Journal articles on the topic 'Senoi (Southeast Asian people) Religion'

AbstractThis paper analyses the use of religious folklore among the Meitei people of Manipur in northeastern India in the creation of a racial identity. After the Meiteis, who are ethnically Southeast Asian, were forced to convert to Hinduism in the early eighteenth century by the Manipuri king Garibniwaz, they were provided with a number of folklores regarding their origin that combined Hindu and indigenous Meitei deities and myths. Recently, the rise of anti-Hindu sentiment in Manipur—spurred by a movement to revive the indigenous Meitei religion and a strained political relationship with India—has led to the questioning of the validity of these stories by Meitei academics. As a result a new cannon of literature is being developed by scholars that link the origin of the community to its Southeast Asian roots. Discovering the racial identity of the Meitei people has motived this movement. This paper analyzes the multiple meanings that mythologies concerning origin hold in contemporary Meitei society and challenges the modern notion that historical consciousness is absolute truth.

Hinduism or Sanatana Dharma is considered to be the oldest religion in the world (Fowler 1997, p1). This religion originated in India. Similarly, India is also the birthplace of Buddhism. Apart from trade, religion was one of the means of inter-state communication and proximity in ancient times. It is through religion, ancient Indian civilization developed good relations and closeness with different parts of the world, one of which was Southeast Asia. Though Marx opined “Die Religion……ist das opium des volkes” or “religion…..is the opium of people”, but the positive role of religion cannot be denied in this case. Hinduism and Buddhism were the main driving force behind the Indianization or Sanskritization of Southeast Asian States. Buddhism and Hinduism are still among the most prevalent religions in this region, despite the subsequent large-scale conversion to Christianity and Islam. The influence of Indianness is evident in all the areas of this region, including ancient architecture, sculpture, art, painting, literature, language, script, lifestyle etc. These religions have never been limited to personal sphere of inhabitants of this region but have also flourished in the political and social spheres. These religions have sometimes been instrumental in unravelling colonial chains and sometimes in nation-building efforts. At present, the Government of India is very keen on finding the roots of ancient historical ties in establishing close bilateral relations with various countries, from that point of view, this following article will be considered very relevant.

After 1,000 years of C.E, it was the most crucial period in the journey of Southeast Asian ancient history. Many fundamental transitions happened, which were caused by disturbances from the outside of the Southeast Asian countries, as well as, from the countries within Southeast Asia. Casparis was a scholar who wrote about King Airlangga’s rule in Java (1019 – 1043 C.E) and who called him “A True Personality” because he succeeded in helping his people going through difficult times when the state faced devastation. Coedès placed Airlangga in a position equal to that of other kings of mainland Southeast Asia, such as King Suryawarman (who ruled Khmer from 1002 to 1050), and King Aniruddha of Pagan (1044 – 1077). The content of King Airlangga’s inscriptions reflected his broad networks in politics, economy, and religion to many kings in Southeast Asia. Furthermore, his reforming ideas was – believed – inspired by his networks. During his ruling period, his ideas of reformation had granted him as a great king. He managed to raise his kingdom from the devastation caused by Pralaya in 1016 by using as an analogy, a policy which was formed through the political, economic and religious conditions implemented by other neighboring kings, to his domestic problem. The result of which is that it was an intense relationship between the kings in Southeast Asia and South Asia and King Airlangga during the spice route network and other products. This relationship continued until Majapahit era in Java, according to the inscriptions.

Based on the distribution, molecular similarity and use of Morinda citrifolia L., and occurrence of a wild Morinda species, Southeast Asia and Micronesia have been suggested to be the places where noni originated. The present article discusses the indices used by Vavilov and subsequent authorities on the origin of crop plants to argue that South Asia (Southeast India) has a greater probability of being the centre of domestication/origin for noni than Southeast Asia or Micronesia. The basic reasoning is that economically important plant cannot originate without richness in biodiversity and ingenuity of local people. India with rich floristic diversity, one of the centres of origin of crop plants with a natural distribution of Morinda species, including M. citrifolia L. and its immediate ancestors, has the oldest reference of occurrence, use and cultivation (Vedic literature); therefore, it appears to be the more probable centre of noni's origin. The ancient history of the expansion of Indian culture, religion and trade to Southeast Asian countries corroborate the possible role of Indians in the introduction of noni or knowledge regarding its value to Southeast Asia, from which it was carried to Micronesia and Polynesia, which provided a more favourable environmental niche for perpetuation and use.

As of 2018, receiving antiretroviral treatment (ART) was 23.3 million patients with HIV, with 2 million of those people coming from countries in South-East Asian nations, according to the WHO. According to the Center for Disease Dynamics, Economics, and Policy, South East Asia has the world's third-largest HIV pandemic as well as the highest TB burden, accounting for more than a quarter of all HIV infections. Numerous investigations have demonstrated how healthcare professionals may influence patients' medication-taking habits for the better if they persistently and frequently discuss the advantages of ART adherence at each annual checkup, monitor adherence-related clinical markers including viral load, identify adherence hurdles, offer adherence support services, and inform patients of additional therapies that can enhance adherence and lower the risk of problems. Because of varying social ramifications, a wide range of psychological traits, and cultural differences, it is challenging to evaluate Southeast Asians' adherence to antiretroviral medication. The researchers came to the conclusion that self-management, educational intervention, cognitive and adaptive abilities, peer support, and frequent clinic visits are the key characteristics that contribute to medication adherence to antiretroviral drugs in the majority of Southeast Asian nations. Southeast Asian nations suffer from societal consequences including discrimination and stigma, a lack of assistance from the government, and insufficient access to medicine and religion. The desire to continue taking the drug affects adherence to antiretroviral treatment. These claimed causes include forgetfulness, having a full schedule, being strapped for cash, avoiding side effects, and having trouble understanding directions. Given the aforementioned facts, successful management of antiretroviral medication adherence necessitates individual, social, and medical measures.

In 1945, the Second World War entered its final stage - it was also a time for Indonesia and the peoples of Southeast Asia to stand up to fight for independence. All classes of Indonesian people - regardless of political affiliation, regardless of religion - had all gathered under the banner of Merdeka independence. contributed significantly to the victory of the 1945 August Revolution. They had thoroughly and effectively applied the “Unification” view of Islam in the national liberation revolution. Since there are many differences, even ideological contradictions between Islam and nationalism, the relationship between them has always been difficult and uncertain. In Indonesia, the confrontation between Islam and nationalism during the interwar period was evident in political debate and action. If that had not stopped, it would have created fundamental ideological disagreements, thereby adversely affecting the anti-colonial movement. In the first half of the twentieth century, Islam was the predominant religion in Indonesia and its followers made great contributions to the struggle against colonialism. In August 1945, Japanese fascism - the only enemy of the people of Southeast Asia was completely defeated in the Asian battlefield. Seizing the “once in a thousand years” opportunity, under the leadership of the Indonesian National Party, the Muslims rose up with the Indonesian people and carried out the August Revolution successfully in 1945. It can be seen that the August 1945 revolution in Indonesia fully converged patriotic forces in the same national front. The combination of all sectors, all followers of religions under the banner of independence “Merdeka” has been the main reason for the success of the Indonesian national liberation revolution. It can be affirmed that the force of “Unity in Diversity” (“Bhineka Tunggal Ika”) has created a peaceful path to ward uniting the revolutionary forces of Indonesia.

Johnny Tjia; A grammar of Mualang: An Ibanic language of West Kalimantan, Indonesia (Alexander Adelaar) Christopher Moseley (ed.); Encyclopedia of the world’s endangered languages (Peter K. Austin) Ian Rae and Morgen Witzel; The Overseas Chinese of South east Asia: History, culture, business (Chin Yee Whah) Ab Massier; The voice of the law in transition: Indonesian jurists and their languages, 1915-2000 (Dwi Noverini Djenar) Henk Schulte Nordholt and Gerry van Klinken (eds); Renegotiating boundaries: Local politics in post-Suharto Indonesia (Maribeth Erb) Nghia M. Vo; The Vietnamese boat people, 1954 and 1975-1992 (Martin Grossheim) O.W. Wolters; Early Southeast Asia: Selected essays [edited by Craig J. Reynolds] (Hans Hägerdal) Michael W. Scott; The severed snake: Matrilineages, making place, and a Melanesian Christianity in Southeast Solomon Islands (Menno Hekker) John H. McGlynn, Oscar Motuloh, Suzanne Charlé, Jeffrey Hadler, Bambang Bujono, Margaret Glade Agusta, and Gedsiri Suhartono; Indonesia in the Soeharto years: Issues, incidents and images (David Henley) Hanneke Hollander; Een man met een speurdersneus: Carel Groenevelt (1899-1973), beroepsverzamelaar voor Tropenmuseum en Wereldmuseum in Nieuw-Guinea (Anna-Karina Hermkens) Balk, G.L., F. van Dijk and D.J. Kortlang (with contributions by F.S. Gaastra, Hendrik E. Niemeijer and P. Koenders); The Archives of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and the local institutions in Batavia (Jakarta) (Ton Kappelhof) Gusti Asnan; Memikir ulang regionalisme: Sumatera Barat tahun 1950-an (Gerry van Klinken) Lise Lavelle; Amerta Movement of Java 1986-1997: An Asian movement improvisation (Dick van der Meij) Nicole-Claude Mathieu (ed.); Une maison sans fille est une maison morte: La personne et le genre en sociétés matrilinéaires et/ou uxorilocales (Joke van Reenen) Henk Schulte Nordholt; Indonesië na Soeharto: Reformasi en restauratie (Elske Schouten) V.I. Braginsky; … and sails the boat downstream: Malay Sufi poems of the boat (Suryadi) Gilles Gravelle; Meyah: An east Bird’s Head language of Papua, Indonesia (Ian Tupper) Penny Edwards; Cambodge: The cultivation of a nation, 1860-1945 (Un Leang) J. Stephen Lansing; Perfect order: Recognizing complexity in Bali (Carol Warren) Roxana Waterson (ed.); Southeast Asian lives: Personal narratives and historical experience (C.W. Watson) Jean DeBernardi; The way that lives in the heart: Chinese popular religion and spirit mediums in Penang, Malaysia (Robert Wessing) REVIEW ESSAY Environmental and archaeological perspectives on Southeast Asia Peter Boomgaard; Southeast Asia: An environmental history Peter Boomgaard (ed.); A world of water: Rain, rivers and seas in Southeast Asian histories Ian Glover and Peter Bellwood (eds); Southeast Asia: From prehistory to history Avijit Gupta (ed.); The physical geography of Southeast Asia (Eric C. Thompson)

