Journal articles on the topic 'Serbi'
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Khaled, Cheb. "Serbi serbi." Index on Censorship 23, no. 4-5 (September 1994): 166. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229408535760.
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Rudi, Fabrizio. "L’ITALIA E IL CONFLITTO DOGANALE AUSTRO-SERBO (1906–1911). PREVISIONI, STRATEGIE, SOLUZIONI." Историјски часопис, no. 71/2022 (December 30, 2022): 471–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.34298/ic2271471r.
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Il modo in cui la diplomazia italiana volse la propria attenzione alle due fasi della guerra doganale austro-serba del 1906–1911 è l’oggetto di questo saggio, che si propone una disamina completa e attenta del problema sulla base delle fonti diplomatiche, edite e inedite, italiane e serbe, comparate fra di loro. Grande attenzione verrà poi prestata allo stato dei commerci italo-serbi nella fase più acuta del conflitto doganale, alle modalità con cui il trattato commerciale italo-serbo del 14 gennaio 1907 fu stipulato, a ciò che esso prevedeva e al modo in cui i suoi contenuti abbiano influenzato i negoziati per un nuovo trattato di commercio austro-serbo nel 1910.
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Wijayanti, Nor. "Edukasi Pandemi tentang Serba – Serbi Permasalahan dan Pencegahan Penularan Covid-19." Jurnal Peduli Masyarakat 3, no. 1 (May 7, 2021): 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37287/jpm.v3i1.421.
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Protokol kesehatan dalam rangka mencegah penyebaran Covid-19 harus konsisten diterapkan. Edukasi kepada masyarakat pun perlu terus dilakukan. Banyak edukasi sudah dilakukan melalui konten-konten digital. Namun, di antara masyarakat masih ada yang belum memiliki akses digital. Edukasi ini penting dilakukan karena ini berkaitan dengan kesehatan secara umum dan menyangkut lingkungan sekitarnya. Tujuan dari pelaksanaan kegiatan ini adalah memberikan pengetahuan tentang permasalahan dan pencegahan penularan covid-19 di Desa Caturharjo Pandak Bantul. Metode kegiatan ini melalui penyampaian edukasi dengan menggunakan leaflet dan penyampaian materi melalui power point. Pengumpulan data menggunakan kuesioner pengetahuan peserta tentang covid-19 secara umum. Peserta kegiatan ini adalah masyarakat Caturharjo Pandak Bantul Yogyakarta yang berjumalah 50 orang. Berdasarkan hasil pre-test dan post test kuesioner pengetahuan dari monitoring dan evaluasi pelaksanaan kegiatan diperoleh bahwa peserta memahami 96% berdasarkan hasil arti pentingnya dari permasalahan covid-19 ini dan bagaimana cara pencegahannya. Kegiatan pengabdian ini penting dan mendesak dilakukan karena informasi terkait covid-19 yang cepat dan berubah – ubah variannya. Kesimpulan dari kegiatan ini yaitu masyarakat mulai memahami dan mengikuti arahan dengan baik juga mengerti bagaimana cara menangani dan mencegah penularan covid-19.
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Lukic, Reneo. "Greater Serbia: A New Reality in the Balkans." Nationalities Papers 22, no. 1 (1994): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/00905999408408309.
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“We Serbs must militarily defeat our enemies and conquer the territories we need.”Vojislav Maksimovic, MemberBosnian Serb Parliament“I don't see what's wrong with Greater Serbia. There's nothing wrong with a greater Germany, or with Great Britain.”Bosnian Serb LeaderRadovan KaradžićThe break-up of Yugoslavia has come about as a result of national, economic and political conflicts which by the end of 1987 had taken on unprecedented dimensions. At that point, latent political conflicts between various republics came into the open. More specifically, the conflict between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo had turned into a low-intensity war. Under Slobodan Miloševićs leadership in Serbia, the Serbo-Slovenian conflict over Kosovo deepened, forcing other republics and provinces to take sides. The Slovenian leadership opposed a military solution to the Serbo-Albanian conflict in Kosovo. By 1990 the Serbo-Slovenian conflict had spilled over into Croatia, completely polarizing the Yugoslav political elite into two distinct camps; one encompassed Slovenia and Croatia, the other Serbia and Montenegro, with Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina playing the role of unsuccessful mediators.
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Zylfiu, Ilir. "Mbetja e Shqiptarëve të Luginës së Preshevës në kuadrin e Shtetit Serb." Diskutime 7, no. 23 (February 7, 2023): 453–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.58923/diskutime.v7i23.597.
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Perceptimi i një konflikti në mes serbëve dhe shqiptarëve, sa i përket viseve shqiptare në Kosovë, duke përfshi këtu edhe Luginën e Preshevës, janë perceptime me motive politike të së kaluarës e tregime kombëtare për qëllime nacionaliste. Keqinterpretimi dhe promovimi i perceptimeve të një konflikti të datuar thellë në histori na paraqitet në shekullin e 19-të nga elitat serbe. Konflikti midis qeverisë serbe dhe popullatës shqiptare ka qenë konflikt për territor dhe dominim politik apo pushtet politik. Shteti serb, që nga viti 1878, ka pasur pretendime territoriale mbi territoret e banuara nga shqiptarët gjatë sundimit osman. Kjo politikë pushtuese ka zgjatur deri në fillim të shekullit XX, pas disfatës së Perandorisë Osmane gjatë Luftës së Parë Ballkanike 1912/13. Për qeveritë serbe, përfshirja e viseve të lartpërmendura nën Serbi kishte për synim për të pasur pozitën si një fuqi regjionale në Ballkan. Duhet pasur edhe faktorë të tjerë që kanë ndikuar në konflikt. Analizuar në pikëpamje historike, një nga faktorët ndikues në konflikt janë edhe Fuqitë e Mëdha të kohës. Bashkësia ndërkombëtare ka ushtruar një politikë e diplomaci tradicionale në Ballkan, duke marrë parasysh vetëm interesat gjeostrategjike të Fuqive të Mëdha. Qëllimi i këtij punimi është të paraqes mënyrën dhe kohën e përfshirjes së shqiptarëve të Luginës së Preshevës në kuadrin e shtetit serb. Në këtë punim do të analizohen programet e qeverive serbe për zgjerim territorial. Duke marrë parasysh se Lugina e Preshevës është përfshirë në kuadrin e shtetit serb gjatë dy proceseve historike, atëherë si objekt trajtimi do të jenë këto dy procese historike. Vëmendje e veçantë do t'i kushtohet shkaqeve të mbetjes së këtyre viseve në kuadrin e shtetit serb.Në hulumtim është zbatuar metoda e analizës së literaturës relevante.
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Montinaro, Chiara. "L’apporto degli slavismi croati, serbi e sloveni all’italiano del nord-est." SPONDE 2, no. 1 (December 28, 2022): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/sponde.4090.
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L’obiettivo di questo lavoro è quello di identificare il contributo degli slavismi croati, serbi e sloveni penetrati in italiano, partendo dall’etimologia connessa alle tre lingue slave appartenenti al gruppo meridionale oggetto di indagine (oltre che dall’origine genericamente slava riportata dai dizionari). In un secondo tempo, l’attenzione è focalizzata sui prestiti che si affermano come regionalismi (in particolare quelli del nord-est), in cui si definisce il passaggio dall’italiano regionale all’italiano standard. Il corpus, ricavato in prevalenza dallo spoglio del GRADIT (2007) e dello Zingarelli (2021), si rivela cospicuo e, dal punto di vista quantitativo, i dati relativi all’influsso serbo e croato sono senza dubbio quelli più numerosi: si tratta di 48 lemmi nel solo GRADIT, etichettati in prevalenza come tecnicismi. Tra le aree geografiche maggiormente influenti, il contributo friulano e veneto occupa un posto di primo piano. Così, se l’influsso serbo e croato appare più marcato nell’area legata alla terminologia storica e politica (si tratta soprattutto di tecnicismi), le interferenze slovene, che si realizzano principalmente nel friulano, forniscono in primo luogo gastronimi (ma non solo); l’area veneta, invece, si contraddistingue per i contatti tra veneto e croato.
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Krekić, Bariša. "I Serbi nel Medio Evo.Sima M. Ćirković." Speculum 70, no. 1 (January 1995): 131–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2864720.
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Lestari, Baiq Anggun Hilendri, Lalu Takdir Jumaidi, and Iman Waskito. "EDUKASI AKUNTANSI DAN PENDAMPINGAN PENYUSUNAN LAPORAN KEUANGAN UMKM KONVEKSI “UNIFORM MANUFACTURING DAN SERBA-SERBI OLSHOP”." Jurnal Abdimas Sangkabira 3, no. 1 (December 14, 2022): 143–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.29303/abdimassangkabira.v3i1.312.
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The Micro Small Medium Enterprise (MSME) sector has proven to be resilient when there is an economic crisis at this time, only the MSME sector has survived the economic collapse during the Covid-19 pandemic while the larger sector has actually collapsed due to the crisis. Capital is an important factor for developing a business and to get capital loans from financial institutions, financial statements are very important because through these financial statements, banks and financial institutions can assess the ability to pay loans from these MSMEs. In this regard, one of the contributions of academics is to carry out community service. The purpose of this activity is to provide accounting education and assistance in the preparation of financial statements to MSMEs "Uniform Manufacturing & Serba Serbi Ollshop". This MSME is located in Selagik village, Terara district, East Lombok regency and its business activities are in the convection sector. Based on the results of community service, it can be concluded that the owner of the convection MSME "Uniform Manufacturing and Sundry Olshop Selagik village, Terara District, East Lombok, do not know about the preparation of financial statements. Therefore, there needs to be improvements in business financial management by compiling financial statements in accordance with applicable accounting standards.
