Journal articles: 'Sepulchrum'

1

Stevenson, K. "Review: The Sepulchrum Domini Through the Ages." Journal of Theological Studies 53, no. 2 (October 1, 2002): 731–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/53.2.731.

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Sklenár̆, R., and R. Sklenar. "The Cosm(et)ology of Claudian's "In Sepulchrum Speciosae"." Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 101 (2003): 483. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3658540.

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Piva, Paolo. "L'ubicazione del Sepulchrum nelle chiese romaniche dell'ltalia del nord: alcune ipotesi." Hortus Artium Medievalium 5 (January 1999): 183–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.ham.2.305163.

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Gaspar, Catarina. "Orthography as Described in Latin Grammars and Spelling in Latin Epigraphic Texts." Acta Classica Universitatis Scientiarum Debreceniensis 56 (September 1, 2020): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22315/acd/2020/4.

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This paper examines writing and orthography in the work of Latin grammarians and spelling variants in epigraphic texts. It focuses on the uses of the letter H and the spelling of the word sepulchrum. The word’s spelling seems to be connected to the spelling of other words through the adjective pulcher, pulchra, pulchrum. The analysis indicates that the teaching and learning of orthography had a limited influence on epigraphic texts, but there is evidence of the consistently high frequency of the spelling sepulcrum. The paper also shows how data on Latin orthography can help in understanding the chronology of the evolution of spelling in epigraphic texts.

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Männlein-Robert, Irmgard. "Klage im Kontext oder Allegorie hellenistischer Spolienpoetik: Überlegungen zu Kallimachos’ Sepulchrum Simonidis (frg. 64 Pf.)." Antike und Abendland 55, no. 1 (December 24, 2009): 45–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110207927.45.

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Giardini, Marco. "Et erit sepulchrum eius gloriosum: The Impact of Medieval Sibylline Prophecy on the Origin of the Idea of Crusade." Crusades 21, no. 1 (December 31, 2022): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/28327861.2022.12220018.

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Rolski, Zbigniew, and Ireneusz Thomas. "Działalność religijna i dobroczynna przeworskiego ośrodka Kanoników Regularnych Stróżów Najświętszego Grobu Bożego w Jerozolimie." Roczniki Kulturoznawcze 11, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 105–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rkult20112-5.

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Tradycja dobroczynności zakonu bożogrobców w Polsce jest jednym z ciekawszych wątków tego opracowania. Zakon ten po raz pierwszy w tej części Europy wprowadził profesjonalny system leczenia szpitalnego dla ubogich. Rodzina magnacka Tarnowskich, kierując się polityką dworu królewskiego Jagiellonów, umacniała chrystianizację ziem Rusi Czerwonej od 1394 (1396) i otrzymała zgodę na sprowadzenie Kanoników Regularnych Stróżów Najświętszego Grobu w Jerozolimie do ośrodka duszpasterskiego w Przeworsku. Związek między zabudowaniami Grobu Bożego a liturgią i rozbudowanymi formami kultu Grobu Bożego miał swój specyficzny i oryginalny charakter. O ile kaplice Grobu Świętego związane z kalwariami i poszczególne przedstawienia Grobu nienależące do Miechowitów były miejscem kultu Męki Pańskiej, o tyle w przypadku przedstawień Grobu Świętego u bożogrobców ich związek z kultem i liturgią miał głębszy sens. Grób Pański w Przeworsku był i jest nie tylko zabytkiem architektonicznym, ale także miejscem żywego kultu religijnego. Przez blisko trzy stulecia istnienia przeworskiego Sepulchrum Domini spotykano różne formy kultu Grobu Pańskiego, zarówno w formie kultu liturgicznego, jak i paraliturgicznego, dlatego w pracy omówiono je bardziej szczegółowo. W dzisiejszych czasach szczególnie ważne dla kontynuacji tradycji średniowiecznych bractw religijnych kultywujących istotę Bożego Grobu są zorganizowane grupy młodych mężczyzn, a ostatnio także kobiet, które tworzą oddziały „Turków”, pełniących straż przy Bożym Grobie. W Przeworsku i okolicznych wsiach są one nadal widoczne, zwłaszcza w okresie wielkanocnym, zapewniając porządek w czasie uroczystości religijnych i pobożnego nawiedzania kościołów przez wiernych.