-Martin Baier, Han Knapen, Forests of fortune?; The environmental history of Southeast Borneo, 1600-1880. Leiden: The KITLV Press, 2001, xiv + 487 pp. [Verhandelingen 189] -Jean-Pascal Bassino, Per Ronnas ,Entrepreneurship in Vietnam; Transformations and dynamics. Copenhagen: Nordic Institute of Asian Studies (NIAS) and Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2001, xii + 354 pp., Bhargavi Ramamurty (eds) -Adriaan Bedner, Renske Biezeveld, Between individualism and mutual help; Social security and natural resources in a Minangkabau village. Delft: Eburon, 2001, xi + 307 pp. -Linda Rae Bennett, Alison Murray, Pink fits; Sex, subcultures and discourses in the Asia-Pacific. Clayton, Victoria: Monash Asia Institute, 2001, xii + 198 pp. [Monash Papers on Southeast Asia 53.] -Peter Boomgaard, Laurence Monnais-Rousselot, Médecine et colonisation; L'aventure indochinoise 1860-1939. Paris: CNRS Editions, 1999, 489 pp. -Ian Coxhead, Yujiro Hayami ,A rice village saga; Three decades of Green revolution in the Philippines. Houndmills, Basingstoke: MacMillan, 2000, xviii + 274 pp., Masao Kikuchi (eds) -Robert Cribb, Frans Hüsken ,Violence and vengeance; Discontent and conflict in New Order Indonesia. Saarbrücken: Verlag für Entwicklungspolitik, 2002, 163 pp. [Nijmegen Studies in Development and Cultural Change 37.], Huub de Jonge (eds) -Frank Dhont, Michael Leifer, Asian nationalism. London: Routledge, 2000, x + 210 pp. -David van Duuren, Joseph Fischer ,The folk art of Bali; The narrative tradition. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1998, xx + 116 pp., Thomas Cooper (eds) -Cassandra Green, David J. Stuart-Fox, Pura Besakih; Temple, religion and society in Bali. Leiden: KITLV Press, xvii + 470 pp. [Verhandelingen 193.] -Hans Hägerdal, Vladimir I. Braginsky ,Images of Nusantara in Russian literature. Leiden: KITLV Press, 1999, xxvi + 516 pp., Elena M. Diakonova (eds) -Hans Hägerdal, David Chandler, A history of Cambodia (third edition). Boulder, Colorado: Westview, 2000, xvi + 296 pp. -Robert W. Hefner, Leo Howe, Hinduism and hierarchy in Bali. Oxford: James Currey, Santa Fe: School of American Research Press, 2001, xviii + 228 pp. -Russell Jones, Margaret Shennan, Out in the midday sun; The British in Malaya, 1880-1960. London: John Murray, 2000, xviii + 426 pp. -Russell Jones, T.N. Harper, The end of empire and the making of Malaya. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, xviii + 417 pp. -Sirtjo Koolhof, Christian Pelras, The Bugis. Oxford: Blackwell, 1996, xvii + 386 pp. [The People of South-East Asia and the Pacific.] -Tania Li, Lily Zubaidah Rahim, The Singapore dilemma; The political and educational marginality of the Malay community. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1998, xviii + 302 pp. -Yasser Mattar, Vincent J.H. Houben ,Coolie labour in colonial Indonesia; A study of labour relations in the Outer Islands, c. 1900-1940. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1999, xvi + 268 pp., J. Thomas Lindblad et al. (eds) -Yasser Mattar, Zawawi Ibrahim, The Malay labourer; By the window of capitalism. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1998, xvi + 348 PP. -Kees Mesman Schultz, Leo J.T. van der Kamp, C.L.M. Penders, The West Guinea debacle; Dutch decolonisation and Indonesia 1945-1962. Leiden: KITLV Press, 2002, viii + 490 pp. -S. Morshidi, Beng-Lan Goh, Modern dreams; An inquiry into power, cultural production, and the cityscape in contemporary urban Penang, Malaysia. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Southeast Asia Program, 2002, 224 pp. [Studies on Southeast Asia 31.] -Richard Scaglion, Gert-Jan Bartstra, Bird's Head approaches; Irian Jaya studies - a programme for interdisciplinary research. Rotterdam: Balkema, 1998, ix + 275 pp. [Modern Quarternary Research in Southeast Asia 15.] -Simon C. Smith, R.S. Milne ,Malaysian politics under Mahathir. London: Routledge, 1999, xix + 225 pp., Diane K. Mauzy (eds) -Reed L. Wadley, Christine Helliwell, 'Never stand alone'; A study of Borneo sociality. Phillips, Maine: Borneo Research Council, 2001, xiv + 279 pp. [BRC Monograph Series 5.] -Nicholas J. White, Francis Loh Kok Wah ,Democracy in Malaysia; Discourses and practices. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press, 2002, xiii + 274 pp. [Nordic Institute of Asian Studies Democracy in Asia Series 5.], Khoo Boo Teik (eds)

The Era of the ASEAN Economic Community (MEA) is an ASEAN economic integration in the face of free trade between Southeast Asian countries. For that, the people of Indonesia, especially the Minagkabau community should be able to prepare early younger generation of Minangkabau villages in preparing to face the MEA. The economy needs to be prepared in preparing qualified human resources to create jobs and be ready to work with foreign workers. Cultural aspect First, less understanding of the meaning of kias in Minangkabau culture. Second, Adat basandi syarak, syarak basandi Kitabullah is the cornerstone of the philosophy of the Minangkabau ethnic group in living life. In terms of language, the trend of Indonesian language is being favored by new parents in this Minang land to teach children speak. The occurrence of this mixing will cause the Minangkabau language to disappear from its language users. Especially the young generation who will continue the next struggle. Religion, activating activities back to the surau in instilling religious values. This economic, cultural, linguistic and religious aspect represents the young generation of Minagkabau's capital to win the competition in the Asean Economic Community (MEA) market.

Creating and guarding boundaries is one of the pervasive features of modern states. Many boundaries have been contested in the Southeast Asian region between states, and boundaries are always locations of great insecurity for states, and for the people who live on them. The case to be explored in this paper is about boundaries that are not international, but local boundaries between districts within the nation state of Indonesia, in the eastern region of western Flores. The years of political change in Indonesia have created considerable attention to the creation of new boundaries, with the “pemekaran”, or “flowering” of new districts. This has caused the revival of concern over the actual boundaries of western Flores districts, resulting in various extreme instances of boundary contestation and protection. One contestation revived a much older dispute of the eastern boundary of the western Flores district of Manggarai, which dates from the time of the beginning of the Indonesian modern state. In this paper it will be queried what makes internal, domestic boundaries important, including how they are complicated by issues of ethnicity, foreign investment in natural resources, and religion, all of which can create considerable insecurity for the local communities who live near and on these contested borders.

AbstractSince the nineteenth century, today's South and Southeast Asia have become part of scholarly and popular geographies that define the region as a single, superior, civilization with Hindu-Buddhist spiritual traits and its origins in India. These moral geographies of “Greater India” are still current in universities, museums, textbooks, and popular culture across the world. This article explores, for the period from the 1890s to the 1960s, how networks of scholars, intellectuals, and art collectors linking Indonesia, mainland Asia, and the West helped shaping these moral geographies and enabled the inclusion of predominantly Islamic Indonesia. It contributes to recent debates on the role of religion and affections in Orientalism by following object-biographies and focusing on knowledge exchange via the networks they connected, and by exploring the possibilities, violence, and limits of cultural understanding as objects travel from their sites of origin to elsewhere in the world. The article conceptualizes moral geographies as a heuristic device to understand how people have imagined their belonging to a transnational space—in this case Greater India—whether they live inside or outside of that space. It examines the impact these moral geographies have on processes of inclusion and exclusion, particularly their common disregard for Indonesia's Islamic cultures. It warns against pitfalls of transnational, “Oceanic” approaches to Asian history that focus on cultural flows, as these can exaggerate the region's cultural unity and, in doing so, reify the moral geographies of Greater India that the article interrogates.