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Najmudin, Onin, Elli Rahmawati Zulaeha, Ani Sunarni, Novita Puspahaty, and Shabrina Rahmalia. "Peningkatan Pemahaman Budaya Kerja Masyarakat Jepang bagi Siswa SMK Yadika 13 Bekasi." Acitya Bhakti 2, no. 1 (February 1, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.32493/acb.v2i1.13216.
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Kemampuan memahami budaya merupakan modal berharga agar dapat berinteraksi dan beradaptasi dengan komunitas masyarakat tersebut. Kegiatan berupa pengabdian kepada masyarakat ini bertujuan untuk memberikan pemahaman tentang budaya kerja masyarakat Jepang kepada siswa/I SMK Yadika 13 Kabupaten Bekasi. Kegiatan ini diikuti oleh siswa/I dari empat jurusan yang berbeda, di antaranya: (1) Jurusan Teknik Komputer Jaringan (TKJ), Jurusan Teknik Kendaraan Ringan Otomatis (TKRO), Jurusan Otomatisasi Tata Kelola Perkantoran (OTKP), dan Jurusan Akuntansi Keuangan Lembaga (AKL). Metode yang digunakan antara lain: (1) materi tentang budaya kerja di perusahaan Jepang, (2) serba serbi Jepang, dan (3) kesempatan bekerja di Jepang. Hasil dari kegiatan ini tampak pada munculnya antusiasme siswa SMK Yadika 13 untuk bekerja di perusahaan Jepang yang ada di Indonesia maupun bekerja di Jepang. Selain itu, kegiatan ini juga berdampak pada munculnya minat siswa untuk melanjutkan pendidikan ke perguruan tinggi yang berhubungan dengan Jepang.
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Possanzini, Davide. "Elezioni e partiti nella Serbia post-comunista (1990-2004)." Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 56, no. 2 (December 31, 2006): 69–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-12705.
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La scarsa attenzione prestata dalla letteratura politologica alla complessa ricostruzione democratica della Repubblica Serba fornisce valide motivazioni al presente saggio che intende affrontare le problematiche insite ad un processo di transizione ancora in atto. Gli stravolgimenti politici occorsi negli ultimi anni non hanno agevolato il consolidamento di questa giovane democrazia, comunque meritevole di una prima lettura interpretativa, per quanto prematura essa possa apparire. La mutevole natura del sistema politico serbo ha compromesso la trasformazione democratica guidata dalla vecchia elite comunista consentendo, però, l’instaurazione di un’effettiva democrazia elettorale da parte dell’opposizione politica, oggi meno esposta ai richiami autoritari. Nello specifico, questo studio prende in esame lo sviluppo del sistema elettorale e partitico serbo dal crollo del regime comunista ai giorni nostri, soffermandosi sul processo d’involuzione subito dal regime pseudo-democratico serbo alla fine degli anni novanta. A tal proposito, sono stati presi in considerazione tutti i provvedimenti costituzionali e gli strumenti di ingegneria elettorale adottati ed escogitati dal Partito Socialista per garantirsi una prolungata supremazia politica. L’utilizzo di grafici e di indici statistici ha consentito la ricostruzione dello schema evolutivo dei partiti e la simulazione di un suo diverso sviluppo a differenti condizioni aggregative. La proiezione cartografica dei risultati elettorali registrati nei singoli comuni (qui ridimensionata per ovvi limiti di spazio) è servita a semplificare la lettura del panorama politico scaturito da ogni consultazione. Sebbene recenti studi abbiano contribuito ad individuare nuove fratture partitiche nel corso delle transizioni democratiche avviate in Europa orientale, la sistematizzazione dei dati empirici serbi ha messo in risalto alcuni degli storici cleavages partitici utilizzati da Rokkan per spiegare la formazione degli Stati-nazione occidentali. Per quanto la frattura nazionalistica risulti esplicativa dello sviluppo partitico serbo, essa sembra rivestire un ruolo secondario ed apparente, di causa accidentale adottando le parole di Weber, in quanto determinato dalla strategia diversiva del Partito Socialista. Dal raffronto dei dati elettorali con il loro contesto geografico è emerso, infatti, un perenne conflitto tra centro/periferia e città/campagna come causazione adeguata all’evoluzione partitica in senso nazionalistico.
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Радић, Првослав. "УЛОГА СРПСКЕ ЕЛИТЕ У СТВАРАЊУ ЛИНГВОПОЛИТИЧКОГА КОНСТРУКТА „СРПСКОХРВАТСКИ ЈЕЗИК”." ГОДИШЊАК ЗА СРПСКИ ЈЕЗИК 20, no. 1 (December 15, 2022): 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.46630/gsrj.20.2022.06.
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After the adoption of the Serb language (the so-called Shtokavian) as a literary language among Croats under the Illyrian movement of the 1830s, namely after the establishment of a shared literary language for Serbs and Croats, the linguistic-political paradigm of a common „Serbo-Croatian” language was gradually accepted in Serb language studies. As a consequence, Serb language studies faced difficulties regarding crucial academic and theoretical issues, the effects of which would be felt to this day. A significant role in this was played by a part of the Serb philological elite in the 19th and 20th centuries, who opted for the Yugoslav idea. Consequently, the Yugoslav-oriented Serb linguists rejected the Miklošič‑Karadžić theory about the Serb language („Shtokavian”) and the Croat language („Chakavian”) as different languages, adjusting their linguistic approach to the newly set ideological goals. Moreover, the adoption of the Yugoslav idea involved, both then and later, mostly a condescending and flattering approach to the Croats (and even Europe), and concessions to the detriment of Serb academic and national interests, for reasons that were not always entirely clear. As good examples of the sophisticated Serb collaboration with the Yugoslav ideology we may cite some parts of Jovan Skerlić’s and Aleksandar Belić’s theories. Fascinated by the idea that it was necessary to create an even more uniform literary language for Serbs and Croats (including even Slovenians), Skerlić launched immediately before World War I a survey on the literary language, proposing the Ekavian speech and Latin alphabet as the unifying factors of a new, more unified literary language. In this respect, Belić’s study Srbija i južnoslovensko pitanje (Serbia and the South Slavic Issue), published at the height of the war (1915), served as a kind of a political manifesto aimed at the unification of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians, where the author tried to frame the language issue as the guiding idea of the Yugoslav political enterprise. Keywords: Serb language, „Serbo-Croatian” linguistic construct, Yugoslav ideology, linguistic‑political studies, Jovan Skerlić, Aleksandar Belić.
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Cremades Cortiella, Elga. "Anàlisi d’errors en l’expressió escrita del català com a llengua addicional: contrast entre l’alumnat serbi i l’anglòfon." CLIL Journal of Innovation and Research in Plurilingual and Pluricultural Education 4, no. 2 (July 30, 2021): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/clil.65.
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Aquest treball vol constituir una primera aproximació a les característiques de la interllengua de l’alumnat de català com a llengua addicional que té com a llengües primeres el serbi, d’una banda, i l’anglès, de l’altra, prenent com a base metodològica l’anàlisi d’errors i els estudis d’interllengua, tot tenint en compte, també, els corpus d’aprenents. Per fer-ho, s’ha utilitzat un corpus de 97 exàmens corresponents a les proves dels certificats B1 de català emesos per l’Institut Ramon Llull durant els anys 2011 i 2012, uns exàmens que s’han transcrit, etiquetat i analitzat mitjançant el programari AntConc. Un cop analitzat els textos, s’han classificat els errors d’acord amb un criteri gramatical, de manera que es presenten els principals errors de l’alumnat als nivells ortogràfic i ortotipogràfic, morfosintàctic, lexicosemàntic i pragmaticodiscursiu. El treball mostra com els àmbits ortogràfic (en el cas de l’alumnat anglòfon) i morfosintàctic (en el cas de l’alumnat serbi) són els que presenten uns percentatges més elevats d’errors, si bé l’àmbit lexicosemàntic és on podem detectar més clarament les interferències de les llengües primeres i, sobretot, de les altres llengües que parla l’alumnat.
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Puhar, Jelena. "Variazione primaria di ‘portare’ e i suoi traducenti serbi in IMAGACT." Italica Belgradensia 2016, no. 2 (2016): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.18485/italbg.2016.2.4.
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Vaglio, Luca. "I traduttori serbi dei sonetti di Petrarca. Per uno sguardo panoramico." Годишњак Катедре за српску књижевност са јужнословенским књижевностима 17 (2022): 85–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.18485/godisnjak.2022.17.6.
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Katsikēs, Kōnstantinos. "Slikarstvo Sv. Dimitrija u selu Frurio u oblasti Kozani." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 44 (2007): 601–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0744601k.