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Amokrane, Lamia, Tsouria Kassab, and Juan Monjo-Carrio. "Ancient restorations: computer-based structural approach for the identification and reinterpretation of the Medracen’s constructive sequence." Virtual Archaeology Review 13, no. 27 (June 10, 2022): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/var.2022.17394.

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This paper addresses the importance of a structural approach for identifying and interpreting building chronology, as well as for the establishment of historical stratigraphy. Through structural analyses, carried out on the oldest extant royal mausoleum in North Africa, the Medracen (4th-3rd century BC), located in eastern Algeria, it has been possible to identify building sequences and structural characteristics; a reinterpretation of its constructive sequence within a specific historical context was also suggested. A static linear Finite Element Method (FEM) analysis was performed on a simplified 3D model conceived with solid elements to assess the structural behaviour of the structure under the effect of its self-weight and to identify, consequently, its construction sequence. The equilibrium approach was effective in identifying the structure’s geometry. Results show that Medracen’s ancient restoration was a strengthening intervention strategy and had a symbolic aim related to the function of the funerary building. Restoration works, consisting of repairing specific parts of the building and adding an external cladding, as a whole architectural entity, contributed to reducing the effect of tensile stress, therefore, stabilizing the inner core. Besides, this same action was a means for the Numidian elite to transform an ancient monumental burial (sepulchrum) into a monument (monumentum) with cultural significance likely to convey socio-political messages relating to power and sovereignty. Therefore, we can speak of an “evolutionary restoration” that reflects the ambitions of the Numidian elite to become part of the Mediterranean orbit.

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Shagrir, Iris. "The Visitatio Sepulchri in the Latin Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem." Al-Masāq 22, no. 1 (March 18, 2010): 57–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110903549954.

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10

AMORY, Fr. "Whited Sepulchres." Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie Médiévales 53 (January 1, 1986): 5–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/rtpm.53.0.2016356.

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Dowmunt, Tony. "A Whited Sepulchre." Journal of Media Practice 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2003): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jmpr.4.1.17/0.

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12

McDonald, Angus. "CRYPT, MAUSOLEUM, CENOTAPH; SEPULCHRE." Revista da Faculdade Mineira de Direito 23, no. 45 (June 29, 2020): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.2318-7999.2020v23n45p49-60.

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Sanin-Restrepo’s theory of encryption is taken here as an instance of a practice of critique by allegory; thus the productivity of the theory can be developed and demonstrated by working through the allegorical meanings of encryption, one interpretation of which can choose to focus on the crypt. This allegorical meaning is distinct from symbolic meaning, using Benjamin’s distinction. We focus on the body and the structure, working through the instances of the visibility of the site and the presence or absence of the body. The question of visibility is significant since encryption deals with the hidden: is a crypt, then, a hiding place? We find four combinations: the concealed presence of a body, in a crypt; the publicised presence of a body, in a mausoleum; the publicised absence of a body, in a cenotaph; the concealed absence of a body, in a sepulchre. This four-way combination allows consideration of Agamben, Deleuze, Negri, and a critical Hegelianism that revisits Feuerbach, Stirner and Marx on alienatio, mapping the four metaphors in turn onto these four theoretical positions. This study of the theoretical implications of studying different modes of commemorating the corpse thus exemplifies the re-thinking possible by way of critique by allegory.

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13

Martin, Philippe. "Visiting the Holy Sepulchre." Bulletin for the Study of Religion 47, no. 1 (April 18, 2018): 23–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsor.36004.

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Catholicism is difident about emotions felt by worshipers when they visit sacred places except when the place is Holy Sepulchre of Jerusalem. This study is based on the works of Chateaubriand, Loti....

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Alam, Shoaib. "Customs; Sepulchre; Apartment 651J." Wasafiri 30, no. 4 (October 2, 2015): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02690055.2015.1069010.

