Academic literature on the topic 'Serbian national identity'

The article examines the features of public attitudes, national consciousness and foreign policy of Serbia in the context of its relationship with the countries of the Western Balkans. On the basis of modern Serbian scientific literature and opinion piece, the author analyzes the current crisis state of Serbian society, which was the result of the policy of S. Milošević and the heirs of the ideas of Serbian nationalism. The main attention is paid to Serbia’s relations with the newly formed states after the collapse of the SFRY - Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro and North Macedonia - from the point of view of the problem of joining of these countries the EU and NATO. The author analyzes the political and psychological atmosphere in Serbian society, the moods and plans of the authorities of modern Serbia, as well as the views of the right-wing nationalist politicians and scientists in relation to neighboring states. The study acquaints the reader with Serbia’s foreign policy plans and their results in the context of the formation of a new national identity based on the «Saint Sava myth», Serbian Orthodoxy and Serbian ethnic nationalism. An important place in the formation of Serbian identity is occupied by the revision of the concept of the history of Yugoslavia, which leads to the deformation of historical consciousness and the dominance of ethno-national identity over all other types of identity, and above all, over civic identity. The author believes that the new identity now being formed in Serbia leads to the rejection of modern reforms based on the rule of law, human rights, pluralism and tolerance. The author concludes that for stabilization in the Balkans it is necessary to find a point of integration common to all peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina, regardless of their nationality. Bosnia and Herzegovina is a key link in the process of stabilizing the region. But all the other states of the Western Balkans are facing the same task. The researcher examines the role of Russia in the domestic life and foreign policy of Serbia and, in general, in the Western Balkans region, which has not yet resolved the problems of the transition period.

The paper deals with the use of mythical contents of Serbian national identity and stereotypes about Serbs in different kinds of public discourses; publicist. political and scientific. Mythical content and stereotypes are related to 'comprehensive image of the Serbian people', not to empirically testable particular identifiers. Moreover, vague stories about Serbian national being have epistemological priority over unambiguous descriptions of common collective ways of life. This feature of its usage make national myths suitable for political and cultural propaganda. They are a powerful tool for social control and manipulation. Political and cultural elites are reluctant to abandon abuses of mythical aspects in maintaining their positions. The aim of the proposed research is to identify particular abuses of mythical aspects in Serbian public discourse and disclose their historical sources, as well as to opt for a reassessment of Serbian national identity through open and scientifically grounded public discussion.

Serbia is considered as "an unfinished state" with a rather "undefined Nation" and as such approaching the European Union. This raises the question to what extent these circumstances will influence the success of Serbia?s EU-integration process, since nation identity and statehood are in this article seen as constitutional parts of the concept of Europeanness. Thus this paper focuses on Europeanness and the identity behind it. It further gives an overview of the Serbian identity, first by presenting its dichotomy and then by highlighting the main factors, which have primarily shaped the identity of Serbia. Finally this paper shows why a clearly defined national identity would facilitate Serbia?s access to the EU.

The subject of the article concerns the issue of constructing and reconstructing national identity. The object of interest here is a sociological case study of Serbian national identity. It includes reconstruction and interpretation of in-depth interviews conducted in Serbia with the representatives of Serbian symbolic elites. The concept of symbolic elites is approached in the discussed research from Teun van Dijk’s perspective. Thus, they are individuals and groups directly involved in the production of public opinion, who have an impact on the content of publicly available knowledge, and the creation and legitimization of public discourse. The work is embedded in the methodological framework of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and is based on the assumptions of the Discourse‐Historical Approach (DHA). In this optics, the most important thing is the historical and social context of the studied process of the discursive construction of national identity. Therefore, the conclusions also touch upon the historical, political, and social perspective of the formation of Serbian national identity. The reflection also aims at presenting the analysis from the contemporary perspective (mainly in 2008-2020). Thus, paying attention to the political divisions in Serbia and the country’s road to democratization and European integration, the discussed research study shows the comprehensive specifics of the studied national identity.

In an essay published in September 1962, poet Pavle Stefanovic announced that in the next census he would identify himself as a Yugoslav rather than a Serb. Writing down “Serb” on official forms, Stefanovic said, had always made the sweat break out on his forehead, plunging him into “the nightmarish vision of an individual identity imposed upon me rather than chosen by my own will, one which fills me with polar opposites: pride and shame … a feeling of innocence and of culpability.” Mixed with his pride in parts of his Serbian heritage, he explained, was horror at the atrocities committed in the name of Serbdom by the Chetniks, the Serbian monarchist forces of the Second World War. Stefanovic emphasized that he was not rejecting Serbian identity because he thought the Serbian past was worse than others. Rather, he wished to throw off the symbolic weight attached to all national pasts. By declaring himself a Yugoslav, he thought, he could show that he considered nationality merely “a sort of historic-genetic address, a fact about one's origin,” and not a primary or sacred identity. In his eyes, choosing the Yugoslav identity meant asserting his own free will against the unchosen national collective, expressing his commitment to internationalism, and separating the future from a nightmare-ridden past.

This article looks into the nation branding phenomenon surrounding two major Serbian music festivals, Exit and Guča, in the post-Milošević era. The departure point of analysis is the once-dominant national identity narrative of Two Serbias, by which Exit (as a purveyor of Western-style popular music) and Guča (as the self-proclaimed guardian of the Serbian brass-band tradition) were pitted against one another as representatives of Two Serbias, one looking towards the West, and the other towards the East. Moving away from this obsolete model of interpretation, this article examines the effects that the inception of nation branding in Serbian public discourse has produced on the local perception of each festival as well as on Serbian national identity within the broader contexts of post-socialist transition, the EU integration, and globalization. It also analyzes the ways in which the principles of market economy and branding practice are being “bastardized” in both festivals, resulting in what Mladen Lazić (2003) calls normative-value dissonance. Nation branding has forged a more unified view of Exit and Guča as national brands that ostensibly improve the international image of the country but which in reality deplete both festivals of their initial cultural and political potency. Ultimately, however, the proof of normative-value dissonance in Exit and Guča supports the argument that nation branding in these two festivals feeds back into earlier Balkanist discourse on Serbia’s indeterminate position between West and East; and it does so in a way that provides little hope for alternative visions of the nation’s future.