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(grcki) O mikros, monoch?ros naos toy Agioy D?m?trioy brisketai sto oreino ch?rio Phroyrio t?s perioch?s t?n Serbi?n toy Nomoy Kozan?s, konta ston potamo Aliakmona. O toichographikos diakosmos, poy kosmei to es?teriko toy naoy, diat?reitai se arketa megal? ektas?. Einai ergo t?n mes?n toy 17oy ai. apo synergeio dyo topik?n z?graph?n me arketa endiapheronta eikonographika kai technotropika stoicheia.
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Ahmad, Lukman, Muhammad Wali, Rizaldi Akbar, and Jhony Syafwandhinata. "IbM Pemberdayaan Generasi Muda melalui Enterpreneurship." Jurnal Pengabdian Nasional (JPN) Indonesia 1, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.35870/jpni.v1i1.5.
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Sejarah telah mencatat dengan tinta emas peran pemuda dalam proses perubahan suatu bangsa. Bukan hanya sejarah bangsa modern namun bangsa-bangsa atau kaum terdahulu pun tidak terlepas dari kontribusi pemuda di dalamnya. Pelatihan manajemen organisasi pemuda merupakan salah satu implementasi dari program pengembangan peran serta pemuda yang diarahkan kepada pembangunan jiwa kepemimpinan dalam berbagai segmen kehidupan dengan menumbuhkembangkan sikap mandiri generasi muda, melatih remaja untuk mampu mengelola konflik yang bisa muncul baik dari dalam maupun dari luar kelompok dan memberikan mereka sedikit pengetahuan bagaimana mengelola keuangan organisasi yang benar, efisien, transparan dan bisa dipertanggungjawabkan. Adapun simpulan dari hasil pengabdian ini adalah; Organisasi kepemudaan merupakan salah satu wadah yang menampung aspirasi remaja untuk mengarahkan mereka ke hal-hal yang positif. Untuk itu paling tidak diperlukan pengembangan skill/kemampuan personal dari masing-masing anggotanya. Salah satunya adalah dengan dibekali berbagai bentuk praktek dan pelatihan yang berkenaan dengan manajerial organisasi dan Pelatihan manajemen organisasi yang dilakukan di perkumpulan pemuda “Gampong Cot’ ini mencoba untuk membangkitkan semangat para pemuda/anggota perkumpulan untuk mengasah kemampuan mereka sekaligus memajukan perkumpulan. Melalui pelatihan ini kemampuan dan pengetahuan mereka akan serba-serbi organisasi dan kewirausahaan dapat bertambah dan menjadi pedoman bagi pengembangan diri kedepan.
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Nastić, Nevena. "Sociological approach to the understanding of orthodox religious teaching in the first cycle of primary education." Zbornik radova Uciteljskog fakulteta Prizren-Leposavic, no. 14 (2020): 485–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrufpl2014485n.
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In this paper, throught the analysis of Ortodox religious education, in the curricula for the first cycle of primary education in the Republic of Serbia, explore cycle values that are directed to students to teach, accept and incorporate them into ther behavior. This research is conducted from a sociological theoretical and methodological point of wiew, according to whitch, through the study of religion, certain social phenomena and processes are known. To that end, this paper presents the basic theoretical determinations of Othodoxy in sociology, points out the process of returning religious education in Serbi and analyzes the current curricula of Orthodox religious education from the first to the fourth grade of primary school. This is about Orthodox Christianity of the Serbian style and experience, founded in the part of Saint Sava, known as Svetosavlje. In the function of this paper, an analytical descriptive method was applied, in order to identify and describe teaching contents from Orthodox religious teching, and then to determine their coherence with other teaching contents and the ruling system of social values in the Republic of Serbia. The basic starting point in these considerations is that the religious values of Orthodoxy are contained in the curricula for the first cycle of primary education characterized by traditional culture and morals. They affect: the development of awareness of belonging to the Orthodox faith, Serbian tradition and nation; on the development of religious tolerance among people and towards other confessional communities, as well as on the acquisition of religious culture among students.
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Ceković, Nevena P., and Nataša L. Janićijević. "“Scusa, sai, ti dico”... Gli equivalenti serbi dei segnali discorsivi italiani di origine verbale." Анали Филолошког факултета 29, no. 2 (2017): 51–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.18485/analiff.2017.29.2.4.
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Fort, Emilie. "Bridging Past and Present Traumas: The Emergence of Kosovo Serb Ethnoscape in the Dynamic Interaction between the Enclaved Environment and History Textbooks’ Content." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 6 (June 13, 2019): 968–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.27.
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AbstractThis article deals with the use of history textbooks imported from Serbia in the specific context of Kosovo Serb enclavement. It provides a content analysis of history textbooks used by Kosovo Serb pupils in Kosovo in terms of their contribution to Kosovo Serb collective identity building. This article focuses on the interaction between the enclaved environment within which Kosovo Serbs have lived since 1999 and the narratives contained in the history textbooks, to highlight how this interaction influences the way Kosovo Serbs consider their identity. First, I start by showing that history textbooks used by Kosovo Serbs in Kosovo emphasize religious identity. Next, I argue that dialogic relation between past and present, understood through the dynamic interaction between the enclaved environment and history textbook narratives, contributes to the emergence of enclaves as ethnoscapes.
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BEREND, IVAN T. "The Kosovo Trap." European Review 14, no. 4 (September 8, 2006): 413–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798706000445.
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In February 2006, talks began in Vienna to decide the status of Kosovo. The solution was forecast in several statements: instead of officially remaining a province of Serbia, considering that 90% of the population of the area is Albanian, mostly Muslim, and want independence, independent statehood might be granted to Kosovo. Kosovo enjoyed an autonomous status under Tito (abolished by Milošević) and thus has the legal right to decide on independence.Serbia wants to keep its authority over the province, which is considered to be the ‘cradle of Serbia,’ a sacrosanct place in Serbian history. However, the Serb population has gradually decreased and become a small minority. This happened due to a huge Serb emigration after the Ottoman conquest of the region, a spontaneous, sometimes forced emigration, which gained special impetus during the Second World War, when the region became part of ‘Great Albania,’ and Serbs were killed and chased out of the province. The tension and violence of the post-war decades made emigration advisable for Serbs. Milošević's Kosovo war-and-rape campaign made the Kosovars victims of exalted Serb nationalism in the late 1990s. The NATO bombing stopped this but the Serb minority declined into an unbearable situation. The Kosovo Liberation Army's violent actions, killing Serbs, burning their houses, shooting at school buses, continued until recently and led to the flight of half of the remaining Serb population, and ‘cleansed’ Kosovo of 80% of the Roma population.
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Redakcija, R. "Anti-Serb war manifesto or to which aim are so-called non-governmental organizations used: An editorial." Napredak 1, no. 3 (2020): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak1-30105.
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The German state propaganda service Deutche Welle (DW), recently published a new anti-Serb war manifesto, also reported by the daily press in the Republic of Croatia. The aim of the document, whose basic ideas do not belong to the person interviewed, is the creation of conditions which would favor the breakout of a new Balkan war, primarily in the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, through the dissolution of the Republic of Serbia, treated incorrectly in the text as the "spoils of war" of Serbia. The purpose of the text is the weakening of the geopolitical position of Serbia through the following: 1) the severing of ties with the Serb population living in former Yugoslav republics (B&H, Montenegro); 2) the accepting of an unfavorable institutional solution for the Republic of Srpska through amendments to the Dayton-Paris peace agreement, whose guarantor is Serbia, as the successor of the FRY and Serbia & Montenegro; 3) the accepting of an unfavorable institutional solution for AP Kosovo and Metohija, whose status, until otherwise changed, is determined by Resolution 1244 of the UN Security Council; 4) the dragging of Serbia into North Atlantic integrations despite continued objections of Serbs to the idea and its proclaimed policy of military neutrality; 5) the breaking up of friendly relations and close cooperation of the Republic of Serbia with the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China, which would cost our country the loss of the ability to defend almost all its vital state interests, including its territorial integrity and sovereignty, aside from losing the friendship of those who have in various situations come to our country's aid. According to the originator of this anti-Serb war manifesto, coerced, humiliated, and punished (unjustly), Serbia and the Serbs have the right to expect European integrations.
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Dharma, Yokie Prasetya, Sijono Sijono, and Yudita Susanti. "PERAN ORANG TUA MENGONTROL PERILAKU ANAK DALAM PENGGUNAAN GADGET." Jurnal Pengabdian Masyarakat Khatulistiwa 1, no. 2 (January 14, 2019): 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31932/jpmk.v1i2.324.