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15

Roche, E. "From stage to sepulchre." Early Music 41, no. 3 (August 1, 2013): 521–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/em/cat079.

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16

Scharff, Virginia. "Human Events and Whited Sepulchres." Reviews in American History 50, no. 1 (March 2022): 110–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2022.0013.

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Louis Martin. "Numerological Wit in Herbert's "Sepulchre"." George Herbert Journal 24, no. 1-2 (2000): 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ghj.2013.0016.

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Sarah Dennis. "The Sepulchres of the Fathers Revisited." Criticism 59, no. 3 (2017): 495. http://dx.doi.org/10.13110/criticism.59.3.0495.

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19

Reichert, Folker. "Albrecht von Löwenstein, miles sancti sepulchri." Zeitschrift für Württembergische Landesgeschichte 75 (June 30, 2016): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.53458/zwlg.v75i.586.

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20

Spieser, Jean-Michel. "Following Eusebius to the Holy Sepulchre." Antiquité Tardive 22 (January 2014): 95–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.at.5.103179.

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21

CHIBA, Toshiyuki. "복제된 예루살렘 : 중세유럽에서 성묘의 복제 건축." Journal of Western Medieval History 44 (March 30, 2019): 41–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21591/jwmh.2019.44.2.041.

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22

Egan, Rory B. "Two complementary epigrams of Meleager (A.P. vii 195 and 196)." Journal of Hellenic Studies 108 (November 1988): 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632628.

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Among the sepulchral epigrams comprising Book 7 of the Palatine Anthology, these two by Meleager occur in a sequence (189–216) having to do with animals, mainly birds or insects, that appears to derive from Meleager's Garland. The prose translation above will reveal that the interpretation to be proposed differs considerably from previous readings of either poem, specifically in that it runs counter to the following common beliefs or assumptions. 1. That the poems, while having many features in common, are to be read as two discrete works with no integral connection between them. 2. That the two epigrams, being non-sepulchral, are included in this part of the Anthology, perhaps erroneously and only by reason of their affinities with those insect poems that are sepulchral. 3. That the narrator of each epigram is a human being; the poet himself or some persona such as a ‘love-sick swain’. 4. That the addressee of each epigram is a pet, probably kept in a cage as such insects sometimes were, and so the vegetable mentioned in v. 7 of 195 is to be presented, along with the dew drops, by the human master. 5. That the phrase στóμασι σχιʒομένας in the final verse of 195 is difficult or impossible. (All attempts towards an explanation or emendation of the text are premised on points 2 and 3 above.) 6. That the word άντῳδόν in v. 5 of 196 indicates a response to a musical performance by Pan.

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Schmitt, Aurore, and Bruno Bizot. "Dolmens, sepulchral caves and hypogea in Provence." Préhistoires méditerranéennes, no. 9.2 (December 7, 2021): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/pm.3024.

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24

Hoskin, Michael. "Orientations of Megalithic Sepulchres in Salamanca, Spain." Journal for the History of Astronomy 23, no. 1 (February 1992): 57–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182869202300105.

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GOULART, Guilherme Damasio, and Kelly Lissandra BRUCH. "3. ANTÍGONA X CREONTE: O RESPEITO AO CADÁVER, OS DIREITOS DA PERSONALIDADE E A RESPONSABILIDADE CIVIL." REVISTA DIÁLOGOS DO DIREITO - ISSN 2316-2112 5, no. 8 (September 19, 2015): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17793/rdd.v5i8.871.

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Este artigo objetiva, a partir da análise da peça Antígona, imortalizada por Sófocles, analisar situações relacionadas ao cuidado com o cadáver, sob a ótica do Jus Sepulchri. Tendo como ponto de partida a devoção e a determinação de Antígona em dar ao irmão morto as honras fúnebres, analisa-se como, dentro do Direito Civil atual e do Código de Defesa do Consumidor, é possível estudar o problema do cuidado com o cadáver, sob a ótica do direito da personalidade e da responsabilidade civil. Como resultado, verifica-se a existência de inúmeros e recentes julgados que tocam os direitos relacionados ao Jus Sepulchri, podendo concluir-se que, apesar de remontar aos primórdios da humanidade, trata-se de tema atual e cuja violação de direitos ainda consterna a sociedade.

