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1

Costa, C. D. N. "Senecan Studies." Classical Review 49, no. 1 (April 1999): 79–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/49.1.79.

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2

Boyle, A. J. "SENECAN POSTSCRIPT." Ramus 46, no. 1-2 (December 2017): 197–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2017.10.

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Eliot was always right to a degree, banally so. Much of the visceral, emotional and intellectual force of Senecan tragedy, like that of the great Elizabethan and Jacobean dramatists whom Seneca inspired, is necessarily verbal. But, as Trinacty's closural analysis and the other studies of this volume attest, there are ‘further realities’—many and diverse: poetic, theatrical, political, rhetorical, psychological, moral, cultural—‘behind’ the language itself. This collection of critical essays is the latest manifestation of the resurgence of Senecan scholarly and intellectual energy which has taken place in the thirty plus years since the 1983 publication of the Ramus volume on Seneca Tragicus. That volume not only displayed with disdain the above quotation from Eliot, but paraded itself lamentably as ‘the first collection of critical essays devoted specifically to Senecan tragedy to be published in English’.
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3

Hammond, Paul. "Shakespeare and Senecan tragedy." Seventeenth Century 36, no. 2 (January 22, 2021): 353–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.2021.1877803.

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4

Clay, Diskin. "Columbus' Senecan Prophecy." American Journal of Philology 113, no. 4 (1992): 617. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295543.

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5

Mehan, Matthew. "Senecan sententiae in Sir Thomas More." Moreana 55 (Number 210), no. 2 (December 2018): 127–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2018.0039.

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This textual analysis of thematic unity in the collaborative play Sir Thomas More presents both new discoveries and analysis of source material and of the play's careful use thereof. Special focus is given to the series of Latin, Senecan sententiae showcased in scenes 11 and 13, as More reacts to his fall from high office and worldly fortunes. By means of this analysis, the article offers further insight into the remarkable character of the play's Thomas More, namely his habit of balancing tragic and Senecan attitudes with more comedic ones in order to play the well-prepared role of a comic actor, despite a tragic stage.
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6

Mayer, Roland. "Personata Stoa: Neostoicism and Senecan Tragedy." Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 57 (1994): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/751467.

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7

Wallace, John M. "The Senecan Context of "Coriolanus"." Modern Philology 90, no. 4 (May 1993): 465–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/392102.

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8

Boyle, A. J., and Thomas G. Rosenmeyer. "Senecan Drama and Stoic Cosmology." American Journal of Philology 113, no. 1 (1992): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295140.

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9

Słomak, Iwona. "Katon Macieja Kazimierza Sarbiewskiego (Lyr. II 6) i exercitia Seneciana." Terminus 23, no. 1 (58) (2021): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20843844te.21.001.13260.

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Maciej Kazimierz Sarbiewski’s Cato (Lyr. II 6) and exercitia Seneciana The starting point for the research presented in this article was an attempt to trace the literary tradition which inspired the creation of the lyrical subject and the titular figure of Maciej Kazimierz Sarbiewski’s ode II 6 (Cato Politicus). The presence of this name implies that the intertextual dimension of the poem should be taken into account in its interpretation, hence, the author of this article assumed that the question of the literary tradition should be addressed before a hypothesis about the meaning of the poem is put forth. A review of Sarbiewski’s potential sources of inspiration – primarily works that were included in the basic and supplementary reading lists in Jesuit colleges – brings satisfactory results. It turns out that the ancient author who often mentions Cato the Younger is Seneca Philosophus, moreover, there are numerous similarities between some passages in his works and ode II 6. Sarbiewski seems to have been especially inspired by his Epistulae morales ad Lucilium, and also by the Senecan Consolationes. However, rather than refer to the views attributed by Seneca explicitly to Cato, the Polish poet explores the thoughts of the Philosopher himself, possibly assuming that the views of the politician and the philosopher were similar; this assumption could be justified by the fact that Seneca not only repeatedly expresses highest praise of the republican hero, but he also openly recommends to treat Cato Uticensis as a role model. These issues are discussed in the first part of this paper. In the second part, the author compares selected passages from Seneca’s works and two poems (II 5 and II 7) adjacent to the ode Cato Politicus. The comparison shows that the convergences discussed above are not incidental. On the contrary, there is a series of Sarbiewski’s odes inspired by Seneca, and therefore the Roman philosopher and tragedian can be considered the next, after Horace, master of the Jesuit poet. It is postulated that these inspirations deserve more recognition in further studies on Sarbiewski’s poetry, as they may be helpful in the interpretation of some problematic passages of his odes.
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10

Ferenczi, Attila. "Some generic problems of senecan drama." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 41, no. 3-4 (December 2001): 255–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2001.41.3-4.4.