The period of returning the people to religion, that is evident in the last two decades, increased the number of the pilgrimage tours all over the world, including the Republic of Serbia. This research is oriented towards determination of different motives of Orthodox Christian Church Pilgrims from Serbia for visiting two monasteries important for Serbian medieval cultural heritage, catalogued on the UNESCO World Heritage List, the Monastery Visoki Decani and the Monastery Pecka Patrijarsija, as monasteries of high cultural and historical importance, with rich traditional spirituality, authentic architecture and fresco painting heritage. Both monasteries have significant role in the religious life of Serbians, but they also represent important symbols of the national identity among the Serbian people. Nowadays, the pilgrimage tours for visiting these monasteries are occurring in difficult conditions for Serbian citizens, due to the problem related to the safety and security situation and political conditions. This research was conducted in order to identify are there differences in pilgrims? motivation for travelling, according to their socio-demographic characteristics. Thus, the focus on researching the motives of Serbian citizens for conducting the pilgrimage tours to these monasteries is significantly enhanced by the fact that visits to these monasteries involve even a risk for the life safety among the Serbian pilgrims. For conducting the research, we used the questionnaire with the identified 6 factors as possible motives for the pilgrimage.

Focusing on material culture, this article considers a range of issues concerning the cultural policies, ideologies, and identities that have underlain Serbian development since the Middle Ages, and tests some widely held yet previously uncontested views. In particular it questions the Serbs' perceived affiliation with the Byzantine Empire and challenges the view that this affiliation was so pervasive that it influenced Serbian development and national formation in the modern age. It is argued that Byzantium had little if any role in the Serbs' cultural development - neither in historical memories nor in surviving traditions. Serbia's Byzantine culture is largely a myth developed in the 1930s by the Serbian clergy as a corollary of the Russian-inspired Svetosavlje ideology. This myth was meant to dislocate Serbia's cultural identity from its secular European sources and reposition it closer to Orthodox Russia.

Since the topic we have addressed is a common source of the inspiration for poets, enthusiasts and artists from various areas, it was not easy to formulate and adjust it to the strictly scientific approach. In that respect, we would like to say that certain parts of the text are fiction and subject to fascinations that cannot be scientifically defined, but have an important role in cultural and historical terms and constitute an important factor in the formation of the Serbian national identity. In the first part of the text we review Saint Sava's role in taking the Serbian people into Orthodox Christianity. The emphasis is on the role of the Church that has followed the Serbian people throughout its suffering, giving its comfort and the feeling of safety. Belonging to the ecumenical family of Orthodox Christianity was and has remained the priority. Furthermore, we point to the significance of Kosovo covenant. Prince Lazar and his noblemen made a sacrifice for the Serbian nation on the whole and, metaphorically speaking, he carved his name in Christ's book of eternity. In the last part of the paper we draw the parallel between Saint Sava's cult and Kosovo covenant which, on one hand, represent the object of imagination and artistic fascination, while, on the other hand, they play an important symbolic role in the creation of the Serbian national identity.

In the 60’s and 70’s a large group of Yugoslav migrants came to Sweden in search for jobs. These people mostly belonged to the generation born after the Second World War, a generation brought up in the official discourse of “Brotherhood and Unity”. A discourse downplaying ethnic differences in favour of a national identification. With the break-up of Yugoslavia in the early 1990’s their Yugoslav national identity was beginning to be contested. The Serb migrants had to redefine themselves due to the changing situation and to replace or redefine their Yugoslav identities. This paper presents a case study for three individuals in this group and how they defined themselves before the break-up and how they handled the break-up. It presents how they today look upon Yugoslavia and how that place has changed meaning in their everyday narratives. The question I try to answer is whether someone can call himself Yugoslav when Yugoslavia no longer exists, and how the image of Yugoslavia has changed due to the break-up. I show that the image of Yugoslavia is still very much alive but this image has turned from a place in physical space to a place in their narratives, close to Foucault’s definition of a Utopian place. A place in their minds, perfected in form. They still call themselves Yugoslavs, if the social context allows that, they still use the term to relate to their origin and in discussions of place.

Dans cette thèse je démontre comment les imaginaires de la nation serbe, de l’Occident et des valeurs universelles (démocratie, droits de l’homme et tolérance) véhiculées au sein de la revue ‘Orthodoxie’ (publiée par l’Eglise Orthodoxe Serbe) ont pour but final la préservation de la position sociale de l’Eglise et de ses intérêts en tant qu’une institution religieuse au sein de la société serbe. Cette ‘résistance’ aux changements construit des imaginaires sociaux qui nous appréhendons comme des représentations sociales et ont tendance à (re)devenir la vision dominante de la société serbe. J’étudie le discours de la revue ‘Orthodoxie’ et des acteurs qui y contribuent afin de montrer le processus des créations des imaginaires sociaux et leurs tentatives de se présenter au public et dans la sphère publique comme les courants de pensée dominants concernant la nation serbe, l’Occident et les valeurs ‘universelles’. J’ai répondu aux questions suivantes : - comment la tradition nationale « se traditionalise », la culture nationale s’idéalise et l’identité nationale se sacralise ? - comment l’imaginaire de l’Europe et de la culture européenne/occidentale (‘EUX’) se construisent en opposition à l’imaginaire de la nation serbe (‘NOUS’) ? - comment les valeurs de la démocratie, des droits de l’homme et de la tolérance sont imaginées à travers une telle construction opposée (‘EUX’ versus ‘NOUS’) ?
In this thesis I demonstrate how do the imaginaries of Serbian nation, of Occident and of ‘universal’ Values (democracy, human rights, tolerance), constructed in the journal published by the SOC serve as factors of conservation and protection of the social position of the Church, its social and political interests in the sense of national religious institution in the Serbian society. The ‘resistance’ to change allows the construction of social imaginaries that we comprehend as social representations with a tendency to become (again) or to impose them as a dominant vision of the Serbian society. I studied the discourse in the ‘Orthodoxy’ journal and the social actors that published their articles in order to demonstrate the process of the creation of social imaginaries and the tentative to present them publicly/in the public sphere as dominant currents of social thoughts on Serbian nation, Occident and ‘universal’ values. I answered to the following questions:- The way national tradition is “traditionalized”, national culture is idealized and national identity is sacralized.- How the imaginary of Europe and European/western culture (‘THEM) are constructed in an opposition to the imaginary of a Serbian nation (‘US’)?- How the values of democracy, human rights and tolerance are imagined through this opposed imaginary construction (‘US’ vs ‘THEM’)?

