esteem scale, scale measuring attitudes towards the European integration-STEIN and Social dominance orientation scale-SDO. The questionnaire with the demographic characteristics has also been the part of the instrument. The research has been conducted in 2005 and 2006 in the all of the major Vojvodinian cities. Results show the relation between national and European identity is foggy, but general conclusion is that we can observe them as independent identities. The correlates of the national identity were ethnicity, high social dominance orientation, high collective self-esteem and negative attitude towards the European integrations. Correlates of the European identity were fewer: ethnicity, positive attitude towards the European integration and low social dominance orientation.
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Jankovic, Stefan, and Andrej Kubicek. "Between latency and political mobilization: (Con)figurations of the ethno-national identification among the bureaucratic-political elite of Serbia." Sociologija 58, no. 4 (2016): 552–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1604552j.
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Paper illuminates ethno-national identifications of Serbia?s bureaucratic-political elite, assuming its (con)figurative principles and diverging forms oscillate between capacities for political mobilization while simultaneously reflecting latency of social order(s). The analysis rests on the data obtained in survey of Serbia?s political elite conducted in 2015, by using Bourdieu?s concept of (political) field and locating these (con)figurations of ethno-national identification as expression of particular (dis)positions and social relations. Prior to the analysis, insufficiencies contained in dominant conceptualizations of identity are exposed, followed by reassessment of theories of nation and ethnicity by highlighting blurred line discontinuity between ethnos/nation has, due to processes of historical (de) politicization. The analysis first detects objective structure of Serbia?s bureaucraticpolitical field. Through construction of scale of ethno-national valence it is shown that detected divergent degrees of ethno-national attachment correspond to structure of bureaucratic-political field, conforming the particular positions of political groups. Divergent contents of ethno-national identification among political groups are extensively analyzed and interpreted as a reflection of fieldstructure and capacity for political mobilization. In conclusion, it is noted that (con)figurations of ethno-national identity among Serbian bureaucratic-political elite differentiate around ethnic, but converge around etatist dimensions, reflecting the opposing conceptions of ?valid? political community.
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Starčević, Srđan, and Srđan Blagojević. "The role of military service in the development of the Serbian strategic culture." Vojno delo 72, no. 4 (2020): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2004085s.
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The general obligation to do military service in Serbia was introduced in the second half of the 19th century with the national standing army. The authors show that this obligation has played an important role in the development of the Serbian strategic culture in the young modern Serbian state, but also in encouraging the Serbian military and political elite to hear the "whisper" of the Serbian social character and understand those structures of national culture that are important, perhaps determinative, for what is today called strategic culture. The development of the Serbian strategic culture has been considered through the analysis of the actions of two differently directed, but complementary currents, one being marked as elitist, and the other one as structuralist. Regardless of the obvious differences, both currents are important for the establishment of the Serbian military doctrine, at the dawn of the 20th century, before the historical storm of the Balkan wars and the First World War. The obligation to do military service was maintained until the Decision on the suspension of the obligation to do military service, which was passed by the National Assembly in December 2010. Having in mind that the Republic of Serbia has made the decision to be military neutral, the authors suggest that the reconsideration of the decision to suspend the obligation to do military service is a logical consequence of this choice. The decision on military neutrality requires not only that others (the international community) respect such a decision of a state, but also the respect within the state itself. This means that a state that aspires to neutrality does not give up on defending its own values or handing them over to the others at the mercy and/or protection, but establishes (or preserves) the ability to credibly defend its identity and values. The burden of the consequences of this decision is even harder because it does not count on military alliances. The neutral countries in Europe base their ability of credible defense mainly on the concept of total defense, but it also implies a large number of citizens trained for the military tasks and the tasks of civil protection, which calls for the obligation to do military service. At the same time, military service is the best way for citizens to understand the impact of the decision on military neutrality, but also to accept it as their own free choice and a part of a collective identity. Thus, the obligation to do military service remains an important fulcrum point of the state in actively shaping its strategic culture.
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Adamczyk, Andrzej. "National self-governments in Hungary and Serbia in the context of public power decentralising solutions." Review of European and Comparative Law 51, no. 4 (December 15, 2022): 181–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/recl.13605.
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The aim of the paper is to verify a thesis according to which countries which are considered to be the most representative examples of implementing the national cultural autonomy concept (Hungary and Serbia) in fact use the construct of national minority self-government, which, according to administrative law commentaries, is classified as non-territorial, or special self-government. In order to fulfill this task two decentralisation solutions which are aimed at pursuing national and ethnic minorities’ ambitions to maintain and enhance their cultural identity: national minority self-governments and national cultural autonomy has been presented. These legal constructs are not equivalent, although in international literature on the subject they are often treated as synonyms. In this context Serbian and Hungarian regulations has been presented and assessed.
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Fejsa, Mihajlo. "The factors of existence of the Ruthenian national community in Serbia." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 165 (2018): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1865017f.