This article is an original cultural anthropological study that is based on fieldwork done by the principal investigator, Antonio L. Rappa, on groups of urban workers and peasant farmers of Bangkok, Chiangmai, and Pattaya from 1998 to 2016. The focus of this article is on how these workers survive late modernity within the neoliberal capitalist world scenario. The fieldwork also showed the importance of materialism among Thai workers and how they remain trapped in giving up the surplus labor value of their work to the bourgeoisie (Marxian Theory). Since 1932 (the Siamese and since 1946), the Thai workers have been suppressed and exploited by the ruling elite (Power Elite Theory). Whether we use a Cultural Anthropological/Marxian, neo-Marxist Anthropological, or Power Elite theory (C. Wright Mills’ Theory) approach, it remains clear in 2022 that the Thai people still continue to be imprisoned by a desire for luxury goods and services (Thorstein Veblen). Then, there is the complication of religion. At least 93% of all Thai people are Theravada Buddhists and staunchly believe in worshipping the Buddha as well as in various superstitions. The remaining 5–7% are Muslims and Christians. It is only the Muslims who have consistently given political trouble to the Bangkok capitalists but the Muslims are not socialists or communists since they believe in the god known as Allah. Ever since the 1970s, Thailand came under serious threat from communism like many Southeast Asian states. King Bhumiphon Adulyadej (Rama IX) was already a deeply respected monarch and a virtual demi-God to the superstitious and animistic Thai Buddhists. Few Thais realized at that time that the King was also a well-read scientist knowledgeable in urban planning and agriculture. Rama IX applied the knowledge that he garnered from Switzerland and Cambridge, Massachusetts, toward building a new kind of thinking, called Self-Sufficiency Economy (SSE). Rama IX’s SSE was not unique to Thailand and commonly practiced to various effects in South Asia, the Far East, and Southeast Asia. Nevertheless, the king thought that the SSE would be a good way out for his people. He believed that if each Tambon or village could cooperate using existing resources, provincial assistance in agricultural knowledge, and the model-village concept, then the Thai people would be self-sufficient in many aspects. This was also known as the One-Thambon, One-Product (OTOP) policy. This is itself a manifestation of the materialist cultural anthropologic of Thai culture itself. The article concludes with an analysis of the dual pricing system or two-tier pricing system, and why the Thai people appear to support Thorstein Veblen’s Theory and C. Wright Mills’ Theory rather than any neo-Marxist theory of land distribution and property ownership.

This research aims to analyze the use of WhatsApp Group (WAG) as a medium for maintaining intercultural friendship among people with different cultural backgrounds namely the alumni of The Ship for Southeast Asian and Japanese Youth Program (SSEAYP) batch ‘89. This research used a case study approach with a qualitative research design. The data were collected through direct observation of the texts, pictures, emoticons, and videos shared in the WAG and interviews with 20 informants who are the members of the group coming from different countries. The Needs Hierarchy Theory of Maslow and the Social Exchange Theory of Thibaut and Kelley were used in this research. The findings show that the alumni of SSEAYP Batch ’89 joined the WAG to maintain intercultural friendship among them by exchanging information about their and their families’ conditions; expressing birthday wishes; congratulating each other’s achievements of studies or works; congratulating religious celebrations; fundraising for certain events; and coordinating reunions. To maintain their friendship, the WAG members implicitly agreed to an unwritten rule that they must respect each other, be tolerant, and be open-minded. They also agreed that topics related to politics and religion are not allowed to be posted and discussed in the group, except for greetings on religious occasions. In addition, humor that causes unnecessary laughter and pictures and videos that tend to be pornographic or demeaning to women should not be posted in the group. The discussion about football also should not be too deep to avoid fanaticism with certain teams or players which might result in division or enmity between the group members.

Child marriages are common throughout Indonesia. This is due to a strong influence of Indonesian customs and religion that strongly influence the lives of its people. It is worth pointing that marriage age arrangements in Indonesian Marriage Law reinforces that legal age for men is 19 years and 16 years for women. The 2012 statistics show that Indonesia is the 37th highest in the world in child marriage, while at the Southeast Asian level, this country ranks second after Cambodia. The ranking went up dramatically since in 2016, based on UNICEF, Indonesia ranked the 7th in child marriage worldwide. This means that the practice of child marriage in Indonesia happens, especially to women at the age of 18 years, and there is no discrimination related to the age of marriage. Against this matter, there has been a file for judicial review that demands marriage age for men and women to be pegged at the age of 18 years. However, the Judge of the Constitutional Court, through Decision Number 30-74/PUU-XII/2014, states that age of marriage remains valid for the 19-year-old for man and 16-year-old for women. The struggle does not stop there because at this time, there a national movement of STOP CHILD MARRIAGE formed by civil organisations in cooperation with the Commission of Child Protection and Ministry of Woman Empowerment and Child Protection. This movement sees that the practice of child marriage is a national emergency problem that must be addressed seriously. Further, this movement demands immediate enactment of government regulation in favour of the law which must promptly revise the Marriage Law, especially related to the marriage age.

The anthropological record clearly shows that there remains a strong political undercurrent in terms of Theravada Buddhism, spiritualism, animism, supernaturalism, and scams in Thailand. The literature review of this new anthropology provides the main academic works that have been published vis-Ã ˘a-vis the Theravada Buddhism, animism, and supernaturalism. Scams have been added to this academic paper as they are based on the former, and scams in late modernity have emerged and evolved from the new anthropology. It is a new anthropology for the following three main reasons: (1) it adopts a modern approach to understanding such cultural, social, and traditional phenomena; (2) the method involves both normative and quantitative methods used in the social and political sciences; and (3) a more objective and scientific approach is adopted in the new political tropology because of the uneven distribution of power in these cultural and social phenomena. Individuals actually have a choice to avoid being scammed. Yet, millions of people seem to prefer to be duped. People keep losing billions of dollars to scammers. Why is this so? This study seeks to explain this social phenomenon. Think of the word “scam” and what comes to mind is a wide range of scams targeting old people’s life savings; insecure women in Singapore seeking romance and erotic love from Turkish men; poor Turkish men in Singapore living off their Singaporean girlfriends and wives (they usually have one of each simultaneously); financial scams by lawyers and foreigners in Thailand; phishing scams in Malaysia; as well as gambling scams and online scams in Singapore. Millions continue to be lost in scams involving fake government agencies, including Singapore’s Income Tax Agency and Singapore’s CPF Board. While legitimate governments spend billions of dollars on countermeasures to combat these nefarious tricksters, there appears to be little to nothing that is achieved. People are very easily misled. This study focused on multimillion-dollar scammers who prey on individuals who believe in magic, ritual, occult, tradition, religion, and superstition. Ignoramuses, the mentally retarded, and simpletons are often superstitious; they are the most likely to fall for scams. Scams take place in crowded places with a high walk-in, street-level crowd, and the profits range from a few cents to thousands of dollars a second. This study concludes with a clear solution to the problems associated with superstition and scams in Southeast Asia. There is a politics to Asian scams because of the uneven distribution of power among those who believe in superstitions, animism, and religions; it is a paradox that makes many people vulnerable to being scammed.

An ordinary ship and its cargo can tell the story of far-flung global markets, human voyaging, and early industrialization in China that supplied exports to the world. Sometime after 825 CE an Arab dhow set sail from the port of Guangzhou in coastal south China, having unloaded its goods from the Near East, and reloaded with some estimated 70,000 ceramics and other items, on its return voyage to the Abbasid empire. Taking the route that has been called “the maritime silk road,” this hand-sewn ship made of planks fastened with coconut fiber (without any nails) seems to have decided to offload some cargo first in maritime Southeast Asia, perhaps intending to pick up a secondary cargo of spices, resins, and aromatics for which the Indonesian islands were famed. The dhow sank near the island of Belitung, at a reef called Batu Hitam (“Black Rock”). Fifty-five thousand ceramic wares, along with gold and silver ornaments, ingots, mirrors, ewers, vases, jars, cups, incense burners, boxes, flasks, bottles, graters, and the like—and two objects that may have been children’s toys, and a re-soldered gold bracelet sized for a woman’s wrist—were excavated intact in 1998, and are housed at the Asian Civilisations Museum in Singapore. This ninth-century dhow is the only ship of its kind ever recovered, though hand-sewn ships that plied the Indian Ocean are described in travel accounts from as early as the first-century CE. The dhow is a remarkable example of the global ships carrying people, goods, ideas, religion, and culture, which knit the world into relationship along transoceanic routes. Its vast trove of ceramics is the earliest physical evidence attesting the industrial production of ceramics in China for export to foreign markets as early as the Tang Dynasty (618–907). Designs painted on the great majority of the ceramic wares were favored in the export market, not in China. Part of the trove includes prototypes of blue-and-white ceramics for which China would become famous 400 years later: ceramic experiments that feature Iraqi designs attesting global interrelationships in art and the exchange of ideas. The crews of ships such as this one were multiracial, multireligious, and assembled from everywhere: The cargo, knowledges, and stories these diverse, anonymous voyagers helped to transfer across the world transform our understanding of scale, time, and globalism.

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The uniqueness of the Southeast Asian Traditional streets requires careful investigation in the context of its existence. In this regard, the study focuses on examining what factors contribute to the significant formation of Southeast Asian traditional streets. As early as 1500s the region became an important trading centre for the world, where the West meet the East. The emergence of ports along the coastal line and river mouth played remarkable roles, not only as places for trading goods, but also as a place that exchanged skills, languages, customs, ideology, religion through various means and aspects. Reviews from historical background indicate that ports and cities were transformed physically by virtue of the varieties of hybrid cultures that accumulated from time to time. In this respect, the accumulation of cultures tremendously affected the streets activities and its settings. Urban elements as ports, markets, commercial districts and public spaces point out several identities pertaining to the street cultures and characteristics. It was identified that the maritime trade routes during 15th-18th centuries brought abundantly changed to port cities such as Melaka, Bangkok, and Hanoi through the exposure to various influences. This paper demonstrates the correlation between physical forms and cultural entity of these cities. It reveals the linkages of the influential components from the adopted culture that merged with local context, which strongly emphasized the streets characteristics. Comparing with western commercial street models, Southeast Asian Traditional streets convey the local wisdom that inscribed how people use the streets and how streets formed by hybrid settings.