The primary objective of this research was to identify andanalyse the challenges faced by ethnic minority studentswhile studying and building an academic career in the highereducation system of Serbia. The secondary objective was toanalyse the unconscious and conscious gender biases towardsethnic minority women, when building their academic careersand in reaching decision-making position in academia. Thetertiary objective of was to raise awareness about theincreased demand for human resources in the technical fieldsand that therefore more women should be steered towards thestudying engineering.The research was conducted based on 2192 filled inquestionnaires and 45 semi-structured interviews. Theresearch results showed that language, intersecting withgender, ethnicity and class result in a new inequality concept.It was shown that women are under-represented in technicalfields, which has its roots in gender stereotypes. Finally, itwas shown that women are less motivated to reach higherpositions in the Serbian higher education system than men.The author proposes a set of policy recommendations forsolving/mitigating the identified challenges, e.g. deconstructionof gender stereotypes via improved teachingaids in elementary and high schools, optimised Serbianlanguage teaching to eliminate the language difficulty facedat the start of their higher education; as well as the foundingof an ethnic minority research centre, which would researchthe challenges faced by ethnic minority communities.
Primarni cilj istraživanja je identifikacija i i analiza preprekau sistemu visokog obrazovanja tokom studiranja i izgradnjekarijere u akademskoj zajednici žena iz nacionalnih zajednicasa posebnim osvrtom na žene iz mađarske nacionalnezajednice. Sekundarni cilj je analiza nesvesne i svesne rodnepristrasnosti prema ženama etničkih manjina u toku izgradnjeakademske karijere i pri dosezanju visokih pozicija unutarakademije. Tercijarni cilj istraživanja je podizanje svesti otome, kako je potražnja za ljudskim resursima na tržištu radau oblasti tehničkih nauka značajna i da je stoga potrebnousmeriti veći broj žena ka tim oblastima. Istraživanje jesprovedeno pomoću 2192 popunjena upitnika i 45 polustrukturiranaintervjua. Istraživanjem je utvrđeno da jezik,koji je u intersekciji sa rodom, nacionalnošću i klasom,rezultira novim konceptom nejednakosti. Takođe je dokazanoda su žene nedovoljno zastupljene u tehničkim oblastima, štoje najvećim delom moguće pripisati rodnim stereotipima.Konačno, utvrđeno je da su žene manje motivisane dadosegnu visoke pozicije od muškaraca u sistemu visokogškolstva. Autorka predlaže skup mera za rešavanje i/iliublažavanje identifikovanih izazova, npr. dekonstrukcijarodnih stereotipa pomoću unapređenih nastavnih materijala uosnovnim i srednjim školama, prilađen program učenjasrpskog jezika za učenike iz etničkih manjina sa ciljemizbegavanja jezičke barijere na početku studija; odnosnoosnivanje centra za istraživanje statusa i izazova zajednicaetničkih manjina.

L'objectif de cette thèse est de contribuer à la meilleure compréhension de l'Europe de culture orthodoxe, et plus particulièrement de la Grèce (européenne, méditerranéenne, balkanique) et de la Serbie (européenne, balkanique, danubienne) par l'Europe des institutions. La présentation théorique de la culture orthodoxe, surtout de sa constante politique, à travers les textes Patristiques et Sacrés, dévoile sa place dans le champ public, politique et stratégique des pays et des peuples qui l'embrassent. L'étude comparative des pratiques et des projets politiques et stratégiques en Grèce et en Serbie, décode le poids politique spécifique de la culture orthodoxe au sein de ces deux pays, au long de leur histoire respectives, dans la procédure de construction et de manifestation des identités locales, régionales, ethniques, nationales, stato-nationales. Cette comparaison est basée sur l'étude des données géomorphologiques, géopolitiques, géoéconomiques, sociales, historiques, traditionnelles intrinsèques aux terres grecque et serbe. Enfin nous allons essayer d'intégrer la culture orthodoxe dans le nouveau dessin européen, c'est-à-dire, à une Europe ouverte, flexible et inclusive, fidèle à ses racines, adulte et capable d'assumer son identité plurielle, son histoire, ses responsabilités collectives face aux défis du XXIe siècle. Une Europe construite selon une nouvelle architecture d'union créative et solide des peuples, des cultures, d'appartenances multiples et diverses dont celle orthodoxe
The objective of this thesis is to contribute to the better understanding of the orthodox culture, and more particularly of two countries embracing the Orthodox culture, Greece (a European, Mediterranean, and Balkan country) and Serbia (a European, Balkan, and Danubian country) by the European family of states and institutions. The theoritical presentation of the Orthodox culture, especially of its political dimension, through the study of Patristic and Sacred Texts, reveals its impact in the public, political and strategic debate and planning of the countries and peoples who embrace her. The comparative study of the liturgical and ritual practices, as well as of the political and strategic projects in Greece and Serbia, decode the specific political weight of the Orthodox culture within these two countries, during their national histories, and the procedure of construction and manifestation of local, regional, national and state identities. This comparison is based on the study of geomorphological, geopolitical, geoeconomic, social, historical, traditional data. Finally, we will try to integrate the Orthodox culture in the new European family, i. E. , a flexible and inclusive Europe, faithful to its roots, adult and willing to assume its plural identity, its history, and its collective responsibilities vis-à-vis the challenge of the XXIe century. A Europe, built according to a new architecture of creative and solid union of peoples, multiple cultures, such as the Orthodox one