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Tujuan diadakannya kegiatan PKM yang berjudul “Peran Orang Tua Mengontrol Perilaku Anak Dalam Penggunaan Gadget” ini adalah sebagai upaya memberi pendampingan kepada orang tua untuk memahami serba-serbi penggunaan gadjet serta memberikan pemahaman kepada orang tua agar mereka turut serta mengawasi secara langsung anak-anak mereka dalam menggunakan gadjed. PKM ini dilaksanakan di Desa Lubuk Antuk kecamatan Hulu Gurung yang melibatkan para orang tua, remaja dan anak-anak. Alasan diadakannya kegiatan PKM di Desa tersebut karena penggunaan gadjet di daerah tersebut sudah cukup besar dan luas, selain itu berdasarkan rekomendasi dari kepala Desa setempat. Secara umum kegiatan tersebut berupa penyuluhan dan dialog secara langsung. Dari hasil evaluasi kegiatan yang diadakan tersebut, terlihat masyarakat sangat antusias dengan kegiatan tersebut. Hal ini dapat dilihat dari banyaknya masyarakat yang hadir dan terlibat dalam tanya jawab pada saat kegiatan tersebut berlangsung. Selain itu hal ini juga didukung oleh hasil “questionaire” yang dibagikan kepada para orang tua. Dari hasil tersebut di dapat rata-rata orang tua menjawa puas dan mengerti dengan materi yang disampaikan dalam kegiatan PKM tersebut. Berdasarkan antusias warga dalam kegiatan tersebut diharapkan akan lebih banyak lagi kelompok-kelompok atau instansi-instansi terkait melakukan hal serupa untuk membangun pemahan kepada masyarakat agar lebih banyak lagi masyarakat yang paham menggunakan gadjet dengan bijak, sehingga dapat mengurangi tindak kerimimal yang marak terjadi di media sosial.Kata Kunci: orangtua, kontrol, gadget
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Ornstein, Anna. "La funzione del gruppo in tempi di guerra e di terrore." GRUPPI, no. 2 (October 2010): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/gru2009-002006.
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In questo scritto l'autore fornisce una spiegazione alla formazione di gruppi, dal punto di vista della psicologia del Sé, indicando che mentre la loro motivazione puň essere diversa nei vari gruppi, l'impegno e la devozione con cui inseguono i loro obiettivi sono le stesse. Ciň č in relazione con la posizione di grande importanza che i valori e gli ideali rivestono nella psiche di ognuno. Per esempio, l'autore descrive i genocidi commessi nel Terzo Reich e dai serbi verso i musulmani bosniaci e gli atti terroristici perpetrati dai fanatici religiosi. Essa ha anche incluso una descrizione della formazione dei gruppi nei campi di concentramento tedeschi, che hanno avuto una importanza fondamentale per la sopravvivenza e la guarigione psicologica dei prigionieri.
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Ramet, Sabrina P. "Explaining the Yugoslav meltdown, 2: A Theory about the Causes of the Yugoslav Meltdown: The Serbian National Awakening as a “Revitalization Movement”*." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 4 (December 2004): 765–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000296122.
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The argument to be presented here is that the Yugoslav meltdown involved three factors or sets of factors: first, the various underlying problems such as economic deterioration, political illegitimacy, and structural factors which drove the system toward crisis; second, the presence and persistence of inter-ethnic resentments deriving from irreconcilable national historical narratives in which Yugoslavia's constituent peoples cast each other as “the Enemy” (usually across the Serb–non-Serb cleavage) and specifically stoked by certain ambitious political figures; and third, the emergence, in Serbia, of a national “revitalization movement” led by Slobodan Milošević, nurturing grandiose territorial fantasies. I shall also argue that understanding the Serb national awakening of the late 1980s as a “revitalization movement” helps to understand the nature of what happened in Serbia, in particular how Serb nationalists could construe their initiatives as responses to some perceived threat coming from outside the community of Serbs, the phases in the development of that movement, and its role in impelling socialist Yugoslavia toward breakup and meltdown.
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Vemic, Mirceta. "Drovnjak not Drobnjak - an obvious example of distorting toponyms with Serbian linguistic basis." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 162 (2017): 333–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1762333v.
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The paper presents a distinct example of how the name of a well-known geographical area in the Durmitor Mountain (Old Herzegovina, today Montenegro) became distorted from ?Drovnjak? to ?Drobnjak?, to illustrate and discuss an enduring process of altering toponymswith Serbian linguistic basis, under Western, Latin, and Roman Catholic cultural influences, particularly in the last 100 years along with the establishment of Serbo-Croatian linguistic community. Here, the Old Church Slavonic (Serbian) geographical name ?Drovnjak?, which comes from the word ?tree? (?????), is considered as a Greek vitacism and changed to betacism ?Drobnjak?. Phoneme ?v? (vita) is replaced by phoneme ?b? (beta), the same as it is in the case of names: Byzantium (Vizantija, Serb.), Babylon (Vavilon, Serb.), Arabia and Arabian Sea (Aravija, Aravijsko more, Serb.), etc. The paper also presents other examples of the process of distortion of toponymswhere the phoneme ?nj? (pronounced /?/) changes to ?n? (pronounced /n/) (as in Tusinja-Tusina, Petnjica-Petnica) and ?lj? (pronounced /?/) to ?l? (pronounced /l/) (as in Pljevlja-Plevlja), etc. Clear orthographic norms of common standard language that required writing toponymsin the form used in the local dialect were not respected. This paper can be an incentive for similar researches in territories where Serbs predominantly live or used to live, so that such distorted toponymscould be restored to their original forms, as part of the process of new standardization of geographical names led by the Commission for the Standardization of Geographical Names of the Republic of Serbia.
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Escher, Julia, and Yves Trachsel. "Shimunek, Andrew: Languages of Ancient Southern Mongolia and North China – A Historical-Comparative Study of the Serbi or Xianbei Branch of the Serbi-Mongolic Language Family, with an Analysis of Northeastern Frontier Chinese and Old Tibetan Phonology." Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 72, no. 4 (December 19, 2018): 1231–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2018-0039.
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Batakovic, Dusan. "Serbia, the Serbo-Albanian conflict and the First Balkan War." Balcanica, no. 45 (2014): 317–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1445317b.
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After the restoration of Serbia in 1830, the areas of medieval Serbia left out of her borders were dubbed Old Serbia - Kosovo, Metohija, Rascia (the former sanjak of Novi Pazar and the neighbouring areas). Old Serbia (from 1877 onwards the vilayet of Kosovo) was dominated by local Albanian pashas, whereas the Christian Orthodox Serbs and their villages were attacked and pillaged by Muslim Albanian brigands. The religious antagonism between Muslims and Christians expanded into national conflict after the 1878 Albanian League had claimed the entire ?Old Serbia for Greater Albania?. The position of Christian Orthodox Serbs, who accounted for a half of the population at the end of the nineteenth century, was dramatically aggravated due to Muslim Albanians' tribal anarchy, Austria-Hungary's pro-Albanian agitation and, after 1908, frequent Albanian rebellions. All efforts of Serbia to reach a peaceful agreement with Muslim Albanian leaders in Old Serbia before the First Balkan War had ended in failure. The First Balkan War was the most popular war in Serbia?s history as it was seen as avenging the 1389 Battle of Kosovo which had sealed the Ottoman penetration into the Serbian lands. In October 1912, Serbia liberated most of Old Serbia, while Montenegro took possesion of half of the Rascia area and the whole of Metohija. While the decimated and discriminated Serb population greeted the Serbian and Montenegrin troops as liberators, most Albanians, who had sided with the Ottomans, saw the establishment of Serbian rule as occupation.
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Demjaha, Agon. "Inter-Ethnic Relations in Kosovo." SEEU Review 12, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2017-0013.
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AbstractThe paper aims to analyse the state of inter-ethnic relations in Kosovo between ethnic Albanians and ethnic Serbs, with special focus on the period after unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo in 2008. Inter-ethnic conflict in Kosovo has exclusively been over its territory since both Serbs and Albanians have made claims about history and ethno-demography to justify their alleged exclusive right to this ethnically mixed region. Consequently, inter-ethnic relations between Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo have been rather problematic throughout the most of the 20thcentury. During this period Albanians in Kosovo have been subjected to discrimination, intimidation and even mass expulsion by Yugoslav/Serb authorities. In late 1990s, these relations between Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo have progressively worsened and finally escalated in an armed warfare in 1999.Immediately after the war, Serbs in Kosovo were occasionally exposed to acts of inter-ethnic and retaliatory violence. Inter-ethnic relations between the two major ethnicities continued to be tense and fragile after independence of Kosovo in 2008. Dramatic changes of ethnic composition structure, atrocities and huge number of refugees due to the war, have left a legacy of deep mistrust and animosities between Albanians and Serbs in the newly created state. Consequently, Serbs in Kosovo have from the beginning refused to recognize Kosovo’s independence and have rigorously refused any governance by Kosovo authorities. Serbian community, especially in the North, claims stronger territorial autonomy, even separatism and unification with Serbia. The paper claims that in Kosovo inter-ethnic and interstate relations are basically the components of the same equation. Therefore, paper concludes that only overall improvement of relations between Kosovo and Serbia could contribute to overall relaxation of inter-ethnic relations between Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo. Unfortunately, the latest incidents between Kosovo and Serbia have increased the tensions between the two sides to alarming levels.
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DellaVigna, Stefano, Ruben Enikolopov, Vera Mironova, Maria Petrova, and Ekaterina Zhuravskaya. "Cross-Border Media and Nationalism: Evidence from Serbian Radio in Croatia." American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 6, no. 3 (July 1, 2014): 103–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.6.3.103.
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How do nationalistic media affect animosity between ethnic groups? We consider one of Europe's deadliest conflicts since WWII, the Serbo-Croatian conflict. We show that, after a decade of peace, cross-border nationalistic Serbian radio triggers ethnic hatred toward Serbs in Croatia. Mostly attracted by nonpolitical content, many Croats listen to Serbian public radio (intended for Serbs in Serbia) whenever signal is available. As a result, the vote for extreme nationalist parties is higher and ethnically offensive graffiti are more common in Croatian villages with Serbian radio reception. A laboratory experiment confirms that Serbian radio exposure causes anti-Serbian sentiment among Croats. (JEL D72, D74, J15, L82, N34, N44)
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Trbovich, Ana. "Nation-building under the Austro-Hungarian sceptre Croat-Serb antagonism and cooperation." Balcanica, no. 37 (2006): 195–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0637195t.