The uniqueness of the Southeast Asian Traditional streets requires careful investigation in the context of its existence. In this regard, the study focuses on examining what factors contribute to the significant formation of Southeast Asian traditional streets. As early as 1500s the region became an important trading centre for the world, where the West meet the East. The emergence of ports along the coastal line and river mouth played remarkable roles, not only as places for trading goods, but also as a place that exchanged skills, languages, customs, ideology, religion through various means and aspects. Reviews from historical background indicate that ports and cities were transformed physically by virtue of the varieties of hybrid cultures that accumulated from time to time. In this respect, the accumulation of cultures tremendously affected the streets activities and its settings. Urban elements as ports, markets, commercial districts and public spaces point out several identities pertaining to the street cultures and characteristics. It was identified that the maritime trade routes during 15th-18th centuries brought abundantly changed to port cities such as Melaka, Bangkok, and Hanoi through the exposure to various influences. This paper demonstrates the correlation between physical forms and cultural entity of these cities. It reveals the linkages of the influential components from the adopted culture that merged with local context, which strongly emphasized the streets characteristics. Comparing with western commercial street models, Southeast Asian Traditional streets convey the local wisdom that inscribed how people use the streets and how streets formed by hybrid settings.

Since time immemorial, food has been the primary reason that family, friends, and new acquaintances are gathered. In recent years, food remains the star of the gathering and is further highlighted with the emergence of social media and heightened by the popularity of food selfies. This development requires a deeper understanding of food, especially heritage dishes of Southeast Asia, beyond eating. In past decades, several cookbooks, historical narratives, blogs, and vlogs on food were beautifully done both in the Philippines and beyond. However, there is no study yet that primarily theorizes the emergence and evolution of food in Southeast Asia. This paper, therefore, attempts to contribute to the continuing discussion of food in the region by using the Trinitas of ethnicity, environment, and experiences as framework. References Agoncillo, Teodoro. History of the Filipino People. Quezon City: R.P. Garcia Publishing House, 1990. Boileau, Janet. A Culinary History of the Protuguese Eurasians: The Origins of Luso-Asian Cuisine in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Australia: University of Adelaide, 2010. Brissenden, Rosemary. Joys and Subtleties: South East Asian Cooking. New York: Pantheon Books, 1971. Charnysh, Volha. “Does Climate Influence Culture?” A Historical Perspective. May 31, 2021. https://broadstreet.blog/2021/05/31/does-climate-influence-culture-a-historical-perspective/ Cokro Handoyo, Chrisfella, et. al. “Klappertaart: An Indonesian-Dutch influenced traditional food.” Journal of Ethnic Foods 5 (2018). David, Wahyudi and Daniel Kofahl. Eds. Food Culture of Southeast Asia: Perspectives of Social Science and Food Science. Germany: Kassel University Press, 2017. Devine, Carole, et. al. “Food Choices in Three Ethnic Groups: Interactions of Ideals, Identities and Roles.” Journal of Nutrition Education 31 (1999). 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From 1925-1929, the popular social movement of "Emperor" Flor Intrencherado in Western Visayas gained notoriety within the press local. The Iloilo-based local newspaper, the Makinaugalingon, extensively covered the movement in their press release articles. The newspaper, unsurprisingly, recreated a picture of Intrencherado and his followers in a language of ridicule, dismissing the movement and identifying its leader as a lunatic and insane despite the locality of the press. This, in turn, marginalized the movement, its goals, and objectives, as well as the leader, "Emperor" Flor Intrencherado. The goal of this study is to present, review, and analyze the different representations the local press created with the “infamous” peasant movement and give the context in which similar social movements could be understood. References Primary Materials El Tiempo. Microfilm. Information Services and Instruction Section, University of the Philippines Main Library. Quezon City. 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Introduction: Even though the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) outbreak was first reported in late 2019 in Wuhan, China, it is still prevalent across the globe and continues to create mayhem. According to WHO, on March 26, 2021, SARS- CoV-2 virus has infected a total of 125 million people worldwide and caused 3 million casualties. There have been 14.5 million confirmed cases in Southeast Asia, out of which 6.5 lac confirmed cases of COVID-19 are from Pakistan alone, with 14,028 deaths. In Sindh, Pakistan, there have been 2.6 lac confirmed cases of COVID-19 out of which 2 lac 56 thousand have recovered while 4,487 died. Since the outbreak, countless research has been undertaken pertaining to the virus transmission cycle and different countries have strived to come up with a vaccine to protect the masses. The continued dissemination of this coronavirus vaccine emphasizes the role of international collaboration in the development of vaccines and therapeutics. Factors contributing towards vaccine hesitancy include unknown adverse effects of the vaccine, perceived threats, lack of awareness, religious beliefs, myths surrounding the pandemic and vaccine, lack of confidence in the health system and lack of community awareness about vaccine-preventable diseases. Moreover, since the vaccine is new and there is a lack of research pertaining to its efficacy and detrimental effects, people are reluctant to get vaccinated. The findings of this study might help the government figure out the best way to introduce mass vaccination programs in Pakistan and other South Asian countries. Moreover, lockdowns and social distancing may be eased if a COVID-19 vaccination offers immune defense, which will be beneficial for the country’s economy. Objective: To gauge the percentage of citizens who are willing to become vaccinated, their overall attitude towards the vaccination programs and the factors contributing towards vaccine hesitancy at the COVID Vaccination Center, Jinnah Post Graduate Medical Center, Karachi, Pakistan. Methodology: A cross sectional study from May 2021 to August 2021 was conducted at the COVID Vaccination Center, Jinnah Post Graduate Medical Center in Karachi. The study was conducted on 400 persons who were either the vaccination staff of the COVID Vacination Center or the persons coming for COVID vaccination. The sampling technique was non probability purposive sampling. The data was collected by rotating a structured questionnaire. The questionnaire was given to the data collectors who distributed them to the vaccination staff and the visitors .Written consent was taken from the participants and all ethical considerations and research protocols were observed. Data was collected in the form of pre-tested self-administered questionnaires. In order to standardize the questionnaires, a pilot study was conducted among research participants for the purpose of examining content validity. Data collected was analyzed using SPSS software version 20. The statistical analysis was conducted with 95% confidence interval and a p-value of <0.05 was taken as threshold of statistical significance. Results: 400 subjects were approached to fill in the questionnaires. The age group of participants was less than 25 years were 48.2%( n=204), 25 to 50 years were 38.8% (n=164) and more than 50 years were 7.6%(n=32) Males were 40.%(n=169) while females were 54.5%(n=231). Among the participants 40.4% ( n=171) were married and 54.1%(n=229) were unmarried. Coming to the educational background, the majority had a bachelor’s degree or beyond. Not Formally educated were 1.7%(n=7), those who studied till fifth grade or below were 1.2%(n=5), those educated up until matriculation were 3.3%(n=14), those who were intermediate educated were 14.3%(n=63), Diploma holders were 31%(n=131) and those who were university educated were 42.5%(n=180. When the participants were asked about their opinion regarding their health status, 21.5%(n=91) said it was excellent, 47.8%(n=202) said it was good, 21.3%(n=90) said it was fair, while 4%(n=17) said it was poor. When the participants were asked whether they were they suffering from any illness ( e.g: asthma, high BP, diabetes mellitus), 16.3%(n=69) said yes while 78.3%(n=331) said no. When the participants were asked whether COVID-19 existed, 86.5% (n=366) said yes while 8%(n=34) said no. When asked if COVID-19 was dangerous, 82.7%(n=350) said yes while 11.8% (n=50) said no. Replying to the question had the participants ever been infected by COVID in past, 13.9%(n=59) said yes while 54.8%(n=274) said no. When asked whether any members of their family, friends or neighbours had been affected by COVID-19, 61.9%(n=262) said yes and 32.6%(n=138) said no. When asked had they ever heard about COVID-19 vaccination, 39%(n=165) said yes and 55%(n=235) said no. 92.7%(n=392) said yes while 1.9%(n=8) said when asked whether had they received COVID-19 vaccination, 39%(n=165) said yes while 61 %(n=235) said no. When those who had not taken the vaccine were asked the reasons for not doing so, 6.5%(n=28) said that the COVID-19vaccine was not effective, 9.5%(n=40) said that it had side effects, 4.7%(n=20) believed that they had alternate protection against COVID-19 while 36.9%(n=156) gave other reasons. When the participants were asked whether they considered themselves at risk of getting COVID-19,43.7%(n=185) said yes ,27.2%(n=115) said no and 23.6%(n=100) said that they were not sure. Replying to the question would they prefer a vaccine with lower efficacy for the time being, 50.6%(n=214) said yes and 44%(n=186) said no. When asked which vaccine would they prefer, 35.5%(n=150) said Sinopharm/Sinovac (China), 5.2%(n=22) said Sputnik-V (Russia), 3.1%(n=13) said AstraZeneca( United Kingdom), 17.5%(n=74) said Pfizer( USA), 18.9%(n=80) said any vaccine and 14.4(n=61) were not in favour of any vaccine. When asked in detail regarding the participants ‘ major concerns and reservations regarding COVID 19 vaccine, about 29.6%(n=125) participants did not trust a vaccine made in such a short period of time, 35.7%(n=151) trusted the vaccine and 29.3%(n=124) were not sure. When asked whether the Vaccine’s contents were not permissible in their religion, 7.1%(n=30) agreed, 60.3%(n=255) disagreed and 27.2%(n=115) were not sure. When asked whether they did not need a vaccine as they had already contracted COVID-19, 8%(n=34) agreed, 70.7%(n=299) disagreed and 15.8%(n=57) were not sure, Replying to the question whether the Vaccine could cause infertility, 7.8%(n=33) agreed, 49.9%(n=211) disagreed and 36.9%(n=156) were not sure. When the participants were asked whether COVID-19 vaccine was a conspiracy of the West, 17%(n=72) agreed, 52.2%(n=221) disagreed while 25.3%(n=107) were not sure. Responding to the question whether the participants would wait and see vaccine outcomes on other recipients, 38.8%(n=154) agreed, 45.4%(n=132) disagreed while 10.4%(n=44) were not sure. Responding to the question that vaccination would not be effective for different mutated forms, 34.3%(n=145) agreed, 23.9%(n=121) disagreed and 36.4%(n=154) were not sure. When asked whether they suspected that Vaccine inserts a chip inside the body, 6.9%(n=19) agreed, 59.8%(n=253) disagreed while 27.9%(n=118) were not sure. When the participants were asked whether they would get a booster dose if required, 49.4%(n=209) said yes and 22.7%(n=96) said no. When asked what were their reason/s for getting vaccinated, 51.1%(n=216) said that they wanted to protect their family and friends, 21.7%(n=92) said that they were at high risk of contracting COVID 19, 1.9%(n=8) said that they were suffering from co-morbidities while 15.4%(n=65) gave other reasons and 4.5%(n=19) said that they did not want to get vaccinated. Conclusion: The population’s acceptance rate for COVID-19 vaccine is only thirty nine percent according to this study. In this research, key characteristics are emphasized that have significant consequences for formulating vaccine policy that maximizes vaccine uptake. Religious leaders should be involved in developing successful communication strategies, particularly for low-income families. Public messaging shoulddispel any worries about the vaccine’s safety and efficacy, as well as emphasize the vaccine’s potential for containing the pandemic. Keywords: COVID Vaccination+ Acceptance+ Healthcare workers+ general population