Depuis la fin de la guerre froide, la profession militaire connaît des mutations majeures qui transforment le cadre d'exercice des métiers de l'armée de Terre voués au combat. Parmi les mutations les plus saillantes que nous retiendrons, il y a le fait qu'en premier lieu, les militaires de l'armée de Terre n'ont plus d'ennemis clairement identifiés ; en deuxième lieu, que l'action opérationnelle des forces armées françaises s'exerce dorénavant dans le cadre multinational et interarmées des opérations de maintien de la paix ; en troisième lieu, que les unités projetées se caractérisent par leur organisation modulaire et interarmes, ces unités formant des groupements opérationnels de circonstances ; en quatrième lieu, qu'ils doivent désormais assurer des missions qui s'apparentent à des actions de police dont la finalité est d'assurer la sécurité publique ou même le maintien de l'ordre, seul ou à l'appui de gendarmes mobiles ou de policiers internationaux onusiens. A ce titre, les missions accomplies par les professions à statut militaire au Kosovo situent un des cadres inhabituels qui nous intéressent tout particulièrement dans le cadre de ce travail de terrain. Cette recherche se donne comme objectif d'étudier en quoi les situations de coopération entre soldats, gendarmes et policiers internationaux nous éclairent sur les transformations des identités professionnelles
This research focuses on the frameworks and forms of cooperation between the military and police forces that work to keep the peace and law and order in Kosovo. In reality, the scenario maintained in Kosovo by Resolution 1244 of the UN Security Council is not so much that of keeping the peace, but more ambitiously of its enforcement. This objective implies the reconstruction of the institutions that must ensure democratic transition and, at the very least, a change of regime. It also establishes that the collective safety missions will be gradually transferred from the army and the international police, the strong heterogeneity of the skills of the international police officers and, finally, a complex and often conflicting distribution of the military and police responsibilities in terms of ways to conceive the maintenance of law and order. That is why, when the member states of the European Union decided to acquire, for 2003, a targeted police force of 5,000, stemming from and provided by Union-15, it is interesting to study, in an overall reflection on matters concerning security and the maintenance of the order in Europe, the terms of cooperation between international military (NATO) and police (UN) forces who are then substituted for the failing local police forces. Finally, the research gives itself the goal to exam the transformations of military identity in such situations