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In the nineteenth century many European nations, including Serbs and Croats became politically conscious of their "nationhood", which became a contributory factor in the crumbling of the two great empires in Central-East Europe - the Habsburg and the Ottoman - at the beginning of the following century. The Serbs had, since medieval times, an awareness of their long history and tradition, great medieval civilization and cultural unity regardless of the fact that they lived under several different adminis?trations. As in the case of Habsburg Serbs, language and literature became building blocks of Croat national consciousness in the nineteenth century. Unlike Serb nationalism centred on people, Croat nationalism was mainly territory-related. Since both Serbs and Croats inhabited the Austro-Hungarian provinces claimed by the Croats as their "historical Right" (absorption in 1097 of the small medieval Croat state by the Hungarians is interpreted, by many Croat historians, as a voluntary act of union), the different conceptions of nationalism resulted in competing claims. Croatian politics became one of opposing any recognition of Serbian institutions and cultural characteristics without Serbs previously accepting the concept that the only "political nation" in the Austro-Hungarian Province of Croatia was Croatian. Nonetheless, Croats compromised when in need of Serb assistance in opposing Hungarian domination. In turn, Serb politics was divided between those supporting cooperation with the Croats in order to achieve greater autonomy from the Hungarians in the Dual Monarchy, and those who supported some cooperation but insisted on forming an entity separate from the Croats in the future and joining with the Kingdom of Serbia, which regained its independence in 1878. The ensuing world and civil wars brought the Croato-Serb conflict to the fore, with the first and the second Yugoslavia failing to accommodate the two nations' opposing aspirations.
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Valente, Massimiliano. "Chiesa, politica e nazione nel regno dei Serbi, Croati e Sloveni nei rapporti da Belgrado del nunzio Pellegrinetti." Römische Historische Mitteilungen 1 (2014): 475–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/rhm54s475.
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Rolandi, Francesca. "Un trionfo mai richiesto? Partecipazione politica femminile e rappresentazioni di genere nella stampa locale di Fiume e Susak dopo la Grande guerra." ITALIA CONTEMPORANEA, no. 293 (August 2020): 73–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ic2020-293003.
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La Grande guerra sconvolse non solo l'assetto geopolitico di una parte del continente europeo, ma anche le precedenti frontiere di genere e gli equilibri familiari. Le confinanti città di Fiume e di Susak si trovarono a vivere, dopo la fine del conflitto, una lunga transizione caratterizzata da instabilità amministrativa, insicurezza economica e tensioni politiche e nazionali, per poi essere inglobate, rispettivamente, nel Regno d'Italia e nel Regno dei Serbi, Croati e Sloveni. Focalizzandosi sulle fonti disponibili in lingua italiana e croata, l'articolo analizzerà il caso studio di un'area di frontiera per indagare la presenza femminile nella sfera pubblica, mettendo in luce sia la partecipazione politica legata alle diverse forme di suffragio in atto, che il tessuto dell'associazionismo, all'interno di organizzazioni politiche e filantropiche. Inoltre, per tracciare le reazioni al protagonismo femminile, verranno analizzate le rappresentazioni di genere presenti sugli organi di stampa locali, legati in massima parte alle maggiori fazioni politiche in lotta, e quasi esclusivamente dominati da voci maschili.
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Skiljan, Filip. "Organized massive forced migration of Serbs from Croatia in 1941." Stanovnistvo 50, no. 2 (2012): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv1202001s.
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The author brings forth a range of information on forced migration of the Serb population from the Croatian part of the Independent State of Croatia in 1941 (NDH). Almost one third of the population were Serbs in the NDH. One of the methods of solving ?the Serbia issue? in the NDH was migrating the Serbs into Serbia. The other methods were forced conversions of the Serbian population, namely physical killings. The adopted legal provisions made the terror policy over Serbian population legitimate. A conference was held on June 4th in the German legation in Zagreb. At the meeting it was agreed that Slovenians from Styria were to be moved to NDH, and Serbs from the NDH to Serbia. Deportation was to be carried out in three waves. The first wave was to last from June 7th to July 5th and 5000 Slovenian intellectuals from Lower Styria were to be deported directly to Serbia, except for catholic priests who were to be deported to the NDH. Orthodox priests from the NDH were to be deported to Serbia together with their families. In the second wave, lasting from June 10th to August 30th, 25,000 Slovenians from Slovenia were to be deported to the NDH and NDH was to deport just as many Serbs. In the last wave (from September 15th to October 31st), 65,000 Slovenian peasants from the Gorenjska region (Upper Carniola region) were to be deported to the NDH, and NDH was to migrate just as many Serbs to Serbia, as well as 30,000 Serbs whose citizenship was not acknowledged by the NDH. The government of the NDH founded an office for this purpose under the name State Directorate for Renewal. The migration of the Serbs from NDH began in June of 1941. Volunteers from the Salonika Front were then moved from their properties in Slavonia and Srem. Their total number was about 28,000. Then the Orthodox priests were migrated. According to the lists made by the NDH authorities, 327 of them were migrated from the NDH. 104 priests from the Croatian part of NDH were moved away in an organized manner. One part of them managed to escape before they were arrested. The migration of priests was carried out through transit camps in Caprag and Pozega. Massive deportations of the Serbian population through transit camps in Caprag, Bjelovar and Pozega began with the arresting of Serbs in Zagreb in the first half of July 1941, and then continued in other districts of northern Croatia and Bosnia. The total number of migrations in an organized manner from the Croatian part of the NDH up to the beginning of September 1941, according to the name list drawn up in 2012, amounted to 9875 Serbs, although that number was not final since there were greater disparities for certain districts. By the end of September 1941, the Ustashas migrated 14,733 Serbs out of the NDH in a legal way. Croatians from Dalmatia, Herzegovina and the Croatian Zagorje as well as displaced Slovenians primarily originally from Styria, moved into their houses. The authorities of NDH confiscated the property of the forced out Serbs. Other forms of the Ustasha terror, like massive killings, caused intensive illegal emigration of Serbs from NDH to Serbia, which, according to German data, had already increased to around 180,000 relocated Serbs by the end of July, although it seems this number exceeded 200,000 by the end of September. Organized migration was ceased in October 1941 after the German authorities in Serbia forbid further immigration of Serbs from the NDH mainly because of the uprising in western Serbia. Part of the banished Serbs from the Pozega concentration camp were returned home to the districts of Osijek, Garesnica, Krizevac, Virovitica and Ludbreg. However, from the documentation of the Commissariat for Refugees in Belgrade, it is evident that the research on the migration of Serbs from Croatia and the whole of NDH was not finished in 1941, so the number of 200,000 of forced migrants who have left is not final.
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Niksic, Dragan, Vlada Pantelic, Dusica Ostojic-Andric, Dragan Stanojevic, Nikola Delic, Aleksandar Stanojkovic, and Maja Petricevic. "The influence of genetic β-lactoglobulin polymorphism on the quantity and quality of milk of the Simmental breed in Serbia." Genetika 53, no. 1 (2021): 263–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gensr2101263n.
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The study of the link between genes controlling protein polymorphism and milk performance traits of domestic animals has great economic importance from a selection point of view, as it reduces the generation interval, leading to increased productivity in livestock. The objective of this paper was to establish the influence of genetic ? -lactoglobulin polymorphism on the quantity and quality of milk of the simmental breed in Serbi?. For the research blood samples were taken from a total of 157 Simmental cows. The genotypes of Simmental cows for ?-lactoblobulin and their effect on quantitative milk performance traits were determined using the PCR-RFLP analysis. The variability of traits influenced by the genetic polymorphism of ?-lactoblobulin was statistically very highly significant (p <0.0001) for milk yield in standard lactation and milk fat and protein yields, while it showed no statistically significant variability (p> 0.05) for content of milk fat and protein. The genotype cows achieved a 121 kg and 338 kg increase in milk production compared to the BB genotype and AA genotype cows, respectively.
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Zarković, Vesna. "Kaza Mitrovica 1889-1900." Bastina, no. 55 (2021): 375–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina31-34289.
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Kaza Mitrovica was part of the Priština Sandžak of the Kosovo vilayet until its liberation in the First Balkan War. Period from the opening of the consulate of the Kingdom of Serbia in Priština in 1889 until 1900 was marked by numerous murders and oppressions throughout Old Serbia, which did not skip Mitrovica. This situation deviated from the position of the city, which was located at the crossroads and at the end of the railway, whose starting point was Thessaloniki. In addition, Mitrovica was connected by road to neighboring towns, Novi Pazar, Peć and Priština, via Vučitrn. Thanks to that, it developed rapidly, the influx of inhabitants was higher and it represented the center of the northwestern part of the province of Kosovo. The newly arrived population in Mitrovica consisted of muhajirs fleeing Bosnia and Serbia, as well as Serbs who came from Metohija and other parts of Old Serbia due to violence. Also, numerous craftsmen and merchants settled in search of work and a better life. The city was the seat of a strong military garrison of the Turkish army, which did not react to prevent the tyranny of the Arbanas. On the contrary, the representatives of the civil and military authorities, in order to maintain an apparent peace, often negotiated with the greatest oppressors among the Arbanas. The relationship between the authorities and the villains was reflected on the Serb population of Mitrovica, which was exposed to various atrocities. The only help was provided by the consulate of the Kingdom of Serbia in Priština, while the representatives of the authorities, from local to district, usually remained silent. This attitude of the Turkish authorities towards the crimes led to general insecurity and unrest among Serbs, who emigrated in large numbers to Serbia.