Introduction Since at least the work of van Gennep in the early 1900s, anthropologists have recognised that borders and thresholds are crucial in understanding human behavior and culture. But particularly in the past few decades, the study of borders has moved from the margins of social inquiry to the centre. At the same time, fashion (Entwistle), including clothing and skin (Bille), have emerged as crucial to understanding the human condition. In this article, we draw on and expand this literature on borders and fashion to demonstrate that the way Indonesians fashion and display their body reflects larger changes in attitudes about morality and gender. And in this, borders and thresholds are crucial. In order to make this argument, we consider three case studies from Indonesia. First, we discuss the requirement that policewomen submit to a virginity test, which takes the form of a hymen inspection. Then, we look at the successful campaign by policewomen to be able to wear the Islamic veil. Finally, we consider reports of Makassar policewomen who attempt to turn young people into exemplary citizens and traffic 'ambassadors' by using downtown crosswalks as a catwalk. In each of these three cases, fashioned borders and thresholds play prominent roles in determining the expression of morality, particularly in relation to gender roles. Fashion, Thresholds, and Borders There was once a time when social scientists tended to view clothes and other forms of adornment as "frivolous" or trivial (Entwistle 14; 18). Over the past few decades, however, fashion has emerged as a serious study within the social sciences. Writers have, for example, demonstrated how fashion is closely tied up with identity and capitalism (King and Winarnita). And although fashion used to be envisaged as emerging from London, New York, Paris, Milan, and other Western locations, scholars are increasingly recognising the importance of Asia in fashion studies. Whether the haute couture and cosplay in Tokyo or 'traditional' weaving of materials in Indonesia, studying fashion and clothes provides crucial insight into the cultures and societies of Asia (King and Winarnita). To contribute to this burgeoning area of research in Asian fashion, we draw on the anthropological classics, in particular, the concept of threshold. Every time we walk through a doorway, gate, or cross a line, we cross a threshold. But what classic anthropology shows us is that crossing certain thresholds changes our social status. This changing particularly occurs in the context of ritual. For example, walking onto a stage, a person becomes a performer or actor. Traditionally a groom carries his bride through the door, symbolising the transition to husband and wife (Douglas 115). In this article, we apply this idea that crossing thresholds is associated with transitioning social statuses (Douglas; Turner; van Gennep). To do this, we first establish a connection between national and personal borders. We argue that skin and clothes have a cultural function in addition to their practical functions. Typically, skin is imagined as a kind of social border and clothes provide a buffer zone. But to make this case, we first need to elaborate how we understand national borders. In the traditional kingdoms of Southeast Asia, borders were largely imperceptible or non-existent. Power was thought to radiate out from the ruler, through the capital, and into the surrounding areas. As it emanated from this 'exemplary centre', power was thought to weaken (Geertz 222-229). Rather than an area of land, a kingdom was thought to be a group of people (Tambiah 516). In this context, borders were irrelevant. But as in other parts of the world, in the era of nations, the situation has entirely changed in modern Indonesia. In a simple sense, our current global legal system is created out of international borders. These borders are, first and foremost, imagined lines that separate the area belonging to one nation-state from another. Borders are for the most part simply drawn on maps, explained by reference to latitude, longitude, and other features of the landscape. But, obviously, borders exist outside the imagination and on maps. They have significance in international law, in separating one jurisdiction from another. Usually, national borders can only be legally crossed with appropriate documentation and legal status. In extreme cases, crossing another nation's border can be a cause for war; but the difficulty in determining borders in practice means both sides may debate over whether a border was actually crossed. Where this possibility exists, sometimes the imagined lines are marked on the actual earth by fences, walls, etc. To protect borders, buffer zones are sometimes created. The most famous buffer zone is the Demilitarized Zone or DMZ, which runs along North Korea's border with South Korea. As no peace treaty has been signed between these two nations, they are technically still at war. Hostility is intense, but armed conflict has, for the most part, ceased. The buffer helps both sides maintain this cessation by enabling them to distinguish between an unintentional infringement and a genuine invasion. All this practical significance of borders and buffer zones is obvious. But borders become even more fascinating when we look beyond their 'practical' significance. Borders have ritual as well as practical importance. Like the flag, the nation's borders have meaning. They also have moral implications. Borders have become an issue of almost fanatical or zealous significance. The 2015 footage of a female Hungarian reporter physically attacking asylum seekers who crossed the border into her nation indicates that she was not just upset with their legal status; presumably she does not physically attack people breaking other laws (BBC News). Similarly the border vigilantes, volunteers who 'protect' the southern borders of the USA against what they see as drug cartels, apparently take no action against white-collar criminals in the cities of the USA. For the Hungarian reporter and the border vigilantes, the border is a threshold to be protected at all costs and those who cross it without proper documentation and process are more than just law breakers; they are moral transgressors, possibly even equivalent to filth. So much for border crossing. What about the borders themselves? As mentioned, fences, walls, and other markers are built to make the imagined line tangible. But some borders go well beyond that. Borders are also adorned or fashioned. For instance, the border between North and South Korea serves as a site where national sovereignty and legitimacy are emphasised, defended, and contested. It is at this buffer zone that these two nations look at each other and showcase to the other what is ideally contained within their own respective national borders. But it is not just national states which have buffer zones and borders with deep significance in the modern period; our own clothes and skin possess a similar moral significance. Why are clothes so important? Of course, like national borders, clothes have practical and functional use. Clothes keep us warm, dry, and protected from the sun and other elements. In addition to this practical use, clothes are heavily imbued with significance. Clothes are a way to fashion the body. They define our various identities including gender, class, etc. Clothes also signify morality and modesty (Leach 152). But where does this morality regarding clothing come from? Clothing is a site where state, religious, and familial control is played out. Just like the DMZ, our bodies are aestheticised with adornments, accoutrements, and decorations, and they are imbued with strong symbolic significance in attempts to reveal what constitutes the enclosed. Just like the DMZ, our clothing or lack thereof is considered constitutive of the nation. Because clothes play a role akin to geo-political borders, clothes are our DMZ; they mark us as good citizens. Whether we wear gang colours or a cross on our necklace, they can show us as belonging to something powerful, protective, and worth belonging to. They also show others that they do not belong. In relation to this, perhaps it is necessary to mention one cultural aspect of clothing. This is the importance, in the modern Indonesian nation, of appearing rapih. Rapih typically means clean, tidy, and well-groomed. The ripped and dirty jeans, old T-shirts, unshaven, unkempt hair, which has, at times, been mainstream fashion in other parts of the world, is typically viewed negatively in Indonesia, where wearing 'appropriate' clothing has been tied up with the nationalist project. For instance, as a primary school student in Indonesia, Winarnita was taught Pendidikan Moral Pancasila (Pancasila Moral Education). Named after the Pancasila, the guiding principles of the Indonesian nation, this class is also known as "PMP". It provided instruction in how to be a good national citizen. Crucially, this included deportment. The importance of being well dressed and rapih was stressed. In sum, like national borders, clothes are much more than their practical significance and practical use. This analysis can be extended by looking at skin. The practical significance of skin cannot be overstated; it is crucial to survival. But that does not preclude the possibility that humans—being the prolifically creative and meaning-making animals that we are—can make skin meaningful. Everyday racism, for instance, is primarily enabled by people making skin colour meaningful. And although skin is not optional, we fashion it into borders that define who we are, such as through tattoos, by piercing, accessorising, and through various forms of body modification (from body building to genital modification). Thresholds are also important in understanding skin. In a modern Indonesian context, when a penis crosses a woman's hymen her ritual status changes; she is no longer a virgin maiden (gadis) or virgin (perawan). If we apply the analogy of borders to the hymen, we could think of it as a checkpoint or border crossing. At a national border crossing, only people with correct credentials (for instance, passport holders with visas) can legally cross and only at certain times (not on public holidays or only from 9-5). At