Praca jest poświęcona analizie idei „starej (dawnej) Serbii” z perspektywy miejsc pamięci, traktowanych jako integralna część pamięci zbiorowej i obrazu historii. Termin „stara Serbia” w serbskim dyskursie narodowym oznacza krainy włączone do średniowiecznego państwa serbskiego, które w czasach obecności osmańskiej (od XV do XIX wieku) obejmowały przede wszystkim vilajet Kosowo, ale również częściowo ziemie vilajetów, Monastir (dziś Bitola) i Selanik (dziś Saloniki). W drugiej połowie XIX wieku (zwłaszcza po 1885 r.- wojna serbsko-bułgarska) dyskurs poświęcony „starej Serbii” był używany w celach propagandowych dla zaspokojenia serbskich aspiracji do tzw. zjednoczenia narodowego, a w istocie do uzasadnienia ekspansji na południe, w stronę Kosowa i Metohii oraz Macedonii, czemu miała służyć rewaloryzacja wizji imperium serbskiego cara(cesarza ) Stefana Dušana (1331-1355). W swojej pracy koncentruję się na serbskim widzeniu historii Bałkanów, poprzez analizę miejsc pamięci, traktowanych jako mitologemy oddzielające „nas” Serbów i „naszą” historię od „Innych”. „Inny” oznacza inne bałkańskie narody: Bułgarów i Greków, z którymi młode państwo serbskie prowadziło dyskusje o przyszłym podziale ziem imperium osmańskiego. Miejsca pamięci, którymi zajmuję się w pracy w kontekście idei „starej Serbii” to wydarzenia historyczne (np. bitwa pod Velbužd, bitwa na Kosowym Polu), terytoria (np. Prizren, Skopje, Prilep), postaci historyczne i mityczne (imperator Stefan Dušan, królewicz Marko ). Analiza miejsc pamieci została przeprowadzona w oparciu o teksty historyczne, literackie, podręczniki szkolne, ale równiez w oparciu o prace malarskie z przełomu XIX i XX wieku. Analiza umożliwiła mi prezentację charakterystycznego dla serbskich elit XIX wieku i później „historycznego myślenia“ , wiążącego się w istocie z wykorzystywaniem wiedzy histoirycznej i pamięci do doraźnych celów politycznych. Serbska perspektywa w moich badaniach ma bezpośrednie odniesienie do pojęcia „stara Serbia”, które wprowadza narodowy aspekt do historii Bałkanów, podobnie do paralelnych (opozycyjnych w stosunku do siebie ) pojęć, takich jak „sanstefańska Bułgaria” (bułgarska perspektywa) i “Megali Idea” (grecka perspektywa). Zapleczem teoretycznym mojej analizy jest koncepcja Pierre`a Nory i jego Les Lieux de Mémoire (1984-1992), ale w rzeczywistości miejsca pamięci traktuję szerzej jako „dziedzinę pamiętania” rozumianą jako synteza terytorió, miejsc i obiektów. Dziedzina pamiętania może obejmować trzy kategorie obiektów: topograficzne (terytoria i obiekty), odnoszące się do tradycji (wspólne świętowanie, sakralne, mityczne i rytualne scenariusze) i estetyczne (teksty artystyczne). Ta perspektywa umożliwia szersze rozumienie miejsc pamięci, nie tylko jako terytoriów, pomników, czy postaci mitycznych, ale także jako figur historycznych (figur pamięci, jako ważnych postaci odziedziczonych z dawnej lub bliskiej przeszłości poprzez które są postrzegane miejsca, obiekty, tradycje, wierzenia, tożsamość narodowa, tożsamość humanistyczna). Tym samym pamięć zbiorowa nie istnieje poprzez fakt historyczny znany zwykłym ludziom, ale poprzez wspólny (dla danej grupy/wspólnoty) obraz miejsc pamięci. U podstaw mojej rozprawy leży zatem próba odpowiedzi na pytanie jak kształtowała się nowoczesna serbska tożsamość? Ten ambitny zamiar został skonkretyzowany w postaci tezy bardziej szczegółowej: jak dyskurs o „starej Serbii” rozwinął się w mapę mentalną Serbów i w tej postaci oddziaływał na rozwój nowoczesnej serbskiej tożsamości narodowej na przełomie XIX i XX wieku? Stawiam również pytanie czy określenie „stara Serbia” istniało wśród Serbów przed 1800 rokiem, czyli zanim w drugiej połowie XIX wieku ukształtował się dyskurs o „starej Serbii”? Podstawę obrazu „starej Serbii” można znaleźć w siedemnastowiecznych i późniejszych historiach serbskich polihistorów, ustnej poezji epickiej, ale także w mapach geografów z Europy zachodniej. Głównym źródłem była jednak silna wśród serbskich elit kulturalnych i politycznych potrzeba utrwalenia przerwanej (przez okres obecności osmańskiej) ciągłości tradycji narodowej miedzy współczesnym i średniowiecznym państwem serbskim i włączenia (w narrację narodową) czternastowiecznego imperium cara Stefan Dušana. Łącznikiem dla tych dwu tradycji, współczesnego (dziewiętnastowiecznego) królestwa Serbii i średniowiecznego państwa serbskiego była właśnie tradycja „starej Serbii. Ta konstrukcja opierała się na historycznych terytoriach, wydarzeniach, figurach, a także na mitach jako nadających się do bardziej powszechnej adaptacji miejscach (dziedzinach ) pamięci, a tym samym stanowiących (w większym zakresie) podstawę (od)budowy narodu i kreacji świadomości w „starej Serbii”. Lepsze zrozumienie dyskursu o “starej Serbii” , wprowadza nową perspektywę do wspólnej Historii Bałkanów, a także daje podstawy dla szerszych, komparatystycznych badań nad rozwojem idei narodowej na Bałkanach, która opierała się na zmitologizowanym obrazie historii głęboko zakorzenionym w tradycjach narodowych regionu. Analiza piśmiennictwa poświęconego idei “starej Serbii” umożliwia także lepsze zrozumienie wykreowanych w XIX wieku na Bałkanach miejsc pamięci i ich recepcji wśród szerokiej publiczności. Okres romantyzmu próbował spopularyzować mity należące do epiki ludowej i uczynić je podstawowymi źródłami do badania historii czasów średniowiecza z uwagi na ich związki z imperium cara Dušana i Skopje jako jego stolicą, z jednej strony, oraz zmitologizowanym obrazem królewicza Marka z drugiej. Podstawę analizy stanowią dokumenty, podreczniki szkolne, wspomnienia, historie (polihistorów) i te teksty literackie, których tematem jest historia i kultura Bałkanów widziana z perspektywy miejsc pamieci , jak również wspólczesna sztuka serbska inspirowana ideą narodową. Oznacza to, że skupiłem swoje zainteresowania badawcze na symbolicznych użyciach przeszłości dla celów bieżących(doraźnych): na przykład badałem w jaki sposób autorzy wykorzystywali historię średniowiecznej Serbii, zwłaszcza okres imperium cara Dušana dla uzasadnienia serbskich pretensji do uzyskania dostępu do Morza Egejskiego. Mit imperium cara Dušana bardziej odpowiadał temu zadaniu niż mit bitwy kosowskiej z 1389 roku z wielu powodów: przede wszystkim z uwagi na potęgę i sławę państwa Dušana oraz granice polityczne jego imperium, które zaspokajały marzenia ówczesnych elit w Belgradzie. Geografia tego mitu była tożsama z planami odrodzonego państwa serbskiego, które chciało władać przestrzenia od doliny rzeki Moravy do doliny rzeki Vardar, czyli tzw. kregosłupem Półwyspu Bałkańskiego. Rozprawa jest poświęcona analizie świadomości przeszłości widzianej poprzez miejsca pamięci i ich recepcję wśród serbskiego społeczeństwa, co leży u podstaw kreacji tradycji, obrazu Innego, wspólnej pamięci i procesów związanych z ich reinterpretacją. Analiza źródeł opiera się na trzech segmentach: pierwszy skupia się na autorach piszących o historii w kontekście idei „starej Serbii”; drugi jest poświęcony instytucjonalizacji miejsc pamięci związanych ze „starą Serbią” czyli analizie dyskursu edukacyjnego(podręczniki szkolne) ; ostatni zajmuje się popularną (na poziomie masowego odbiorcy) interpretacją obrazu „starej Serbii” w oparciu o szeroko rozumiane teksty sztuki (malarstwo, prasę).