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Petrosyan, Hamlet. "Politics, Ideology and Landscape: Early Christian Tigranakert in Artsakh." Electrum 28 (2021): 163–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20800909el.21.012.13370.

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Tigranakert in Artsakh was founded at the end of 90s BC by the Armenian King Tigranes II the Great (95–55 BC) and in the Early Christian period continued to play a role of an important military-administrative and religious center. As аresult of excavations the Early Christian square of the Central district with two churches, remains of a monumental stela witha cross, as well as an Early Christian underground reliquary and a graveyard were unearthed. The sepulchre-reliquary was opened under the floor of the small church of early Christian Square. It has only the eastern entrance. As had been shown by further excavations Saint Grigoris’s sepulchre-reliquary in Amaras also had an eastern entrance. Saint Stephanos’s reliquary in Vachar also has only an eastern entrance. All these three structures are dated from 5th–6th centuries. In early Christian East the only tomb that had an only eastern entrance is Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. Analysis of the data on Vachagan the Pious (end of 5th–early 6th centuries), king of Albania (which included since the middle of 5th century the eastern provinces of Greater Armenia – Artsakh and Utik), allows us to conclude that at the end of the 5th century the king initiated theecclesiastical reform, trying to link the origin of the Albanian church to Jerusalem. One ofthe manifestations of this reform was the creation of the legend of the Apostle Yeghisha arriving to Albania from Jerusalem. Comparative analysis of archaeological, architectural and written data leads to the conclusion that all three tombs with the single east entrance are the result of the reformist activity of Vachagan, and the idea of single eastern entrance, most likely, was taken from the tomb of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. A new approach to the localizations of Early Christian sanctuaries in and near Tigranakert allows to compare this sacred area with early Christian sacred topography of Jerusalem.

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Azarnert, Leonid. "Epitaph of Onesimos the Son of Kallisthenes." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 12, no. 3-4 (2006): 193–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005706779851381.

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AbstractThis note analyses one of the Bosporan sepulchral inscriptions. The analysis suggests that the epitaph of Onesimos the son of Kallisthenes is a metric epigram cast in two iambic trimesters and not a prose inscription as has been previously believed.

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Nwabueze, Remigius N. "Dead Bodies in Nigerian Jurisprudence." Journal of African Law 51, no. 1 (April 2007): 117–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855306000234.

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AbstractRecent events and a few judicial decisions in Nigeria show the need for a serious analytical engagement with the law relating to dead bodies. Topical issues from these cases focus on jurisdiction, the right to control the disposition of remains, and remedies available for the infringement of a burial right. While the meaning and content of sepulchral rights remain the same in Nigeria as in many industrialized nations, its prioritization is markedly different. In contrast to the highly individualized nature of burial rights in many Western legal systems, the control of sepulchral right in Nigeria is familial in character. In some circumstances, however, recourse may be had to statutory provisions that import English priority rules. While a range of remedies is available for an interference with a burial right, injunctions and declarations are the most sought after by Nigerian litigants. An expedited hearing is preferable to an interlocutory order of injunction.

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Batoff, Melanie. "Elucidating the Nexus between the Gospels, Exegesis, and the Visitatio sepulchri in the German-Speaking Lands." Romard 59 (2022): 13–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.32773/ngbc5876.

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In the German-speaking lands, the Easter Sunday liturgy and the Gospels of the Resurrection inspired two distinct traditions of the Visitatio sepulchri (The Visit of the Sepulcher). In this fully sung rite, commonly referred to as a liturgical drama, clerics or monastics reenacted the Marys’ visit to Christ’s abandoned tomb at Easter Sunday Matins. This article demonstrates how the differences among the four evangelists’ Resurrection accounts posed hermeneutic challenges for medieval Christians and affected the development of the Visitatio sepulchri in the German-speaking lands. I argue that the creators of type-one German Visitationes skillfully compiled preexisting liturgical chants with texts that quoted Matthew’s and Mark’s accounts to create Resurrection narratives that complemented the Resurrection account read at Easter Sunday Matins. By contrast, type-two Visitationes employed mostly newly composed chants with texts that drew together details, wording, and events from the four Resurrection accounts into one unified narrative. Type-two Visitationes began circulating in the twelfth century, the period when Hugh of St. Victor was imploring exegetes and students to scrutinize the historical details of scripture. This renewed interest in the literal, rather than the allegorical meaning of scripture, made the differences among the Gospels all the more apparent. I propose that the creator of the type-two Visitatio sepulchri adopted techniques from Gospel Harmonies, pedagogical works that drew together the four Gospels into one narrative, to prove that the four accounts agreed.