a hymen, only people with the correct status, namely one's husband, can morally cross. The checkpoint is a crucial reminder of the nation state and citizen scheme. The hymen is a crucial reminder of heteronormative standards. Crucial to understanding Indonesian notions of skin is the idea of aurat (Bennett 2007; Parker 2008). This term refers to parts of the body that should be covered. Or it could be said that aurat refers to 'intimate parts' of the body, if we understand that different parts of the body are considered intimate in Indonesian cultures. Indonesians tend to describe the aurat as those body parts that arouse feelings of sexual attraction or embarrassment in others. The concept tends to have Arabic and Islamic associations in Indonesia. Accordingly, for many Muslims, it means that women, once they appear sexually mature, should cover their hair, neck, and cleavage, and other areas that might arouse sexual attraction. These need to be covered when they leave their house, when they are viewed by people outside of the immediate nuclear family (muhrim). For men, it means they should be covered from their stomach to their knees. However, different Islamic scholars and preachers give different interpretations about what the aurat includes, with some opining that the entire female body with the exception of hands and face needs to be covered. That said, the general disposition or habitus of using clothes to cover is also found among non-Muslims in Indonesia. Accordingly, Catholics, Protestants, and Hindus also tend to cover their legs and cleavage, and so on, more than would commonly be found in Western countries. Having outlined the literature and cultural context, we now turn to our case studies. The Veil and Indonesian Policewomen Our first case study focusses on Indonesian police. Aside from a practical significance in law enforcement, police also have symbolic importance. There is an ideal that police should set and enforce standards for exemplary behaviour. Despite this, the Indonesia police have an image problem, being seen as highly corrupt (Davies, Stone, & Buttle). This is where policewomen fit in. The female constabulary are thought to be capable of morally improving the police force and the nation. Additionally, Indonesian policewomen are believed to be needed in situations of family violence, for instance, and to bring a sensitive and humane approach. The moral significance of Indonesia's policewomen shows clearly through issues of their clothing, in particular, the veil. In 2005, it became illegal for Indonesian policewomen to wear the veil on duty. Various reasons were given for this ban. These included that police should present a secular image, showcasing a modern and progressive nation. But this was one border contest where policewomen were able to successfully fight back; in 2013, they won the right to wear the veil on duty. The arguments espoused by both sides during this debate were reflective of geo-political border disputes, and protagonists deployed words such as "sovereignty", "human rights", and "religious autonomy". But in the end it was the policewomen's narrative that best convinced the government that they had a right to wear the veil on duty. Possibly this is because by 2013 many politicians and policymakers wanted to present Indonesia as a pious nation and having policewomen able to express their religion – and the veil being imbued with sentiments of honesty and dedication – fitted in with this larger national image. In contrast, policewomen have been unsuccessful in efforts to ban so called virginity testing (discussed below). Indonesian Policewomen Need to Be Attractive But veils are not the only bodily border that can be packed around language used to describe a DMZ. Policewomen's physical appearance, and specifically facial appearance and make-up, are discussed in similar terms. As such another border that policewomen must present in a particular (i.e. beautiful) way is their appearance. As part of the selection process, women police candidates must be judged by a mostly male panel as being pretty. They have to be a certain height and weight, and bust measurements are taken. The image of the policewoman is tall, slim, and beautiful, with a veil or with regulation cut and coiffed hair. Recognising the 'importance' of beauty for policewomen, they are given a monthly allowance precisely to buy make-up. Such is the status of policewomen that entry is highly competitive. And those who make the cut accrue many benefits. One of these benefits can be celebrity status, and it is not unusual for some policewomen to have over 100,000 Instagram followers. This celebrity status has led one police official to publicly state that women should not join the police force thinking it is a shortcut to celebrity status (Davies). So just like a nation trying to present its best self, Indonesia is imagined in the image of its policewomen. Policewomen feel pride in being selected for this position even when feeling vexed about these barriers to getting selected (Davies). Another barrier to selection is discussed in the next case study. Virginity Testing of Policewomen Our second case study relates to the necessity that female police recruits be virgins. Since 1965, policewomen recruits have been required to undergo internal examinations to ensure that their hymen is supposedly intact. Glossed as 'virginity' tests this procedure involves a two-finger examination by a health professional. Protests against the practice have been voiced by Human Rights Watch and others (Human Rights Watch). Pledges have also been made that the practice will be removed. But to date the procedure is still performed, although there are currently moves to have it banned within the armed forces. Hymens are more of a skin border than a clothing border such as that formed by uniforms or veils, but they operate in similar ways. The ‘feelable’ hymen marks an unmarried woman as moral. New women police recruits must be unmarried and therefore virgins. Actually, the hymen is not a taut skin border, but rather a loose connection of overlapping tissue and in this sense a hymen is not something one can lose. But the hymen is used as a proxy to determine a woman’s value. Hymen border control gives one a moral edge. A hymen supposedly measures a woman’s ability to protect herself, like any fortified geo-political border. Protecting one’s own borders gives the suggestion that one is able to protect others. A policewoman who can protect her bodily borders can protect those of others. Outsiders may wonder what being attractive, modest, but not too modest has to do with police work. And some (but by no means all) Indonesian policewomen wondered the same thing too. Indeed, some policewomen Davies interviewed in the 2010s were against this practice, but many staunchly supported it. They had successfully passed this rite of passage and therefore felt a common bond with other new recruits who had also gone through this procedure. Typically rites of passage, and especially the accompanying humiliation and abuse, engender a strong sense of solidarity among those who have passed through them. The virginity test seems to have operated in a similar way. Policewomen and the 'Citayam' Street Fashion Our third case study is an analysis of a short and otherwise unremarkable TV news report about policewomen parading across a crosswalk in a remote regional city. To understand why, we need to turn to "Citayam Fashion Week", a youth social movement which has developed around a road crossing in downtown Jakarta. Social movements like this are difficult to pin down, but it seems that a central aspect has been young fashionistas using a zebra crossing on a busy Jakarta street as an impromptu catwalk to strut across, be seen, and photographed. These youths are referred to in one article as "Jakarta's budget fashionistas" (Saraswati). The movement is understood in social media and traditional media sources as expressing 'street fashion'. Social media has been central to this movement. The youths have posted photos and videos of themselves crossing the road on social media. Some of these young fashionistas posted interviews with each other on TikTok. Some of the interviews went viral in June 2022 (Saraswati). So where does the name "Citayam Fashion Week" come from? Citayam is an outer area of Jakarta, which is a long way from from the wealthy central district where the young fashionistas congregate. But "Citayam" does not mean that the youths are all thought to come from that area. Instead the idea is that they could be from any poorer outer areas around the capital and have bussed or trained into town. The crosswalk they strut across is near the transport hub next to a central train station. The English-language "Fashion Week" is a tongue-in-cheek label mocking the haute couture fashion weeks around the world – events which, due to a wealth and class gap, are closed off to these teens. Strutting on the crosswalk is not limited to a single 'week' but it is an ongoing activity. The movement has spread to other parts of Indonesia, with youth parading across cross walks in other urban centres. Citayam Fashion Week became one of the major Indonesian public issues of 2022. Reaction was mixed. Some pointed to the unique street style and attitude, act, and language of the young fashionistas, some of whom became minor celebrities. The "Citayam Fashion Week" idea was also picked up by mainstream media, attracting celebrities, models, content creators, politicians and other people in the public eye. Some government voices also welcomed the social movement as promoting tourism and the creative industry. Others voiced disapproval at the youth. Their clothes were disparaged as 'tacky', reflecting deep divides in class and income in modern Jakarta. Some officials noted that they are a nuisance because they create traffic jams and loitering. Criticism also had a moral angle, in particular with commentators focused on male teens wearing feminine attire (Saraswati). Social scientists such as Oki Rahadianto (Souisa & Salim) and Saraswati see this as an expression of youth agency. These authors particularly highlight the class origins of the Citayam fashionistas being mostly from poorer outer suburbs. Their fashion