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11

Poe, Joe Park. "Octavia Praetexta and Its Senecan Model." American Journal of Philology 110, no. 3 (1989): 434. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295219.

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12

Cocozzella, Peter. "A STRAIN OF SENEQUISMO IN LATE-MEDIEVAL LITERATURE OF THE CATALAN DOMAIN: THE CASE OF FRA FRANCESC MONER (1463-1492)." Catalan Review 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 229–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/catr.20.13.

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This essay is an exploration of Seneca’s influence on the bilingual (Catalan and Castilian) production, including poems and prose works, of Fra Francesc Moner, an extraordinarily talented Catalan writer of the late Middle Ages. After sampling Moner’s pithy renditions of Seneca’s sententious rhetoric, this essay delves into Moner’s assimilation of the salient topics and motifs that distinguish the Stoic philosophical system of Senecan vintage. The essay takes into account, particularly, some points of coincidence between Moner’s senequismo and that of Ausiàs March, the incomparable Valencian poet of the first half of the fifteenth century. An analysis of these coincidences suggests that Moner inherits from March a keen sensitivity to the metaphysical bond between the literary text as an icon of subjectivity and the moment-to-moment unfolding of human existence.
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13

Romano Ribeiro, Ana Cláudia. "Intertextual connections between Thomas More’s Utopia and Cicero’s De finibus bonorum et malorum." Moreana 51 (Number 195-, no. 1-2 (June 2014): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2014.51.1-2.7.

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In 1516, More wrote to Erasmus, putting him in charge of the publication of Utopia. In his study about the “sources, parallels and influences” of More’s libellus, Edward Surtz points out that “the most evident influences are classical” and in 1965, in the introduction of his edition of Utopia, he noted that in the composition of this fiction, Plato and Plutarch are as essential as Cicero and Seneca. He also noted that these philosophers are “the source for the tenets and arguments of the two schools discussed by the Utopians, the Epicurean and the Stoic” and that “Cicero’s De finibus is of special interest here, but detailed studies of Ciceronian and Senecan influences have still to be made.” (p.cliv, clxi). From 1965 until today we haven’t found a specific study on this problem in the bibliography about Utopia and classical Latin literature, that’s why in this paper we will examine some of the connections that link More’s libellus to De finibus.
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14

Wallace, John M. ""Timon of Athens" and the Three Graces: Shakespeare's Senecan Study." Modern Philology 83, no. 4 (May 1986): 349–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/391492.

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15

Crewe, Jonathan V. "The Violence of Drama: Towards a Reading of the Senecan Phaedra." boundary 2 17, no. 3 (1990): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/303373.

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16

Holderness, Graham. "Editorial." Critical Survey 34, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): v—vi. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cs.2022.340401.

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Shakespeare’s interest in ancient Rome spans the whole of his dramatic career, from Titus Andronicus to Cymbeline, while Roman history and Latin culture permeate the whole of his work, well beyond the explicitly ‘Roman’ plays and poems. Critical interest has to some extent shifted from the historicist Roman plays based on Plutarch, Julius Caesar and Antony and Cleopatra, and the pseudo-historical Coriolanus, to the outlying Roman plays that evidence greater generic diversity and stylistic innovation, the early Senecan tragedy Titus Andronicus and the late ‘British’ romance Cymbeline. In these latter plays, the complex interactions between past and present, that are the main subject of the formal histories, are presented with even more aesthetic flexibility and creative improvisation than the ‘Roman plays’ proper.
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17

Zampelli, Michael A. "Brill’s Companion to the Reception of Senecan Tragedy: Scholarly, Theatrical and Literary Receptions, edited by Eric Dodson-Robinson." Journal of Jesuit Studies 5, no. 3 (March 26, 2018): 459–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00503007-02.

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18

Mayer, Roland. "Brill’s Companion to the Reception of Senecan Tragedy: Scholarly, Theatrical and Literary Receptions, Eric Dodson-Robinson (ed.)." International Journal of the Classical Tradition 26, no. 2 (June 21, 2017): 241–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12138-017-0448-4.

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19

Faro, Giorgio. "Cunning as a snake: Thomas More and the right to stay silent (with a long digression on Seneca)." Moreana 57 (Number 213), no. 1 (June 2020): 63–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2020.0074.