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Morris, Colin. "Bringing the Holy Sepulchre to the west: S. Stefano, Bologna, from the fifth to the twentieth century." Studies in Church History 33 (1997): 31–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400013176.

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By virtue of its basic pattern of belief, the Church is committed to looking back as well as forward. In his introductory letter for the Conference which has produced this volume, Andrew Martindale reminded us that ‘doctrine, dogma, and revelation are all pinned to time and place’. Most of all are they rooted in Golgotha and the Holy Sepulchre, the site of the death and Resurrection of the Lord. It is true that, in particular since the Reformation, the theology of the Passion and Resurrection have often been discussed without reference to their historical location. Other Christians in other times, confident that the Holy Sepulchre discovered under Constantine was indeed the authentic place of Christ’s Resurrection, desired to reach out to and to grasp its historical and geographical reality, for these embody the very time and place of their redemption.

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Pugnière-Saavedra, Frédéric. "Sarah Sepulchre, dir., Décoder les séries télévisées." Questions de communication, no. 24 (December 31, 2013): 304–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/questionsdecommunication.8823.

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32

Meinardus, Otto F. A. "The Apocalyptic Elders in the Holy Sepulchre." Studia Orientalia Christiana 18 (January 1985): 175–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.socc.3.138.

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Grosholz, Emily. "Revisiting the Church of the Holy Sepulchre." Critical Quarterly 40, no. 4 (December 1998): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8705.00185.

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ELLISON, REBECCA, VIRGINIA GARDNER, JOEL LEPAK, MEGHAN O'MALLEY, JOSEPH PAULLET, JOSEPH PREVITE, BETH ANN REID, and KATY VIZZARD. "PATTERN FORMATION IN SMALL ARRAYS OF LOCALLY COUPLED OSCILLATORS." International Journal of Bifurcation and Chaos 15, no. 07 (July 2005): 2283–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0218127405013150.

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We investigate small two-dimensional arrays of locally coupled phase oscillators which are shown to exhibit a surprising variety of stable structures which include: single spiral waves, spiral pairs and spirals with secondary periodic core motion. This periodic core motion is not the core meander familiar to many models of active media, but is in fact induced by the boundary of the small domain. Such boundary motion was investigated by Sepulchre and Babloyantz [1993] for the complex Ginzburg–Landau equation and for the Brusselator model in a relaxation oscillation parameter regime. The current model confirms the findings in [Sepulchre & Babloyantz, 1993] and sheds new light on the origin of such motion. The model also exhibits other patterns, as well as a chaotic regime. We discuss the transition between patterns as the form of the coupling is changed as well as implications for pattern formation in general oscillatory media.

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Marjaková, Magdaléna. "Early Modern Sepulchral Monuments in Gemer - Problem Introduction." Historica Olomucensia 53, no. 53 (December 11, 2017): 105–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5507/ho.2017.028.

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Gacia, Tadeusz. "Anima, Spiritus, Mens in Sepulchral Inscriptions from the Carmina Latina Epigraphica. Philological Approximations." Verbum Vitae 40, no. 3 (September 26, 2022): 675–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vv.13846.