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This article analyzes the factors which contribute to the existence of a small population of conscious Ruthenians in Serbia. According to the author, the factors that undoubtly influence and improve the life conditions of the Ruthenian national community in Serbia / Vojvodina at the beginning of the 21st century are: Ruthenian language educational vertical; Apostolic Exarchate for Greek Catholics in Serbia and Montenegro; National Council of the Rusyn National Minority; Institute for Culture of the Vojvodinian Ruthenians; Ruthenian National Theatre Petro Riznic Djadja; diverse publishing activity; electronic media; new cultural organizations and manifestations; revolutionary changes in the Carpathian area; favourable international conditions. The Backa-Srem Ruthenians present a kind of proof that long-lasting existence of a community small in number is quite possible only if a state creates suitable conditions. Since the Serbian / Vojvodinian authorities do their best to implement international conventions it may be said that there is much hope for the Ruthenians in Serbia to preserve their culture and national identity in the future, especially in Europe without borders.
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Troch, Pieter. "Yugoslavism between the world wars: indecisive nation building." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 2 (March 2010): 227–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903517819.
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This article examines Yugoslav national programs of ruling political elites and its concrete implementation in education policy in interwar Yugoslavia. It is argued that at the beginning of the period Yugoslavism was not inherently incompatible with or subordinate to Serbian, Croatian or to a lesser degree Slovenian national ideas. However, the concrete ways in which Yugoslavism was formulated and adopted by ruling elites discredited the Yugoslav national idea and resulted in increasing delineation and polarization in the continuum of national ideas available in Yugoslavia. Throughout the three consecutive periods of political rule under scrutiny, ruling elites failed to reach a wider consensus regarding the Yugoslav national idea or to create a framework within which a constructive elaboration of Yugoslav national identity could take place. By the end of the interwar period, the Yugoslav national idea had become linked exclusively to conservatism, centralism, authoritarianism and, for non-Serbian elites at least, Serbian hegemony. Other national ideas gained significance as ideas providing viable alternatives for the regime's Yugoslavism.
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БОДРОВА, А. Г. "Травелоги югославских писательниц первой половины ХХ века: в поисках идентичности." Studia Slavica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 64, no. 1 (June 2019): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/060.2019.64103.
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The paper considers travelogues of Yugoslav female writers Alma Karlin, Jelena Dimitrijević, Isidora Sekulić, Marica Gregorič Stepančič, Marica Strnad, Luiza Pesjak. These texts created in the first half of the 20th century in Serbian, Slovenian and German are on the periphery of the literary field and, with rare exceptions, do not belong to the canon. The most famous of these authors are Sekulić from Serbia and the German-speaking writer Karlin from Slovenia. Recently, the work of Dimitrijević has also become an object of attention of researchers. Other travelogues writers are almost forgotten. Identity problems, especially national ones, are a constant component of the travelogue genre. During a journey, the author directs his attention to “other / alien” peoples and cultures that can be called foreign to the perceiving consciousness. However, when one perceives the “other”, one inevitably turns to one's “own”, one's own identity. The concept of “own - other / alien”, on which the dialogical philosophy is based (M. Buber, G. Marcel, M. Bakhtin, E. Levinas), implies an understanding of the cultural “own” against the background of the “alien” and at the same time culturally “alien” on the background of “own”. Women's travel has a special status in culture. Even in the first half of the 20th century the woman was given space at home. Going on a journey, especially unaccompanied, was at least unusual for a woman. According to Simone de Beauvoir, a woman in society is “different / other”. Therefore, women's travelogues can be defined as the look of the “other” on the “other / alien”. In this paper, particular attention is paid to the interrelationship of gender, national identities and their conditioning with a cultural and historical context. At the beginning of the 20th century in the Balkans, national identity continues actively to develop and the process of women's emancipation is intensifying. Therefore, the combination of gender and national issues for Yugoslavian female travelogues of this period is especially relevant. Dimitrijević's travelogue Seven Seas and Three Oceans demonstrates this relationship most vividly: “We Serbian women are no less patriotic than Egyptian women... Haven't Serbian women most of the merit that the big Yugoslavia originated from small Serbia?” As a result of this study, the specificity of the national and gender identity constructs in the first half of the 20th century in the analyzed texts is revealed. For this period one can note, on the one hand, the preservation of national and gender boundaries, often supported by stereotypes, on the other hand, there are obvious tendencies towards the erosion of the established gender and national constructs, the mobility of models of gender and national identification as well, largely due to the sociohistorical processes of the time.
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Šešić, Milena Dragićević, and Mirjana Nikolić. "The Mediatization and Culturalization of Populist Political Communication." Cultural Management: Science and Education 4, no. 1 (June 25, 2020): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.30819/cmse.4-1.04.
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Researching the impact of populist political communication on media, art, and the cultural sphere in Serbia, the authors investigate various different phenomena that are rising under the pretext of market liberalisation and identity politics. Deregulation of media may have brought “independence” from power, but also complete market-dependence. In the cultural sphere, pressures on the arts from right-wing populism have lead to extreme nationalism in Serbian media and cultural practices while simulta-neously seeing a commercialisation of programming. “National discussions” regarding the status of real-ity show programmes on commercial television and accusations of anti-patriotism against most promi-nent Serbian artists have been lead by right-wing populists. At the same time, this research takes into account several forms of left-wing populism, mostly developed within the independent scene.