This thesis deals with the sites of memory important for understanding Serbian national discourse on “Old Serbia”, as a collective memory and an image of history incorporating dominant view of the Balkan’s past from the 14th century onwards. The term “Old Serbia” in the Serbian national discourse describes the lands once included in the medieval state of Serbia, but under the Ottoman rule from the 15th until the 20th century, mostly the territory of the Ottoman vilayet (province) Kosovo, extended on the parts of vilayets Monastir (Bitola) and Selanik (Thessaloniki). In the second part of the 19th century (particularly after 1885) the discourse of Old Serbia was used to back up propaganda for Serbian aspiration of the national unification and state expansion to the south (Kosovo and Metohija, Macedonia), with the vision of Stefan Dušan’s (1331-1355) empire revival in prospect. The thesis concentrates on the Serbian perspective of the Balkan history, through the analysis of sites of memory, which were seen as mythologems separating “us” (Serbs and their history) from “others”. The “others” here means the other Balkan nations, Bulgarians and Greeks, with whom young Serbian state had disputes over the future partition of the Ottoman Empire. These sites of memory are historical events (the battle of Velbužd, the battle of Kosovo), places (Prizren, Skopje, Prilep), historical and mythological images (Emperor Stefan Dušan, Marko Kraljević), seen in the context of Old Serbia. This perspective is analyzed through its materialization in the historical and literary texts, school textbooks, but also in some works of art, published or created in the 19th and early 20th century. It provides a detailed insight into the “historical thinking” in Serbia in the 19th century and beyond, in an effort to show how contemporary elites have used and misused historical knowledge and memory of the past, for the very modern purposes. The Serbian perspective of this research problem is in direct relation to the term Old Serbia, which emphasizes national dimension in comprehending Balkan’s history, similar by its nature to the Bulgarian (“San Stefano Bulgaria”) and Greek (“Megali Idea”) points of view, but, at the same time, functionally completely opposed to them. Theoretically, the thesis highlights the discourse introduced by Pierre Nora with his Les Lieux de Mémoire (1984-1992), but here applied in a broader context, closer to the term “realms of memory” understood as a synthesis of memory areas, memory sites and memory objects. The realms of memory can be classified in three categories: topographic and material (topographic areas and objects); traditional (collective holidays, adorations and repetitions of sacral, mystical and ritual scenarios); aesthetic works and texts (literary and other artistic works). Particular attention is devoted to the importance of the (collective) memory in shaping collective identity and image of history, as well as to identifying internal differentiation in the discourse of Old Serbia in the Serbian society. This approach allows wider understanding of the sites of memory, as not just historical places, memorials or mythical images, but also historical figures (figures of memory, as important persons inherited from distant or recent history with whom certain places, objects, traditions, cultures, beliefs, national identities and identities of humanity are related) or events which have shaped collective memory of a nation and its modern identity. The collective memory, therefore, could not exist on the historical facts known to common people, but it could on the shared images of the sites of memory. In the core of this dissertation lays the effort of showing how modern Serbian national identity has developed. This ambitious concept is break down to the more concrete questions and hypothesis. The main question of this project is: How had discourse on Old Serbia evolved as a mental map of the Serbs and influenced development of modern Serbian national identity in the late 19th and early 20th century? The hypothesis is that although the notion of Old Serbia among the Serbs existed before 1800s, the discourse on Old Serbia was created in the second part of the 19th century. The foundation of this image of Old Serbia could be traced in older histories, 17th century and later, and oral epic poetry, but also in some geographical maps made in the Western Europe. The main source of this development was the contemporary Serbian intellectual, cultural and political elite and its construction of the unbroken national continuity and identity between the modern and medieval Serbian states, particularly with the 14th century kingdom and empire of the Emperor Stefan Dušan. The bond between these two traditions, of modern Kingdom of Serbia and medieval Serbian state, was the tradition of Old Serbia. This construction was based on framing well known historical places, events, figures, as well myths, as widely adopted sites (or realms) of memory and as a major points of national identification and, subsequently, of nation building in Serbia and for creating national awareness in Old Serbia. The questions related to territory, language, even identity and history, in the 21st century pose great discourses in the Balkans, usually in the negative connotation of political abuses. That is why it is important to stress the development of ideas and powerful “mental forces”, like collective memories and identities, influencing the Balkans from the 19th century until present times. The better understanding of the discourse of Old Serbia, among other things, provides new perspectives of common Balkan’s history and make the foundation for broader comparative research on the development of national ideas in the Balkans. These concepts were based on the certain historical consciousness, as a mythological image of history deeply inherited in the national feelings and traditions. The analyses of authors writing about Old Serbia provides better understanding of sites of memory in the 19th century Balkans and their reception among broader public. Romanticism had tried to make popular epic myths reasonable and placed them as primary sources of the national history of the medieval times, with the geographic territory of Old Serbia as the center of interests for these authors, because of its connection with the empire of the Emperor Dušan and the city of Skopje as its major capital, on the one hand, and mythological image of Prince Marko (Kraljević Marko) on the other. The core of research process is the analyses of manuscripts, textbooks, memoirs, histories and those literary texts which deal with the cultures and history of the Balkans from the perspective of sites of memory, as well as contemporary Serbian literature and art inspired by past or national idea. That means that I kept my focus on the symbolic usage of the past for the present purposes: for example, how the authors had used the history of medieval Serbia, especially of the empire created by Emperor Dušan, as an argument in justifying Serbian pretensions in the south. The myth of Dušan's empire was more appropriate for this task than, for instance, the myth of the Kosovo battle of 1389, for several reasons: it was connected with the power and glory of the Serbian ruler and arms; the political borders of Dušan's empire superseded the highest dreams in Belgrade of expansion to the south; the geography of this myth was identical to the aims of the modern Serbia to rule the valleys of both Morava and Vardar (the socalled backbone of the Balkan peninsula). The thesis analyzes historical awareness of the past, through the sites of memory and their reception in Serbian society, which, subsequently, led to the “creation” of traditions, images of other, shared memories and processes of rememorization of the important national sites of memory. The analyses of sources is based on three segments: the first one concentrates on authors writing about the history in the context of Old Serbia; the second is dedicated to the institutionalization of sites of memory connected with Old Serbia (like textbooks); the last one deals with the popular interpretation of the image of Old Serbia (works of art, poetry, media).