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The subject of this study is the meaning of the words anima, spiritus and mens in the metrical sepulchral inscriptions in the Carmina Latina Epigraphica collection published at the end of the 19th century by Franz Buecheler. This collection comprises almost 1,900 texts, of which around 1,400 are funerary and, particularly, sepulchral inscriptions. This article consists of three sections. The first contains general comments on Roman sepulchral inscriptions. The second, and most important part uses a conventional philological method to analyze the words in the source texts that denote the immaterial aspect of the human being that continues after death. The analysis of the texts reveals that the word anima occurs about 80 times, spiritus – 20, and mens only three times. These three words stand for what is usually expressed by the word “soul,” that is, the spiritual, immaterial aspect of the human being. Conclusions are presented gradually as the analytical compilation proceeds. Firstly, there is no semantic difference between anima and spiritus; although the word animus which is close to the three words discussed in this paper does not occur in this sense in the inscriptions. Secondly, both pagan and Christian inscriptions emphasize the dichotomy between anima or spiritus and corpus or caro (alternatively membra); some Christian inscriptions, pointing to this dichotomy, express belief in the resurrection. Thirdly, despite the difference in beliefs, Roman worshipers and Christians used very similar patterns of statements about the posthumous fate of the soul, for example, astra tenent animam, astra fovent animam, anima migravit ad astra or spiritus astra tenet, spiritus petit ad astra, mens caeli perget ad astra, which means that the Christian funerary language did not develop its distinct terminology for several centuries. The third section is a very brief summary of the study carried out.

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Lenczewski, Olgierd. "Polonica w Registrum Equitum Sancti Sepulchri (1561-1848)." Nasza Przeszłość 138 (December 31, 2022): 145–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.52204/np.2022.138.145-167.

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Registrum Equitum Sancti Sepulchri stanowi cenne źródło do ukazania kontaktów Polski z Ziemią Świętą w latach 1561-1848. Na kartach księgi można odnaleźć informacje na temat ok. 1590 osób, które wzięły dział w ceremoniale pasowania na rycerza Grobu Pańskiego w Jerozolimie. 15 z nich odnosi się do polskich bożogrobców. Aby wykazać ich obecność w księdze, należy mieć na uwadze położenie historyczno-geograficzne Polski tego czasu. Index equites bywa niejednolity. Zazwyczaj w skład informacji o mianowanych wchodzą: tytuły szlacheckie, stanowiska publiczne albo kościelne, przynależność rodowa, pochodzenie. Zdarza się, jednak, że dane o kawalerach ograniczono do minimum. Nim rozpoczęto prowadzenie liber sporządzano zapiski na temat osób, które dostąpiły kreacji. Szacuje się, że w latach 1348-1560 pasowano 817 kawalerów. Nie wiadomo natomiast, ile osób zaciągnęło się pod sztandar rycerzy Grobu Pańskiego do 1560 r., gdyż notaty te zostały skonfiskowane przez władze tureckie. Na podstawie dostępnych źródeł można odtworzyć listę kreowanych w tym okresie. W oparciu o registrum equitum nie sposób ustalić, ilu Polaków otrzymało tytuł eques Sancti Sepulchri, gdyż zakonnicy franciszkańscy nie rejestrowali każdego pasowania. Dowodzą temu przykłady zamieszczone w niniejszym artykule. Należy zaznaczyć, że tytulaturę eques hierosolymitanus stosowali nie tylko rycerze Grobu Pańskiego. Ów tytuł przypisywały sobie także inne zakony: kawalerowie maltańscy, rycerze jerozolimscy z zakonu św. Maurycego i Łazarza czy kawalerowie Orderu Złotego Runa. Autor artykułu nie skorzystał w całości z transkrypcji dokonanej przez o. Michele Piccirillo OFM w książce Registrum Equitum SSmi Sepulchri D.N.J.C. (1561-1848), lecz z fotokopii oryginałów zamieszczonych w tej publikacji, gdyż zauważył, że powyższe wydanie nie spełnia kryteriów edytorskich oraz zawiera wiele nieścisłości. Wydawcy należy się jednak podziękowanie za opublikowanie wspomnianego rejestru wraz z fotokopiami rękopisu.

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38

Tyerman, C. "The Sepulchre of Christ and the Medieval West." English Historical Review CXXI, no. 491 (April 1, 2006): 509–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cel008.