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The article examines the reasons for silence in Thomas More, starting from his History of King Richard the III, considering then his actions as speaker of the House of Commons and later as Chancellor, and, finally, his refusal to take the oath to uphold the Acts of Succession and Supremacy. Another relevant subtopic takes a cue from Seneca's assertions about silence (in his Œdipus) to allow the author, after careful reading of a paper published by F. Mitjans on Moreana, to correct an assertion made, in an earlier essay, in regard to the Seneca details in Lockey's copy of Holbein's More family portrait, as well as to present a more analytical assessment of the relevance of Seneca's presence in More's works (only More's two latter works are taken into account here). It turns out that More cites Seneca more often than has been thought, but with certain fairly crucial reservations, which should—at least in part—explain More's apparent reluctance to quote Seneca's name: another case of silence, which needs to be probed.
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20

Mayer, Roland. "Studies on Senecan Tragedy - A. J. Boyle (ed.): Seneca Tragicus. Ramus Essays on Senecan Drama. Pp. 256. Victoria, Australia: Aureal Publications, 1983. A$35 (paper, A$22.75). - D. & E. Henry: The Mask of Power. Seneca's Tragedies and Imperial Rome. Pp. ii + 218. Warminster, Wilts, and Chicago, IL: Aris & Phillips and Bolchazy-Carducci, 1985. Paper. - J. David Bishop: Seneca's Daggered Stylus. Political Code in the Tragedies. (Beiträge zur Klassischen Philologie, 168.) Pp. xii + 468. Meisenheim/Glan: Anton Hain, 1985. DM 84." Classical Review 37, no. 1 (April 1987): 24–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00100204.

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21

Blanton, Thomas R. "The Benefactor's Account-book: The Rhetoric of Gift Reciprocation according to Seneca and Paul." New Testament Studies 59, no. 3 (June 10, 2013): 396–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688513000039.

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According to Seneca, a cardinal rule of benefaction is that the donor of a gift ought never to call attention to the fact that a gift has been given; it humiliates the donee and shames the donor. In reminding Philemon that he ‘owes’ Paul for the latter's mediation of the gift of salvation (Phlm 19), Paul breaks Seneca's rule. Both Seneca's ‘virtuous’ advice and Paul's ‘shameful’ breach of etiquette, however, are explicable as strategies calculated to maximize their access to valued goods and services—whether honor or the services of a wealthier man's slave—inflected by vastly different economic situations.
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22

Battistella, Chiara. "MEDEA AND THE JOY OF KILLING." Greece and Rome 68, no. 1 (March 5, 2021): 97–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383520000261.

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It may be agreed that the character of Medea, one of the most intertextual heroines of the Graeco-Roman literary tradition, is a veritable crucible of the most disparate emotions, as the articles gathered in this issue aim to show. In Seneca's Medea, readers encounter a murderous mother who kills her own children, giving in to destructive anger or, rather, fury. This emotion has been widely and extensively studied both in relation to its Greek model, Euripides’ Medea, and in the light of the Stoic view on passions, so that it can be acknowledged as one of the most salient features of the Roman character's emotional profile from a literary and philosophical standpoint. Although both Medeas, while struggling within themselves in their famous monologues, debate whether they should or should not kill their children, Euripides’ heroine does not seem to murder them out of anger: she repeatedly claims that a pressing necessity urges her to do so; by contrast, the Senecan Medea lets her anger literally lead the way (ira, qua ducis, sequor; 953). They both describe the filicide they are about to commit as a sacrificial act (compare Eur. Med. 1053‒4: ὅτῳ δὲ μὴ / θέμις παρεῖναι τοῖς ἐμοῖσι θύμασιν, ‘whoever is not permitted to attend my sacrifice’ and Sen. Med. 970‒1: uictima manes tuos / placamus ista, ‘with this victim we placate / your spirit’), but Seneca's character is pushed towards it by the dreadful hallucinations of the Furies and the shadow of her brother approaching (958‒66), which certainly contributes to heightening the disquieting atmosphere of the play: his Medea ultimately appears as a much ‘darker’ and bleaker version of the Euripidean counterpart, also emerging as a full-blown villain, by whom readers are both repelled and fascinated. In addition to this, the vocabulary of extreme passions recurring throughout the play and the heights of anger that the Senecan Medea reaches represent some of the most noticeable variations on the Greek model, not to mention a famous portrait of the heroine by the Nurse (382‒96), which strikingly resembles that of the angry man depicted by Seneca in De ira 1.1.3‒5. In these pages, however, instead of focusing on the notorious ira and furor of Seneca's Medea, I intend to concentrate on another and yet quite strongly related emotion: joy. In general, it may be noted that the bodily felt responses brought about by both anger and joy have in common the category of expansion, unlike fear and sadness (or grief), in which there is a tendency towards contraction. To my knowledge, the emotion of joy in Seneca's play has not received much attention thus far, owing perhaps to the fact that, as mentioned, anger literally steals the limelight. Therefore, I will here attempt to delve into this emotion, which appears to characterize Medea's criminal deeds, especially towards the end of the play, with a view to bringing to the fore its nuances and function. Although joy, at first glance, may seem to be extraneous to a tragic plot staging a filicide, since it is usually associated with good or positive events, it will be argued that this emotion (also verging on pleasure) is particularly fitting for the Senecan character, in that it takes a ‘perverted’ and monstrous form in the play, even coming to distort some concepts central to the Stoic doctrine.
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Krauter, Stefan. "Mercy and Monarchy." Novum Testamentum 63, no. 4 (September 9, 2021): 477–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-bja10002.