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KEIICHI, KUBO. "THE ISSUE OF INDEPENDENCE AND ETHNIC IDENTITY IN MONTENEGRO." Southeastern Europe 32, no. 1 (2007): 163–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633307x00101.
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Abstract Summary: In Montenegro, there has been a deep divide between those who seek the independence of Montenegro and those who oppose it. It is well known that there is a correlation between the ethnic identity and the attitude towards this issue. While one tends to assume that the former determines the latter, this article would argue that this assumption does not hold for Serbs. To do so, this article analyzes the re-definition of ethnic identity in Montenegro. In particular, a significant number of those who now regard themselves as "Serb" did not indeed do so only twelve years ago. This suggests that the assumption discussed above is wrong and the causal relations run in the opposite direction: they re-defined themselves as "Serb" because they support the maintenance of the union with Serbia.
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Attila Hoare, Marko. "Bosnia-Hercegovina and International Justice." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 24, no. 2 (March 8, 2010): 191–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409356462.
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Three different international courts have determined that genocide took place in Bosnia-Hercegovina in 1992-1995: the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR). Yet paradoxically, there has been virtually no punishment of this genocide, while the punishment of lesser war crimes of the Bosnian war has been very limited. The ICTY has convicted only one individual, a lowly deputy corps commander, of a genocide-related offence. The ICJ acquitted Serbia, the state that planned and launched the assault upon Bosnia-Hercegovina in 1992, of genocide and related offences, finding it guilty only of failure to prevent and punish genocide. Although Serb forces were responsible for the overwhelming majority of war crimes, the ICTY prosecution has disproportionately targeted non-Serbs in its indictments and, among Serbs, has disproportionately targeted Bosnian Serbs, with no official of Serbia or Yugoslavia yet convicted of war crimes in Bosnia. This article argues that the meagre results of the international judicial processes vis-à-vis the crimes of the Bosnian war must be sought in the structural failings, poor decision making, and political influences that affected the international courts. It argues that the international courts have failed either to deliver justice to the victims of the war crimes or to promote reconciliation among the peoples of the former Yugoslavia and suggests measures that could be taken to rectify the situation.
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Lampe, John R. "Introduction." East Central Europe 42, no. 1 (August 8, 2015): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04201001.
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Read back from the 1990s, the scenario of a Greater Serbian agenda based in Belgrade and using Yugoslavia as a means to that end continues to tempt Western scholarship. Serbian exceptionalism thereby doomed both Yugoslavias. This special issue of East Central Europe addresses connections between Belgrade, Serbia, and Yugoslavia promoting contradictions that belie this simple scenario. Focusing on the first Yugoslavia, these six articles by younger Belgrade historians critically examine a series of disjunctures between the capital city and the rest of Serbia as well as Yugoslavia that undercut the neglected pre-1914 promise of Belgrade’s Yugoslavism. First came the failure of the city’s political and intellectual elite the First World War was ending to persevere with that promise. Most could not separate themselves from a conservative rather than nationalist reliance on the Serbian-led ministries in Belgrade to deal with the problems of governing a new state that now included many non-Serbs. From Serbian political divisions and a growing parliamentary paralysis to the Belgrade ministries’ failure to support the Serb colonists in Kosovo, problems mounted. They opened the way for King Aleksandar’s dictatorship in 1929, with initial Serbian support. But as the royal regime imposed an integral Yugoslavism on what had been the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes and punished disloyalty to the Crown in particular Serbs were punished as well as non-Serbs. Their locally organized associations were also placed under royal authority, whose ministries were however no more successful in uniform administration than their predecessors. At the same time, however, Belgrade’s growing connections to European popular culture skipped over the rest of the country, Serbia included, to establish a distinctive urban identity. After the Second World War, what was now a Western identity would grow and spread from Belgrade after the Tito-Stalin split, despite reservations and resistance from the Communist regime. This cultural connection now promoted the wider Yugoslav integration that was missing in the interwar period. It still failed, as amply demonstrated in Western and Serbian scholarship, to overcome the political contradictions that burdened both Yugoslavias.
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Engelhardt, Georgi N. "Zlatanović S. Etnička identifikacija na posleratnom području: Srpska zajednica jugoistočnog Kosova. Beograd: Etnografski institut SANU: Čigoja štampa, 2018. 364 s. (Posebna izdanja; knj. 89)." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 16, no. 1-2 (2021): 266–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2021.16.1-2.12.
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Sanja Zlatanović’s book Etnička identifikacija na posleratnom području: Srpska zajednica jugoistočnog Kosova (Ethnicity in a Post-War Region: The Serbian Community of Southeast Kosovo) provides a valuable picture of the Serbian community of Kosovsko Pomoravlje (South-East Kosovo around Gnilane) during the first years of international rule in the disputed area. The book is based on field research carried out between 2003 and 2006 both in the area and in Southern Serbia with persons displaced from the area. S. Zlatanović describes the subdivisions between “Kosovo old-dwellers” and “Colonists” (of 1920s and 30s); between Serbs and Serbian Gypsies in Kosovo; and between KosovoSerbs and the population of Central Serbia. She also demonstrates the complexity of the Kosovo Serb perception of their neighbours – Kosovo Croats and Kosovo Albanians. The author reviews both the efficiency and limits of the komšiluk (traditional practice of neighbourhood solidarity), cultural similarities with the Kosovo Albanians, and the role of the Raška-Prizren Diocese of the Serb Orthodox Church and its influence upon the community, e. g., by the overcoming of traditional practices of religious syncretism. This ethnological study will be of use both for ethnologists and social anthropologists of the Balkans, as well as for historians and political scientists. The Kosovo Serb identity, their internal subdivisions, and the cultural stereotypes described by S. Zlatanović will exist as a part of the broader Serbian social texture for the foreseeable future.
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Ademi, Haxhi. "Disa nga programet dhe elaboratet politike Serbe për Kosovën dhe popullin Shqiptar." Diskutime 7, no. 23 (February 7, 2023): 468–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.58923/diskutime.v7i23.598.
Full textAbstract:
Qëllimi i këtij studimi është që të trajtojmë disa nga programet dhe elaboratet serbe, që janë ideuar nga personalitetet më të shquara serbe, gjatë gjithë historisë, që kishin për qëllimet shpërnguljen e popullsisë shqiptare nga trojet e tyre dhe vendosjen e elementit sllavë. Këtë politikë antishqiptare e ka ushqyer me shekuj politika sërbe, historiografia e të cilit popull mundohet të paraqesë “faktet” rreth të drejtës së saj historike mbi Kosovën. Duke filluar me programin e parë politik “Naҫertania”, e deri më sot, është bërë përpjekje e pandërprerë rreth sllavizimit të Kosovës, nëpërmjet shpronësimit dhe kolonizimit, pastaj me anë të riemërtimit të vendeve me emra sllavë, etj. Kjo bëri që populli serb të frymëzohet me shekuj për të mbajtur Kosovën nën sundimin e Serbisë, e cila deri më sot nuk e ka njohur në asnjë rrethanë pavarësinë e Kosovës.Vetëm në shek. XX, Serbia pushtoi tre herë Kosovën (më 1912, 1918, 1945), ndërsa autonominë e saj e suprimoi më 1989 për të zhvilluar një luftë të përgjakshme një dekadë më pas (1998-1999). Gjithë kjo tendencë për ta pushtuar dhe mbajtur Kosovën të tillë, dëshmon për një përpjekje sistematike shtetërore nëpërmjet bashkëpunimit të Akademisë Serbe të Shkencave me Kishën Ortodokse të cilat kanë ndërtuar politikën serbe drejtë Kosovës, për të mbajtur “Serbinë e Vjetër”, të cilën sipas historiografisë serbe e humbën në Betejën mitike tw Kosovës më 1389. Frytë i këtij bashkëpunimi ishin programet dhe elaboratet serbe të cilat kontribuonin në realizimin e politikës serbe drejtë Kosovës.
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Radic, Prvoslav. "On the external standardization of the language of Serbs." Juznoslovenski filolog, no. 64 (2008): 365–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/jfi0864365r.