The thesis analyzes formation of Muslim nationalism identity during the 20th century and then its radical discursive transformation in the context of the Bosnian war between 1992 and 1995 and the conflicting struggle with neighboring Serbian nationalism. Internal redefinition of the Muslim/Bosniak national identity is examined in the context of a number of structural, institutional and discursive continuities and discontinuities, as both a contingent and determined event at the same time. As a result of these heterogeneous processes, the current Bosniak national identity is mainly homogenized around the symbols of Islam and the national myth of eternal suffering of Bosniaks and the age-long genocidal endeavor of Non-Bosniaks that resulted in the "Serbian genocide/Holocaust" over Bosniaks between 1992 and 1995. Key words War, nationalism, national identity, ethnic conflict, nation-building, Bosniak nationalism, Muslim nationalism, Serbian nationalismm, Islam, genocide, Holocaust, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bosnian war

This work examines issues related to the national definition of the Serb community in Dalmatia between 1878 and 1905. It provides a partial assessment of the relationship between the Orthodox Church and the Serbian National Movement in Dalmatia. The thesis focuses on the formation of the Roman Catholic community of Serbs and the internal profile of this community. It also studies how the Serbians approached their conflict with the Croats within Dalmatia. This work also closely considers the historiographical disputes held on this topic between Croatian and Serbian historians. The work examines the circumstances leading up to the formation of the Serbian national movement and the creation of the independent Serbian political parties. I specifically focus on the political parties within the selected period for which Orthodoxy and the Orthodox Church are closely tied to the definition of the Serbian national identity. I also deal with the contentious issues with the Serbs and Roman Catholic communities. I also study the attitude of Serb representatives to the Croatian national movement and deal with their rights under this national project. I found that the connection between the liberal Serbian National Movement and the local leadership of the Orthodox Church was closer than is commonly reported in...

Abstract This chapter is framed by the 1908 Bosnian Crisis, when Austria-Hungary annexed Bosnia-Herzegovina with huge consequences for European alliances, Russian rearmament, Serbian nationalism, and Bosnian student radicalism. It examines Serbian politics/society, including the medieval origins of Greater Serb nationalism and the Kosovo myth. Serbian independence put the nation-state in conflict with Austria-Hungary over the latter’s large south Slavic population. It also helped foster the literary Young Bosnia movement, which protested the oppressive conditions under Habsburg rule despite Austria-Hungary’s economic development of the provinces and Benjamin von Kállay’s effort to create a “Bosnian” national identity. Ideologically, many Young Bosnians embraced Yugoslavism—a south Slavic state independent of Habsburg rule. Habsburg leaders, including Franz Ferdinand through his Military Chancellery, also considered national reorganization to address the South Slavic Question. Indeed, the Bosnian annexation partially strove to convert the Dual Monarchy into a three-part “Trialist” state. Its failure boded ill for Austro-Serb relations.

This article describes the creation and activities of two Serbian cultural societies in the parts of Socialist Republic of Croatia in which the Serbs were in majority or in the significant percentage. Both societies, Serbian Cultural Society Zora (the Dawn) and Serbian Cultural Society “Sava Mrkalj” were formed in period 1989-1990. They had a similar motive: preservation and promotion of the Serbian national identity. The “Zora” gathered the Serbs in the area of city of Knin and wider Kninska Krajina, in Dalmatian inlands and represented the continuity previously existed society which was active during the period of Habsburg rule. In the other side, “Sava Mrkalj” society was society that covered the areas of Banija and Kordun, north-west from Knina. During the civil war in Croatia between 1991 and 1995, their activities continued in lesser on larger scale, depending on the circumstances, until the Republic of Croatia did not regain the control over the territory of Republika Srpska Krajina in August 1995.

With this paper the author completes his analysis of the reference historical constitutions and its influence on the constitutional identity of modern Serbia. Reffering to the effects of constitutional identity "outside" (preservation of state sovereignty) and "inside" (the "core" of the constitution), the author analyzes the functional failures and substantive controversies of the Vidovdan Constitution. Inconsistent normative solutions of this constitution, a deep socio-political crisis and an unresolved national question in the newly created state were an insurmountable obstacle to building the national constitutional identity. However, the symbolism of the date of adoption of the Constitution and the fact that, at least formally, it was the last classical constitution of the liberal-democratic type until the 1990s and the entry into force of the 1990 Serbian Constitution, make the Vidovdan Constitution a reference text for studying the constitutional identity of modern Serbia.

The paper analyzes the attitude of the Republic of Serbia, i.e. of its (ir)responsible institutions towards the Serbian language based on the status of the Serbian language defined in three laws and one strategy, as follows: 1) Law on the Use of Serbian Language in Public Life and Protection and Preservation of the Cyrillic Script, 2) Law on the Official Use of Languages and Scripts, 3) Law on Gender Equality, and 4) National Strategy for Gender Equality 2021–2030, with an action plan for its implementation for the period of 2021‒2023. Only the first of these laws is in favour of the Serbian language. But it has more symbolic than practical value, as it is still inferior in key provisions to the current Law on the Official Use of Languages and Scripts. The analysis showed that the three documents, two laws and one strategy, are inconsistent with the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia. But the current government does not think so, and the Constitutional Court did not state its position regarding the incompatibility of the documents with the Constitution. Both the Law on the Official Use of Languages and Scripts and the Law on Gender Equality are in fact laws against the Serbian language, as their provisions directly deny and/or undermine the Serbian language, especially as a Serbian identity criterion. The degradation does affect only the Serbian language; negative consequences of the National Strategy for Gender Equality have an effect on the entire Serbian educational system ‒ from preschool to higher education – as well as scientific research work in the field of humanities and social sciences.