displays are seen to be a way of reclaiming space for the youth in the urban landscape. Furthermore, the youths are expressing their own and unique version of youth culture. We can use the idea of threshold to provide unique insight into this phenomenon in the simple sense that the crosswalk connects one side of the road to the other. But the youth use it for something far more significant than this simple practical purpose. What is perceived to be happening is that some of the youth, who after all are in the process of transitioning from childhood to adulthood, use the crosswalk to publicly express their transition to non-normative gender and sexual identities; indeed, some of them have also transitioned to become mini celebrities in the process. Images of 'Citayam' portray young males adorned in makeup and clothes that are not identifiably masculine. They appear to be crossing gender boundaries. Other images show the distinct street fashion of these youth of exposed skin through crop tops (short tops) that show the belly, clothes with cut-out sections on various parts of the body, and ripped jeans. In a way, these youth are transgressing the taboo against exposing too much skin in public. One video is particularly interesting in light of the approach we are taking in this article as it comes from Makassar, the capital of one of Indonesia's outlying regions. "The Citayam Fashion Week phenomenon spreads to Makassar; young people become traffic (lalu lintas) ambassadors" (Kompas TV) is a news report about policewomen getting involved with young people using a crosswalk to parade their fashion. At first glance the Citayam Fashion Week portrayed in Makassar, a small city in an outlying province, is tiny compared to the scale of the movement in Jakarta. The news report shows half a dozen young males in feminine clothing and makeup. Aside from several cars in the background, there is no observable traffic that the process seems to interrupt. The news report portrays several Indonesian policewomen, all veiled, assisting and accompanying the young fashionistas. The reporter explains that the policewomen go 'hand in hand' (menggandeng) with the fashionistas. The police attempt to harness the creative energy of the youth and turn them into traffic ambassadors (duta lalu lintas). Perhaps it is going too far to state, but the term for traffic here, lalu lintas ("lalu" means to pass by or pass through, and "lintas" means "to cross"), implies that the police are assisting them in crossing thresholds. In any case, from the perspective we have adopted in this chapter, Citayam Fashion Week can be analysed in terms of thresholds as a literal road crossing turned into a place where youth can cross over gender norms and class barriers. The policewomen, with their soft, feminine abilities, attempt to transform them into exemplary citizens. Discussion: Morality, Skin, and Borders In this article, we have actually passed over two apparent contradictions in Indonesian society. In the early 2000s, Indonesian policewomen recruits were required to prove their modesty by passing a virginity test in which their hymen was inspected. Yet, at the same time they needed to be attractive. And, moreover, they were not allowed to wear the Muslim veil. They had to be modest and protect themselves from male lust but also good-looking and visible to others. The other contradiction relates to a single crosswalk or zebra crossing in downtown Jakarta, Indonesia's capital city, in 2022. Instead of using this zebra crossing simply as a place to cross the road, some youths turned it to their own ends as an impromptu 'catwalk' and posted images of their fashion on Instagram. A kind of social movement has emerged whereby Indonesian youth are fashioning their identity that contravenes gender expectations. In an inconsequential news report on the Citayam Fashion Week in Makassar, policewomen were portrayed as co-opting and redirecting the movement into an instructional opportunity in orderly road crossing. The youths could thereby transformed into good citizens. Although the two phenomena – attractive modest police virgins and a crosswalk that became a catwalk – might seem distinct, underlying the paradoxes are similar issues which can be teased out by analysing them in terms of morality, gender, and clothing in relation to borders, buffer zones, and thresholds. Veils, hymens, clothes, make-up are all politically positioned as borders worth fighting for, as necessary borders. While some border disputes can be won (such as policewomen winning the right to veil on duty, or disrupting traffic by parading one's gender-bending fashion), others are either not challenged or unsuccessfully challenged (such as ending virginity tests). These borders of moral encounter enable and provoke various responses: the ban on veiling for Indonesian policewomen was something to challenge as it undermined women’s moral position and stopped their expression of piety – things their nation wanted them to be able to do. But fighting to stop virginity testing was not permissible because even suggesting a contestation implies immorality. Only the immoral could want to get rid of virginity tests. The Citayam Fashion Week presented potentially immoral youths who corrupt national values, but with the help of policewomen, literally and figuratively holding their hand, they could be transformed into worthwhile citizens. National values were at stake in clothing and skin. Conclusion Borders and buffer zone are crucial to a nation's image of itself; whether in the geographical shape of one's country, or in clothes and skin. Douglas suggests that the human experience of boundaries can symbolise society. If she is correct, Indonesian nationalist ideas about clothing, skin, and even hymens shape how Indonesians understand their own nation. Through the three case studies we argued firstly for the importance of analysing the fashioning of the body not only as a form of border maintenance, but as truly at the centre of understanding national morality in Indonesia. Secondly, the national border may also be a way to remake the individual. People see themselves in the 'shape' of their country. As Bille stated "like skin, borders are a protective integument as well as a surface of inscription. Like the body, the nation is skin deep" (71). Thresholds are just as they imply. Passing through a threshold, we cross over one side of the border. We can potentially occupy an in-between status in, for instance, demilitarised zones. Or we can continue on to the other side. To go over a threshold such as becoming a policewoman, a teenager, a fashionista, and a mini celebrity, a good citizen can be constituted through re-fashioning the body. Fashioning one's body can be done through adorning skin with makeup or clothes, covering or revealing the skin, including particular parts of the body deemed sacred, such as the aurat, or by maintaining a special type of skin such as the hymen. The skin that is re-fashioned thus becomes a site of border contention that we argue define not only personal but national identity. Acknowledgment This article was first presented by Sharyn Graham Davies as a plenary address on 24 November 2021 as part of the Women in Asia conference. References BBC News. "Hungarian Camerawoman Who Kicked Refugees Charged." 8 Sep. 2016. 3 Oct 2022 <https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-37304489>. Bennett, Linda Rae. "Zina and the Enigma of Sex Education for Indonesian Muslim Youth." Sex Education 7.4 (2007): 371- 386. Bille, Franck. "Skinworlds: Borders, Haptics, Topologies." Environment and Planning D: Society & Space 36.1 (2017): 60-77. Davies, Sharyn Graham. "Skins of Morality: Bio-borders, Ephemeral Citizenship and Policing Women in Indonesia." Asian Studies Review 42.1 (2018): 69-88. Davies, Sharyn Graham, Louise M. Stone, and John Buttle. "Covering Cops: Critical Reporting of Indonesian Police Corruption." Pacific Journalism Review 22 (2016): 185-201. Douglas, Mary. "External Boundaries." In Purity and Danger: An Analysis of the Concepts of Taboo and Pollution. London: Routlege, 2002. 115-129. Entwistle, Joanne. "Preface to the Second Edition." In The Fashioned Body: Fashion, Dress and Social Theory. New York: Polity Press, 2015. 2-26. Geertz, Clifford. "Ideology as a Cultural System." In The Interpretation of Cultures. New York: Basic Books, 1973. 193-233. Human Rights Watch. "Indonesia: No End to Abusive ‘Virginity Tests’; Military, Police Claim Discriminatory Practice Is for ‘Morality Reasons." 22 Nov. 2017. 3 Oct. 2022 <https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/11/22/indonesia-no-end-abusive-virginity-tests>. King, Emerald L., and Monika Winarnita. "Fashion: Editorial." M/C Journal 25.4 (2022). Kompas TV. "Fenomena 'Citayam Fashion Week' Menular ke Makassar, Muda-mudi Ini Dijadikan Duta Lalu Lintas.” 29 July 2022 <https://www.kompas.tv/article/314063/fenomena-citayam-fashion-week-menular-ke-makassar-muda-mudi-ini-dijadikan-duta-lalu-lintas>. Leach, E.R. "Magical Hair." The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 88.2 (1958): 147-164. Parker, Lyn. "To Cover the Aurat: Veiling, Sexual Morality and Agency among the Muslim Minangkabau, Indonesia." Intersections 16 (2008). <http://intersections.anu.edu.au/issue16/parker.htm>. Saraswati, Asri. Citayam Fashion Week: The Class Divide and the City. 2 Aug. 2022. 3 Oct. 2002 <https://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/citayam-fashion-week-class-divide-and-the-city/>. Souisa, Hellena, and Natasya Salim. "At Citayam Fashion Week, Jakarta's Budget Fashionistas Get Their Turn on the Catwalk." ABC News 7 Aug. 2022. 3 Oct 2022. <https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-08-07/citayam-fashion-week-indonesia-underprivileged/101291202>. Tambiah, Stanley Jeyaraja. "The Galactic Polity: The Structure of Traditional Kingdoms in Southeast Asia." The Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 293 (1977): 69-97. Turner, Victore W. "Betwixt and Between: The Liminal Period in Rites de Passage." In William Armand Lessa and Evon Zartman Vogt (eds.), Reader in Comparative Religion: An Anthropological Approach. London: Harper Collins, 1979 [1964]. 234-243. Van Gennep, Arnold. The Rites of Passage. London: Routledge 2004.