Full textAbstract:
The weakening of the SFRY (Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia) which was followed by its dissolution, had an impact on a wide range of issues, one of them being the degradation of the so called Serbo-Croatian language. Not only did the external political influences contribute to the dissolution of the SFRY, but they also play a part in the linguistic profiling of new standard varieties today. However, as the dissolution of Yugoslavia couldn't have been imagined without consequences for Serbs primarily, the transformation of the 'Serbo-Croatian' language into a series of new language norms-successors of the old ones, cannot take place without challenging the rights of the great number of Serbs who live outside of Serbia. These are the rights that primarily refer to the linguistic and social identity - therefore the national identity. The best illustration of this are the external influences in the domain of linguistic engineering today, and these influences can basically be divided into extensive (e. g. commercials, radio and TV programmes) and intensive (textbooks, handbooks etc). The aim of this study is the analysis of those different kinds of pressures put on the standard variety of the language of Serbs. From the domain of the extensive influences (commercials) there is an example of the instruction given on a tube of toothpaste (Vademecum laboratories, Perfection 5 - Schwarzkopf & Henkel, Dusseldorf - Germany), and as an example of the intensive influences of this type, there is an American textbook (R. Alexander, E. Elias-Bursa} Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian, a Textbook, With Exercises and Basic Grammar, The University of Wisconsin Press, 2006). Both of these language materials proved to be highly compatible when it comes to the characteristics that should become an integral part of the standard language variety of Serbs, and apparently only the Serbs who live in Serbia. Among the language characteristics which are 'typically Serbian' the most prominent are: ekavian dialect ('lepa deca', not: 'lijepa djeca'), the 'da + prezent' construction ('moram da citam', not: 'moram citati'), the prepositional form 'sa' ('sa limunom', not: 's limunom'), as well as many other characteristics like interrogative sentences beginning with da li ('Da li si student?', not 'Jesi li student?') etc. As it follows the newly formed political borders in the area of the former SFRY, the contemporary linguistic engineering has engaged itself in creation of the new standard language varieties, including the one (or should we say, primarily the one) that belongs to the Serbs. However, the Serbs don't have the need for the re-standardization of their language (which became widely familiar to the European community since the 17th century, and it underwent the process of standardization at the beginning of the 19th century owing to the work of Vuk Karadzic) after the dissolution of SFRY, especially if it would be carried out from the outside and not take into account all the entities of this nation, e. g. the Serbs in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro etc. Because it is those Serbs who have always contributed significantly to the culture, science, and the overall identity of the Serbs generally, doing an immense favor to the European and even the world culture, and science in general. That is why the European culture - if it seeks to remain multiethnic and democratic - and other cultures similar to her, must allow the Serbs to preserve their cultural and national identity, wherever they may live - and the best proof of this will be its attitude towards the standard language variety which was established by Serbs almost two centuries ago.
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Pantelić, Bratislav. "Nationalism and Architecture: The Creation of a National Style in Serbian Architecture and Its Political Implications." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 56, no. 1 (March 1, 1997): 16–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/991214.
Full textAbstract:
From the mid-nineteenth century until the late 1930s the dominant architectural mode in Serbia was a local historicist style termed Serbo-Byzantine. At first it was used only for churches but was soon extended to schools and then to all types of buildings. Although mostly based on academic revivalist forms, this idiom, which purportedly drew its inspiration from Balkan medieval architecture, did, on occasion, display distinctly local characteristics. Although part of a pan-European trend. Serbian historicism was detached from architectural developments elsewhere. Unlike other Romantic-era revivalist movements. Serbo-Byzantine architecture was not sponsored for its picturesque or romantic qualities but above all for its symbolism. It was widely believed that forms derived from the national monuments of the Middle Ages symbolized Serbian statehood and contained ethnic and religious attributes representative of the Serbian nation. Architecture in Serbia was thus primarily a means for articulating national policy and a powerful instrument for maintaining the national and religious unity of a widely separated group of people. Ideologists of the national program even believed that the definition of a style particular to the Serbs was a matter of national survival. Such political bias was conditioned by ethnic and territorial disputes among the various ethnic groups in the Balkan dominions of the Hapsburg and Ottoman empires. After 1945 the new Communist authorities proscribed historicism as nationalistic and promoted a utilitarian brand of nonornamental architecture which contained no national overtones. Serbian historicism, however, demonstrated unusual vitality; resurgence of nationalism in the 1980s was accompanied by a spate of church building in the Serbo-Byzantine style, which reasserted its position as the canonical style of the Orthodox church.
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Krestic, Petar. "Political and social rivalries in nineteenth-century Serbia: Svabe or Nemackari." Balcanica, no. 41 (2010): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1041073k.
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The nature of the relationship between the Serbs from Serbia and the Serbs from the Habsburg Monarchy in the nineteenth century is important for understand?ing the process of national development of the Serbian people as a whole. Therefore the paper analyzes the controversy over Svabe or Nemackari, as the Serbs from Austria were called, which was one of the factors responsible for internal instability of the Principality of Serbia in the nineteenth century.
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Zarković, Vesna. "The fandas in the Prizren and the Peć Sanjaks 1905-1908." Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 52, no. 1 (2022): 171–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp52-37156.
Full textAbstract:
Albanian Roman Catholics, fandas, were settled in the Prizren and the Peć Sanjaks and in the area around Đakovica. Over time, their number increased with newcomers from the north of today's Albania and with high birth rates. In the areas where they were inhabited, they acted in an organized manner and, together with the Muslim Albanians, attacked the Serb population. They committed daily atrocities against the Serbs, who were forced to abandon or undersell their properties; they sought salvation outside the borders of the Ottoman Empire. The actions of the fandas, organized into groups, were well designed and supported by the Roman Catholic priests and the Austro-Hungarian representatives, which also aimed to displace the Serb population from Metohija. Numerous examples were noted that point to the coordinated action of Austrian diplomats and Roman Catholic priests in the Kosovo vilayet. Their help and support additionally encouraged the fandas to continue with even more frequent and stronger attacks on the Serbs in the Peć and the Prizren Sanjaks. Ottoman authorities were often powerless to oppose and prevent Albanian Mohammedans and fandas from committing atrocities. The Serbs turned to the consul of the Kingdom of Serbia in Priština and the Russian consuls in Prizren and Mitrovica for help. Realizing that the fandas were persistent in their intention to displace the Serbian population, Consul Miroslav Spalajković proposed certain measures to the Government in Belgrade that could affect the improvement of the situation. His opinion was supported by the later consul, Milan Rakić. The consul's concern for the survival of the Serb population was justified and the reports to the Belgrade Foreign Ministry were replete with grim events describing numerous arson, killings, thefts, and large numbers of victims. The situation in the Kosovo vilayet had been further exacerbated by the resistance from the Albanians who opposed the reforms. The resistance and demand of Albanian Mohammedans were joined by Albanian Roman Catholics. However, some time later, after the incident in the mosque in the village Smonice in the Đakovica area, there was a conflict between the two sides, which spread to other parts. Until this conflict, the Albanian Mohammedans and fandas in Đakovica lived in relatively good relations. There were blood feuds among them, but they were resolved like all the others among the Albanians themselves. Among the conflicting parties, a new and important element appeared, the religious element. As an epilogue to the conflict and the fight between the two warring parties, there were many wounded and dead. Regardless of that, the oppression towards the Serbs had not decreased, so the Serbian consul in Priština came up with the idea to use the situation and request additional army forces be sent. The Mohammedan leaders resorted to the tried and tested method of tying besa, first in Peć, where they held a meeting and formed a committee for protection against evil deeds, which included four Serbs. After that, gatherings were held in other parts of the Kosovo vilayet, where, among other things, the issue of fandas was discussed. The Consulate General of the Kingdom of Serbia in Skoplje had information on the complete reconciliation of Mohammedans and Roman Catholics and the conclusion of a political agreement. A new situation in the Ottoman Empire soon followed-on July 24, 1908, the Constitution was proclaimed and the Young Turks took power. However, the Serbs of the Peć and the Prizren Sanjaks did not benefit from that, because crimes, murders, arsons, and the reactivation of the Roman Catholic Committee continued.
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Kaninska, Maja. "Psychology of Nationalism and Religion on Example of Serbi-an Orthodox Church for a Period 1980-2000 (At the End of 20th Century)." European Journal of Behavioral Sciences 3, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/ejbs.v3i2.481.
Full textAbstract:
This paper is to show nationalism through psychological perspective as a world's widespread phenomenon which impacts to internal social, economic and political radical changes. Religion as a nationalism itself has an ideological structure, and there is a fundamental explanation for that. Religion, because of its eternal character, has an exclusive, omnipresent pattern with its constituent elements (religious beliefs and feelings, rituals and symbols, as well as the fifth element) – and finally clergy, that psychologically fulfil human spiritual needs. Influenced by, usually, unpleasant historical events and many social changes, religion very often played a role in maintaining some visions that have always been of special significance to human. Process of secularization brought to religion marginalized position in society and it was reduced mainly to its elementary activity (in Christianity, those would be ceremonies related to baptism, matrimony, burial). However, its ideological postulates remained in the function of the new secular environment and manifested themselves with recognizable religious characteristics, which is given in the paper through a theoretical psychological approach.
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Sušić, Osman. "Bosnia and Herzegovina in Serbian cultural club concepts." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 108–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.108.