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Held, Julius S. ""THE HOLY WOMEN AT CHRISTS SEPULCHRE" BY RUBENS." Source: Notes in the History of Art 8/9, no. 4/1 (July 1989): 66–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/sou.8_9.4_1.23202700.

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Davenport, Nancy. "William Holman Hunt’s Holy War in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem." Religion and the Arts 17, no. 4 (2013): 341–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685292-12341284.

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Abstract This essay is concerned to interpret the background, meaning, and reception of a late painting by the British Pre-Raphaelite painter William Holman Hunt entitled The Miracle of the Sacred Fire in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre (1899). The painting illustrates and critiques an annual Easter Saturday miracle reported to have been experienced by believers and nonbelievers since the third century CE. During this miracle, fire descends from the oculus of the dome in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem onto the site believed to be the tomb of Christ, and impassioned pilgrims by the hundreds seek to light their candles with its flame. The painting, not well received when first exhibited at the New Gallery in London, remained in Hunt’s studio until his death in 1910. The history of the church in Jerusalem, the conflicts between the different Christian sects who guarded it, the attitude of one Victorian ecumenical Protestant traveler to Jerusalem toward these conflicts, and their resolution in his painting are the subjects used to explore this strangely overwrought and little known image.

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Grasby, R. D., and R. S. O. Tomlin. "The Sepulchral Monument of the Procurator C. Julius Classicianus." Britannia 33 (2002): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1558852.

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Motsia, Oleksandr. "Once Again about Sepulchral Elite Rite of Pagan Rus." Archaeology 2 (June 18, 2019): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/archaeologyua2019.02.048.

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Popovic, Ivana, and Snezana Ferjancic. "Cup-bearer of Constantius II and Early Christian inscriptions from the necropolis of St Synerotes in Sirmium." Starinar, no. 66 (2016): 129–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta1666129p.

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During the archaeological excavations performed in 1969/70 at the northern necropolis of Sirmium, around the Basilica of St Synerotes, a few sepulchral slabs with inscriptions and symbols of Early Christian character were discovered. The inscription on one slab, which reads: [?1 ? M]arturiu/[s p]incerna /[C]onstanti/[I]nperatori/[s(!)qui] vixsit(!) an/n[is] nonag/inta una cu/m matron/a sua Man/

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Hońdo, Leszek. "The oldest tombstones in the Jewish cemetery in Tarnow." Humanities and Cultural Studies 2/2021, no. 1 (February 22, 2021): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.7383.

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The Jewish cemetery in Tarnów dates from the 16th century. It has an extremely valuable group of tombstones from the 17th, 18th and early 19th century. They are monuments of sepulchral art as well as cultural testaments — not only of Tarnovian Jews, but generally of Polish Jews. The article presents the oldest tombstones in the cemetery. The preserved tombstones originate only from the second half of the 17th century.

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Brown, Jonathan. "Res Religiosae and the Roman Roots of the Crime of Violation of Sepulchres." Edinburgh Law Review 22, no. 3 (September 2018): 347–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/elr.2018.0503.

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Violation of sepulchres is a common law crime in Scotland. This crime ensures that interred human corpses are not subject to the ordinary laws of property, but are instead protected under this distinct heading of law. While it now appears settled that a corpse can be stolen prior to interment, it remains unclear if a corpse which was once buried, but has since been lawfully removed from its grave, remains incapable of being stolen, or if it becomes susceptible to theft again when exhumed. This article suggests that the latter occurs in Scots law since a res religiosa – an object not subject to the ordinary rules of property – is created when the body is placed in its grave. This suggestion draws on the connection between the contemporary crime of violation of sepulchres and its Roman ancestor, the crimen violati sepulcri. The article suggests that though the overtly religious overtones of the term ‘res religiosa’ appears to be at odds with an increasingly secularised society, the law surrounding res religiosae functionally explains the absence of ‘property’ in buried bodies, thus providing a logical basis for the proposition that an unburied body may be stolen, but a buried body may not be.

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Katić, Marko. "Depiction of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre on a Jerusalem icon from Ružica Church: An example of visual culture in the context of religious practice." Nasledje, no. 21 (2020): 191–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/nasledje2021191k.