The curtain rose. The howling of desert wind filled the performance hall in the Shanghai Grand Theatre. Into the center stage, where a scenic construction of a mountain cliff and a desert landscape was dimly lit, entered the character of the Daoist priest Wang Yuanlu (1849–1931), performed by Chen Yizong. Dressed in a worn and dusty outfit of dark blue cotton, characteristic of Daoist priests, Wang began to sweep the floor. After a few moments, he discovered a hidden chambre sealed inside one of the rock sanctuaries carved into the cliff.Signaled by the quick, crystalline, stirring wave of sound from the chimes, a melodious Chinese ocarina solo joined in slowly from the background. Astonished by thousands of Buddhist sūtra scrolls, wall paintings, and sculptures he had just accidentally discovered in the caves, Priest Wang set his broom aside and began to examine these treasures. Dawn had not yet arrived, and the desert sky was pitch-black. Priest Wang held his oil lamp high, strode rhythmically in excitement, sat crossed-legged in a meditative pose, and unfolded a scroll. The sound of the ocarina became fuller and richer and the texture of the music more complex, as several other instruments joined in.Below is the opening scene of the award-winning, theatrical dance-drama Dunhuang, My Dreamland, created by China’s state-sponsored Lanzhou Song and Dance Theatre in 2000. Figure 1a: Poster Side A of Dunhuang, My Dreamland Figure 1b: Poster Side B of Dunhuang, My DreamlandThe scene locates the dance-drama in the rock sanctuaries that today are known as the Dunhuang Mogao Caves, housing Buddhist art accumulated over a period of a thousand years, one of the best well-known UNESCO heritages on the Silk Road. Historically a frontier metropolis, Dunhuang was a strategic site along the Silk Road in northwestern China, a crossroads of trade, and a locus for religious, cultural, and intellectual influences since the Han dynasty (206 B.C.E.–220 C.E.). Travellers, especially Buddhist monks from India and central Asia, passing through Dunhuang on their way to Chang’an (present day Xi’an), China’s ancient capital, would stop to meditate in the Mogao Caves and consult manuscripts in the monastery's library. At the same time, Chinese pilgrims would travel by foot from China through central Asia to Pakistan, India, Nepal, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka, playing a key role in the exchanges between ancient China and the outside world. Travellers from China would stop to acquire provisions at Dunhuang before crossing the Gobi Desert to continue on their long journey abroad. Figure 2: Dunhuang Mogao CavesThis article approaches the idea of “abroad” by examining the present-day imagination of journeys along the Silk Road—specifically, staged performances of the various Silk Road journey-themed dance-dramas sponsored by the Chinese state for enhancing its cultural and foreign policies since the 1970s (Kuang).As ethnomusicologists have demonstrated, musicians, choreographers, and playwrights often utilise historical materials in their performances to construct connections between the past and the present (Bohlman; Herzfeld; Lam; Rees; Shelemay; Tuohy; Wade; Yung: Rawski; Watson). The ancient Silk Road, which linked the Mediterranean coast with central China and beyond, via oasis towns such as Samarkand, has long been associated with the concept of “journeying abroad.” Journeys to distant, foreign lands and encounters of unknown, mysterious cultures along the Silk Road have been documented in historical records, such as A Record of Buddhist Kingdoms (Faxian) and The Great Tang Records on the Western Regions (Xuanzang), and illustrated in classical literature, such as The Travels of Marco Polo (Polo) and the 16th century Chinese novel Journey to the West (Wu). These journeys—coming and going from multiple directions and to different destinations—have inspired contemporary staged performance for audiences around the globe.Home and Abroad: Dunhuang and the Silk RoadDunhuang, My Dreamland (2000), the contemporary dance-drama, staged the journey of a young pilgrim painter travelling from Chang’an to a land of the unfamiliar and beyond borders, in search for the arts that have inspired him. Figure 3: A scene from Dunhuang, My Dreamland showing the young pilgrim painter in the Gobi Desert on the ancient Silk RoadFar from his home, he ended his journey in Dunhuang, historically considered the northwestern periphery of China, well beyond Yangguan and Yumenguan, the bordering passes that separate China and foreign lands. Later scenes in Dunhuang, My Dreamland, portrayed through multiethnic music and dances, the dynamic interactions among merchants, cultural and religious envoys, warriors, and politicians that were making their own journey from abroad to China. The theatrical dance-drama presents a historically inspired, re-imagined vision of both “home” and “abroad” to its audiences as they watch the young painter travel along the Silk Road, across the Gobi Desert, arriving at his own ideal, artistic “homeland”, the Dunhuang Mogao Caves. Since his journey is ultimately a spiritual one, the conceptualisation of travelling “abroad” could also be perceived as “a journey home.”Staged more than four hundred times since it premiered in Beijing in April 2000, Dunhuang, My Dreamland is one of the top ten titles in China’s National Stage Project and one of the most successful theatrical dance-dramas ever produced in China. With revenue of more than thirty million renminbi (RMB), it ranks as the most profitable theatrical dance-drama ever produced in China, with a preproduction cost of six million RMB. The production team receives financial support from China’s Ministry of Culture for its “distinctive ethnic features,” and its “aim to promote traditional Chinese culture,” according to Xu Rong, an official in the Cultural Industry Department of the Ministry. Labeled an outstanding dance-drama of the Chinese nation, it aims to present domestic and international audiences with a vision of China as a historically multifaceted and cosmopolitan nation that has been in close contact with the outside world through the ancient Silk Road. Its production company has been on tour in selected cities throughout China and in countries abroad, including Austria, Spain, and France, literarily making the young pilgrim painter’s “journey along the Silk Road” a new journey abroad, off stage and in reality.Dunhuang, My Dreamland was not the first, nor is it the last, staged performances that portrays the Chinese re-imagination of “journeying abroad” along the ancient Silk Road. It was created as one of many versions of Dunhuang bihua yuewu, a genre of music, dance, and dramatic performances created in the early twentieth century and based primarily on artifacts excavated from the Mogao Caves (Kuang). “The Mogao Caves are the greatest repository of early Chinese art,” states Mimi Gates, who works to increase public awareness of the UNESCO site and raise funds toward its conservation. “Located on the Chinese end of the Silk Road, it also is the place where many cultures of the world intersected with one another, so you have Greek and Roman, Persian and Middle Eastern, Indian and Chinese cultures, all interacting. Given the nature of our world today, it is all very relevant” (Pollack). As an expressive art form, this genre has been thriving since the late 1970s contributing to the global imagination of China’s “Silk Road journeys abroad” long before Dunhuang, My Dreamland achieved its domestic and international fame. For instance, in 2004, The Thousand-Handed and Thousand-Eyed Avalokiteśvara—one of the most representative (and well-known) Dunhuang bihua yuewu programs—was staged as a part of the cultural program during the Paralympic Games in Athens, Greece. This performance, as well as other Dunhuang bihua yuewu dance programs was the perfect embodiment of a foreign religion that arrived in China from abroad and became Sinicized (Kuang). Figure 4: Mural from Dunhuang Mogao Cave No. 45A Brief History of Staging the Silk Road JourneysThe staging of the Silk Road journeys abroad began in the late 1970s. Historically, the Silk Road signifies a multiethnic, cosmopolitan frontier, which underwent incessant conflicts between Chinese sovereigns and nomadic peoples (as well as between other groups), but was strongly imbued with the customs and institutions of central China (Duan, Mair, Shi, Sima). In the twentieth century, when China was no longer an empire, but had become what the early 20th-century reformer Liang Qichao (1873–1929) called “a nation among nations,” the long history of the Silk Road and the colourful, legendary journeys abroad became instrumental in the formation of a modern Chinese nation of unified diversity rooted in an ancient cosmopolitan past. The staged Silk Road theme dance-dramas thus participate in this formation of the Chinese imagination of “nation” and “abroad,” as they aestheticise Chinese history and geography. History and geography—aspects commonly considered constituents of a nation as well as our conceptualisations of “abroad”—are “invariably aestheticized to a certain degree” (Bakhtin 208). Diverse historical and cultural elements from along the Silk Road come together in this performance genre, which can be considered the most representative of various possible stagings of the history and culture of the Silk Road journeys.In 1979, the Chinese state officials in Gansu Province commissioned the benchmark dance-drama Rain of Flowers along the Silk Road, a spectacular theatrical dance-drama praising the pure and noble friendship which existed between the peoples of China and other countries in the Tang dynasty (618-907 C.E.). While its plot also revolves around the Dunhuang Caves and the life of a painter, staged at one of the most critical turning points in modern Chinese history, the work as a whole aims to present the state’s intention of re-establishing diplomatic ties with the outside world after the Cultural Revolution. Unlike Dunhuang, My Dreamland, it presents a nation’s journey abroad and home. To accomplish this goal, Rain of Flowers along the Silk Road introduces the fictional character Yunus, a wealthy Persian merchant who provides the audiences a vision of the historical figure of Peroz III, the last Sassanian prince, who after the Arab conquest of Iran in 651 C.E., found refuge in China. By incorporating scenes of ethnic and folk dances, the drama then stages the journey of painter Zhang’s daughter Yingniang to Persia (present-day Iran) and later, Yunus’s journey abroad to the Tang dynasty imperial court as the Persian Empire’s envoy.Rain of Flowers along the Silk Road, since its debut at Beijing’s Great Hall of the People on the first of October 1979 and shortly after at the Theatre La Scala in Milan, has been staged in more than twenty countries and districts, including France, Italy, Japan, Thailand, Russia, Latvia, Hong Kong, Macao, Taiwan, and recently, in 2013, at the Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts in New York.“The Road”: Staging the Journey TodayWithin the contemporary context of global interdependencies, performing arts have been used as strategic devices for social mobilisation and as a means to represent and perform modern national histories and foreign policies (Davis, Rees, Tian, Tuohy, Wong, David Y. H. Wu). The Silk Road has been chosen as the basis for these state-sponsored, extravagantly produced, and internationally staged contemporary dance programs. In 2008, the welcoming ceremony and artistic presentation at the Olympic Games in Beijing featured twenty apsara dancers and a Dunhuang bihua yuewu dancer with long ribbons, whose body was suspended in mid-air on a rectangular LED extension held by hundreds of performers; on the giant LED screen was a depiction of the ancient Silk Road.In March 2013, Chinese president Xi Jinping introduced the initiatives “Silk Road Economic Belt” and “21st Century Maritime Silk Road” during his journeys abroad in Kazakhstan and Indonesia. These initiatives are now referred to as “One Belt, One Road.” The State Council lists in details the policies and implementation plans for this initiative on its official web page, www.gov.cn. In April 2013, the China Institute in New York launched a yearlong celebration, starting with "Dunhuang: Buddhist Art and the Gateway of the Silk Road" with a re-creation of one of the caves and a selection of artifacts from the site. In March 2015, the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), China’s top economic planning agency, released a new action plan outlining key details of the “One Belt, One Road” initiative. Xi Jinping has made the program a centrepiece of both his foreign and domestic economic policies. One of the central economic strategies is to promote cultural industry that could enhance trades along the Silk Road.Encouraged by the “One Belt, One Road” policies, in March 2016, The Silk Princess premiered in Xi’an and was staged at the National Centre for the Performing Arts in Beijing the following July. While Dunhuang, My Dreamland and Rain of Flowers along the Silk Road were inspired by the Buddhist art found in Dunhuang, The Silk Princess, based on a story about a princess bringing silk and silkworm-breeding skills to the western regions of China in the Tang Dynasty (618-907) has a different historical origin. The princess's story was portrayed in a woodblock from the Tang Dynasty discovered by Sir Marc Aurel Stein, a British archaeologist during his expedition to Xinjiang (now Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region) in the early 19th century, and in a temple mural discovered during a 2002 Chinese-Japanese expedition in the Dandanwulike region. Figure 5: Poster of The Silk PrincessIn January 2016, the Shannxi Provincial Song and Dance Troupe staged The Silk Road, a new theatrical dance-drama. Unlike Dunhuang, My Dreamland, the newly staged dance-drama “centers around the ‘road’ and the deepening relationship merchants and travellers developed with it as they traveled along its course,” said Director Yang Wei during an interview with the author. According to her, the show uses seven archetypes—a traveler, a guard, a messenger, and so on—to present the stories that took place along this historic route. Unbounded by specific space or time, each of these archetypes embodies the foreign-travel experience of a different group of individuals, in a manner that may well be related to the social actors of globalised culture and of transnationalism today. Figure 6: Poster of The Silk RoadConclusionAs seen in Rain of Flowers along the Silk Road and Dunhuang, My Dreamland, staging the processes of Silk Road journeys has become a way of connecting the Chinese imagination of “home” with the Chinese imagination of “abroad.” Staging a nation’s heritage abroad on contemporary stages invites a new imagination of homeland, borders, and transnationalism. Once aestheticised through staged performances, such as that of the Dunhuang bihua yuewu, the historical and topological landscape of Dunhuang becomes a performed narrative, embodying the national heritage.The staging of Silk Road journeys continues, and is being developed into various forms, from theatrical dance-drama to digital exhibitions such as the Smithsonian’s Pure Land: Inside the Mogao Grottes at Dunhuang (Stromberg) and the Getty’s Cave Temples of Dunhuang: Buddhist Art on China's Silk Road (Sivak and Hood). 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