The paper deals with some notions regarding national identity as represented in secondary school textbooks in Serbia. These are very important notions and they need to be well explained. The analysis took into account the following textbooks: Serbian Grammar for Highschools and Secondary Schools, published by Zavod za udžbenike, as well as textbooks for first and second grade of secondary schools published by Klett, Logos and Eduka. The textbooks were compared based on how the notions are represented.

Over the centuries, and especially in recent decades, Serbian language and Serbian literature experience an unusual fate: the area covered by language and literature is increasingly reduced by tearing parts from its being and by giving them new names. Inventing the names of new languages, new nations, new cultures, new regions and new literatures represents a deep intrusion into the essence of both the individual and the collective identity of the human being. This text tries to point out the ways and procedures by which the (re)naming moved the boundaries of the area covered by the Serbian language, although the essence remained unchanged.

The Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (KSHS) of 1921 had for its goal to constitutionalize the organization of the new state, created after the end of the First World War: its organization of government, human and minority rights and freedoms, etc. and also to establish a new nation – the so called "nation with three names" or "three-tribe nation", i.e. – Yugoslavs, as the bearer of the identity of the new state. KSHS was to reconcile not only the nations with different history, mentality and language, but also nations who fought each other fiercely just until a few years back before the adoption of the Vidovdan Constitution. The constitutionalization of a unitary state in which the official language is "Serbo-Croatian-Slovenian" (which as such simply does not exist), ignored clear signals that the essential legitimacy for such state does not exist in a significant part of the country. The analysis of the political activities of the parties, their programs and the election results in the western territories of what was soon to become KSHS (especially in Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia – back then within the Austro-Hungary) shows a distinct anti-Serbian and especially anti-Yugoslav narrative since the middle of the 19th century and the political actions of Ante Starčević, Eugen Kvaternik, later Ivo Pilar and others. It is also clear that such chauvinist, extreme political standpoints, present to a far greater extent to be simply ignored, would turn out to be too much of a burden for the new state and nation, as well as for the Vidovdan Constitution itself, indirectly leading to its infamous end, declaration of dictatorship, assassination of King Alexander Karađorđević and finally the disintegration of the state and horrendous atrocities and genocide against Serbs in the Independent state of Croatia (NDH). In a certain way, the Vidovdan Constitution, due to the shortcomings in its legitimacy, traced the road to hell – paved with good intentions.

The author of this paper points to the increasing problem of sexual violence and human trafficking at the global level, as well as in Serbia and the republics ex- Yugoslavia. Unfortunately, this problem has not drawn much attention and the allocated funds, before all those from government budgets, have not been enough for training staff at specialized and other facilities to offer support and protective services to the victims of these criminal acts. Particular emphasis is placed on the state bodies, as well as local authorities and their institutions of social welfare, health insurance fund, national employment service and their branches in local communities. In this paper, the author also points to the need to further train staff who work in the field of education and coaching at all levels, starting from the pre-school institutions, up to the centers for long-life learning. The similar situation exists at the Ministry of Internal Affairs since it is expected from the representatives of this important government department and the police departments throughout Serbia, to offer the services of physical protection and hiding the identity of potential victims, their personal data and addresses. Currently there are no adequate technical and communication means, appropriate facilities and professionally trained staff to execute all these activities. Finally, it should be noted that the situation in the judicial sector is much better based on the survey they was conducted among the organizations which govern the activities aimed at the prevention of sexual violence and human trafficking.

Die Kombination aller Umstände und gesellschaftspolitischen Umstände, die die Entwicklung der literarischen serbischen Sprache begleiten, im historischen Kontext von zwei Weltkriegen und einem Bürgerkrieg, in dem Serben ständig für Freiheit und Unabhängigkeit kämpften, bedingten die Identität der serbischen Sprache sich, wohl oder übel, an die gesellschaftspolitische Situation anzupassen, in Übereinstimmung mit der vorherrschenden Ideologie, der die Serbistik als Linguistik bzw. ihre prominentesten Vertreter, folgt. Diese Veränderungen gefährdeten seine äußere Identität nicht – nach anderen verschiedenen Sprachen, Slawisch und Nichtslawisch, wurde er klar und ausreichend getrennt. Seine unterschiedlich polarisierte innere Identität hat sich verändert, hauptsächlich auf soziolinguistischer Ebene, auf der Ebene von Normen – der Rechtschreibung und des Wortschatzes, was die Struktur des Sprachsystems weder bedroht noch modifiziert, was tatsächlich zeigt, dass das System der serbischen Sprache ein Supersystem seiner Varianten ist, die mit dem Zerfall Jugoslawiens nationale Namen und den Status von Amtssprachen erhielten. Diese Veränderungen führen zu einem Rückgang der Zahl der Sprecher, die ihre Sprache Serbisch nennen, d. h. die Vitalität der serbischen Sprache ist gefährdet, die durch den nachlässigen Umgang ihrer Sprecher mit den Ressourcen und Regeln ihrer eigenen Sprache negativ beeinflusst wird, insbesondere mit der kyrillischen Schrift als identitätsstiftende Nationalschrift, die im Gebrauch marginalisiert wird. Aus diesem Grund muss die Sprachenpolitik die Verfahren zum Schutz der serbischen Sprache und zur Revitalisierung und Pflege der kyrillischen Schrift als philologische und ethnologische Vertikale der serbischen Sprache und des serbischen Volkes planen und konkretisieren.