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Among but few icons brought back home by hajjis from their pilgrimage to Jerusalem (hence the name jerusalems) preserved in Belgrade, the one that stands out for its peculiarity and relatively early origin is the 1819 icon kept in Ružica Church in Kalemegdan. The most important element of the icon is the depiction of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. This paper presents and analyses numerous peculiarities of this depiction, before all by comparing its iconography and style with the usual kind of the Jerusalem pilgrimage icons of the same age. Th icon painter's method is additionally analysed through the theoretical prism of palimpsest and gloss, recently developed in art-historical studies. It has been concluded that the depiction is basically similar to that on other icons dating from after the 1808 fire in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, but bearing an array of specificities that could be ascribed to the reinterpretation of architectural elements of the Jerusalem Church which the icon painter depicts to underline its holiness. The analysis points to a local Palestinian master as the author of the icon.

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Avni, Gideon, and Jon Seligman. "Between the Temple Mount/Haram el-Sharif and the Holy Sepulchre: Archaeological Involvement in Jerusalem's Holy Places." Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 19, no. 2 (April 15, 2007): 259–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/jmea.2006.v19i2.259.

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Archaeological involvement in the holy places of Jerusalem has become a focus of professional and public concern during recent years. The two sacred areas of the Temple Mount and the Holy Sepulchre combine their role as historical and architectural monuments of supreme importance with their daily use as central religious sites. The connection between scholars, mainly archaeologists and architects, who studied these monuments, and the local religious authorities in charge of the holy sites has accompanied research on Jerusalem since the mid-nineteenth century. The main issues to be analyzed in this paper are related to the ways archaeologists and other scholars are involved with the major holy sites of Jerusalem: how the 'owners' of the Temple Mount and the Holy Sepulchre viewed these scholars and their research; to what degree they were prepared to cooperate with them; what their motives were for doing so and how archaeologists and other researchers operated and adhered to scholarly interests in such complex sites. The Jerusalem case study is used to investigate the larger scope of interrelations between the academic world and the religious 'owners' of holy sites in other locations.

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Kochav, Sarah. "The Search for a Protestant Holy Sepulchre: The Garden Tomb in Nineteenth-Century Jerusalem." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 46, no. 2 (April 1995): 278–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900011374.

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Certainly since the time of the Emperor Constantine there had been little doubt in the Christian world that Christ was crucified, buried and rose from the dead on the site later occupied by the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. Eusebius described the discovery of the tomb beneath the site of the Roman temple to Venus and the construction of the church, dedicated in 335. Constantine's church underwent numerous changes and rebuilding, through invasions, occupations, earthquakes and the disastrous fire of 1808, which caused extensive damage. But at no time did anyone seriously dispute the convictions of the competing Christian factions – Greeks, Latins, Armenians, Georgians, Copts and Ethiopians – who had chapels, or at least a recognised foothold, within that sacred precinct. While earlier travel accounts, such as those of Willibald (AD 724) and John Mandeville (1322), had recognised that the Church of the Holy Sepulchre was located well within the walls of Jerusalem, it was generally accepted that this was because the city had expanded and surrounded the site, and that new perimeter walls enclosed the place of the crucifixion and the tomb which according to the biblical texts had to lie ‘without’ the city walls.

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Ousterhout, Robert. "Rebuilding the Temple: Constantine Monomachus and the Holy Sepulchre." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 48, no. 1 (March 1, 1989): 66–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/990407.

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The reconstruction of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem c. 1042-1048 by the Byzantine Emperor Constantine IX Monomachus marks an important turning point in the history of the building. An analysis of the surviving remains of this phase of construction suggests that the plan was determined by an architect from the Byzantine capital, and the construction was carried out by two teams of masons. One workshop was apparently from Constantinople, and the other was trained locally in or around Jerusalem. An analysis of wall and vault construction bears out this conclusion.

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Maciejewski, Marian. "The Lyric Testimony of "Pusty grób" ("The Empty Sepulchre")." Colloquia Litteraria, no. 2 (November 22, 2018): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/cl.2017.4.7.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Sepulchrum'

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