Full textAbstract:
This paper covers the period from 1937 to 1945, the period of the establishment and works of the Serbian Cultural Club. The paper will discuss the political circumstances in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in wich Serbian Cultural Club was founded, as well as the program goals and its activities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Special emphasis will be put on the period of the Second World War in the Bosnia and Herzegovina and the former common state and the activities of the Serbian Cultural Club in the Second World War. The work and achievement of the program goals of the Serbian Cultural Club in the Second World War will be presented through the work of the Exile Government in London and the activities of the Chetniks Movement in the Bosnia and Herzegovina and the former common state. The Serbian Cultural Club was formed as a form of political association and activity, which included politicians, public workers, scientists, members of various political organizations, representatives of state and parastate bodies and organizations, under the slogan "Serbs for Reunion". The club acted as a unique and homogeneous organization, regardless of the composition of the membership, with the goal of saving Serbia and Serbs. This most clearly expressed his overall activity, composition and degree of influence on state policy. The most important issues of state or Serbian nationalist policy for the interest of the Government were discussed in the Club, so the club had an extensive network of boards and several media. Professor and Rector of the University of Belgrade, Dr. Slobodan Jovanović, was elected the first president of the Serbian Cultural Club. He was the ideological creator of this organization (and he set out the basic tasks and goals of the Club). The vice presidents were Dr. Nikola Stojanović and Dr. Dragiša Vasić, and Dr. Vasa Čubrilović the secretary. Dr. Stevan Moljevic was the president of the board of the Serbian Cultural Club for the Bosnian Krajina, based in Banja Luka. According to Dinić, the initiative for the formation of the Serbian Cultural Club was given by Bosnian-Herzegovinian Serbs Dr. Nikola Stojanović, Dr. Vladimir Čorović, Dr. Vladimir Grčić and Dr. Slobodan Jovanović. The activities of the Serbian Cultural Club can be divided into two stages. The first from its founding in 1936 until the signing of the Cvetković-Maček agreement, and the second from 1939 to 1941. The program of the Serbian Cultural Club was a sum of Greater Serbia programs of all major political parties that operated in Serbia with the help of state institutions. The goals of the Serbian Cultural Club were mainly: expansionist policy of expanding Serbian rule to neighboring areas, denying the national identity of all other Yugoslav nations and exercising the right to self-determination. The program goals of the Serbian Cultural Club were to propagate Greater Serbian ideology. With its program about Greater Serbia and its activities, the Serbian Cultural Club has become the bearer of the most extreme Serbian nationalist aspirations. After the Cvetković-Maček agreement of August 1939, the Serbian Cultural Club demanded a revision of the agreement, calling for a Serbo-Croatian agreement based on ethnic, historical or economic-geographical principles. The adoption of one of these principles was to apply to the entire area inhabited by Serbs. The subcommittees of the Serbian Cultural Club in Bosnia and Herzegovina had the primary task of working to emphasize its Serbian character, and after the Cvetkovic-Macek agreement to form awareness that the whole of Bosnia and Herzegovina should enter the Serbian territorial unit. With the prominent slogan "Wherever there are Serbs - there is Serbia", the Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina were marked as the "vigilant guardian of the Serbian national consciousness". The leadership and most of the members of the Serbian Cultural Club joined the Chetnik movement as Draža Mihailović's national ideologues. The policy of the militant Greater Serbia program and Serbian nationalism of the Serbian Cultural Club was accepted as the program of Draža Mihailović's Chetnik movement. Some of Draža Mihailović's most important associates belonged to the Serbian Cultural Club. The main political goals of the Chetnik movement are formulated in several program documents. The starting point in them was the idea of a "Greater and Homogeneous Serbia", which was based on the idea that Serbs should be the leading nation in the Balkans.
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Nazor, Ante, and Andrijana Perković Paloš. "Analysis of the reasons for the departure of a part of the Serb minority from Croatia during Operation Storm in August 1995." St open 3 (December 15, 2022): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.48188/so.3.11.
Full textAbstract:
Objective: To investigate the reasons behind the departure of a part of the Serb minority from temporarily occupied areas of the Republic of Croatia, mostly during Operation Storm, and to determine if the departure was instigated by the Croatian police and military forces in August 1995. Methods: We used sources of Serbian, Croatian, and inter-national provenance. Besides publicly available sources, we accessed official documents of the Republic of Serb Krajina (RSK), Serbian and Montenegrin media articles, the pub-lished assessments of Serbian politicians, and the testimo-nies of refugee Serbs that are principally archived at the Croatian Memorial-Documentation Center of the Homeland War, Zagreb, Croatia. Findings: We found evidence that the departure of a part of the Serb minority, which occurred mostly during Operation Storm, was voluntary. Among other sources, we present the RSK administration’s two official and explicit orders for the Serb minority to leave the occupied Croatian ter-ritory, which resulted in their departure to Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) and Serbia. The accusations that the al-leged brutalities and crimes conducted by Croatian forces and authorities caused the evacuation proved to be inflated and unrelated to the military operation. Conclusion: The departure of a part of the Serb minority from the temporarily occupied territory of the Republic of Croatia, which occurred mostly during Operation Storm in August 1995, was not in response to any actions or threats by Croatia, but was pre-planned by the Serb political and military leadership and was accepted mostly voluntarily by the RSK populatio
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Zdravkovic-Zonta, Helena. "Serbs as threat the extreme negative portrayal of the Serb “minority” in Albanian-language newspapers in Kosovo." Balcanica, no. 42 (2011): 165–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1142165z.
Full textAbstract:
Through perpetuating negative stereotypes and rigid dichotomous identities, the media play a significant part in sustaining conflict dynamics in Kosovo. Examining their discourse in terms of ideological production and representations is crucial in order to understand the power relations between the majority and the minority, the identity politics involved in sustaining them, and the intractability of the conflict. In an effort to provide a deeper understanding of the intractable conflict in Kosovo, and the role of the media in protracting it, this study uses critical discourse analysis to examine articles related to issues affecting the Serb community, published in Albanian language print media. The master narrative that comes out of the analysis is that of ?threat? - the threat that Kosovo Albanians continue to face from Serbs and Serbia; a threat that is portrayed as historical and constant. The discourse further strengthens the conflict dynamics of opposition, polarization and even hatred. This master narrative implies that Serbs are enemies, to be feared, contested, fought against; conflict is thus the normal state of affairs. The study also looks at the implications of media discourse for reconciliation efforts and the prospects of the Serb minority in Kosovo society, arguing that when the Other is presented as dangerous and threatening, fear of the Other and a desire to eliminate the threat, physically and symbolically, become perceived as a ?natural? response, and thus constitute a significant conflict-sustaining dynamic.
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Hamiti, Urtak. "Prishtina-Belgrade Technical Agreement Promotes Political Dialogue but with Delay of its Implementation It Sharpens Ethnic Divisons." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 1, no. 2 (August 30, 2015): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v1i2.p45-48.
Full textAbstract:
The Technical Agreement between Prishtina and Belgrade, brokered by European Union in April 2013, was hailed as a milestone in the process of normalization of relations between the two countries as well as unblocking the path of both Kosovo and Serbia towards European Union. The dialogue held a promise as a vehicle which, in conjunction with bilateral pressure on both sides by EU and a tailored enlargement process, could finally lead to normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia. However, most of the deadlines set up in the implementation plan of the Agreement have been stepped over. This delay in implementation combined with the victory of “Serbian List”, Kosovo Serb political party backed heavily by Belgrade Government, in the last general elections in Kosovo, have brought into jeopardy two of the main targets of the Technical agreement as a vehicle to a broader and more important political dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia as well as integration of local Kosovo Serbs into institutions of the state of Kosovo. This paper argues that Germany, United Kingdom and USA need to be more directly engaged in the process to pressure both sides to fulfill what was agreed in April 2013. It is a prevailing belief among many analysts that the only peaceful acceptable outcome depends on full integration of Kosovo Serbs in Kosovo’s state institutions, full normalization of relations between Prishtina and Belgrade, mutual recognition, and rewarding Kosovo by suspending the visa regime for EU countries for citizens of Kosovo. Delay in implementation, loss of pace and interest of EU in this process, is leading to sharpening of ethnic divisions in Kosovo and increasing the numbers of those who oppose dialogue on both sides.
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Hamiti, Urtak. "Prishtina-Belgrade Technical Agreement Promotes Political Dialogue but with Delay of its Implementation It Sharpens Ethnic Divisons." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no. 1 (August 30, 2015): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i1.p45-48.
Full textAbstract:
The Technical Agreement between Prishtina and Belgrade, brokered by European Union in April 2013, was hailed as a milestone in the process of normalization of relations between the two countries as well as unblocking the path of both Kosovo and Serbia towards European Union. The dialogue held a promise as a vehicle which, in conjunction with bilateral pressure on both sides by EU and a tailored enlargement process, could finally lead to normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia. However, most of the deadlines set up in the implementation plan of the Agreement have been stepped over. This delay in implementation combined with the victory of “Serbian List”, Kosovo Serb political party backed heavily by Belgrade Government, in the last general elections in Kosovo, have brought into jeopardy two of the main targets of the Technical agreement as a vehicle to a broader and more important political dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia as well as integration of local Kosovo Serbs into institutions of the state of Kosovo. This paper argues that Germany, United Kingdom and USA need to be more directly engaged in the process to pressure both sides to fulfill what was agreed in April 2013. It is a prevailing belief among many analysts that the only peaceful acceptable outcome depends on full integration of Kosovo Serbs in Kosovo’s state institutions, full normalization of relations between Prishtina and Belgrade, mutual recognition, and rewarding Kosovo by suspending the visa regime for EU countries for citizens of Kosovo. Delay in implementation, loss of pace and interest of EU in this process, is leading to sharpening of ethnic divisions in Kosovo and increasing the numbers of those who oppose dialogue on both sides.