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Abstract This article compares De clementia, a somewhat neglected minor work of the Roman Stoic philosopher L. Annaeus Seneca, and Paul’s Letter to the Romans. First, Seneca’s ideas about rule as a god-given task of moral improvement of the subjects and the role of mercy (clementia) within it are analysed. Then, Seneca’s argument is compared with Paul’s thoughts concerning salvation by grace in his Letter to the Romans. Seneca’s short political treatise De clementia shows a considerable number of interesting and specific agreements with Paul’s reasoning in the Letter to the Romans, even more than his other writings, which have been in the focus of scholarly investigation. Finally, some suggestions are made about the possible source(s) of the convergences and how they could be interpreted.
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Faber, Riemer. "The Description of the Palace in Seneca Thyestes 641-82 and the Literary Unity of the Play." Mnemosyne 60, no. 3 (2007): 427–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852507x215454.

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AbstractIn the ongoing debate concerning the performability of Senecan tragedy, the plays tend to be studied as either literature or drama. One consequence of this artificial distinction is that set passages such as descriptiones loci appear to support the view that Seneca's plays were intended for public reading, as 'recitation drama'. By means of a close examination of the messenger's description of the palace of Atreus (Thyestes 641-82) in the context of the play as whole, this article suggests that the description functions as a structural device that provides unity to the text of the play.
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25

Havrda, Matyáš. "Two Projects of Christian Ethics: Clement, Paed. I 1 and Strom. II 2, 4-6." Vigiliae Christianae 73, no. 2 (May 7, 2019): 121–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341379.

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Abstract The prologue of Clement’s Pedagogue is re-examined against the backdrop of the divisions of ethics in Philo of Larissa, Eudorus, and Seneca. Apart from shedding light on the prologue as a project of practical ethics, new observations about Seneca’s terminology are made and a hitherto unnoticed parallel in Strabo adduced. Turning to Stromateis II 2, 4-6, the paper argues that it plays the role of an introduction to theoretical ethics, which covers the rest of the extant Stromateis, being designed for the sake of prospective teachers of Christian doctrine.
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26

Paschalis, Michael. "The Afterlife of Emperor Claudius in Seneca's Apocolocyntosis." Numen 56, no. 2-3 (2009): 198–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852709x404982.

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Seneca's Apocolocyntosis , the earliest extant example of ancient Menippean satire, tells of Emperor Claudius' death and ascent to heaven, where his request for deification is rejected by the council of the gods, and his subsequent descent to the underworld, where he is condemned of mass murder of Roman noblemen. Claudius is not an observer of things in heaven and the underworld or a character involved in a quest for knowledge and truth, but a dead character who undergoes judgment. He is also a dead character who behaves as if he were still alive. Seneca suggests that Claudius' afterlife is a mere continuation of his earthly life and vice-versa that he had always been living in an isolated and “fantastic” world. The Apocolocyntosi s parodies epic descents and historiographical topoi as well as the mythological otherworld of punishment and reward, ideas of afterlife, and imperial deification.
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de Groot, C. P. G. M., and W. A. van Staveren. "Undernutrition in the European SENECA studies." Clinics in Geriatric Medicine 18, no. 4 (November 2002): 699–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0749-0690(02)00043-5.

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28

Langlands, Rebecca. "Latin Literature." Greece and Rome 63, no. 2 (September 16, 2016): 256–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383516000139.

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Mairéad McAuley frames her substantial study of the representation of motherhood in Latin literature in terms of highly relevant modern concerns, poignantly evoked by her opening citation of Eurydice's lament at her baby's funeral in Statius’ Thebaid 6: what really makes a mother? Biology? Care-giving? (Grief? Loss? Suffering?) How do the imprisoning stereotypes of patriarchy interact with lived experiences of mothers or with the rich metaphorical manifestations of maternity (as the focus of fear and awe, for instance, or of idealizing aesthetics, of extreme political rhetoric, or as creativity and the literary imagination?) How do individuals, texts, and societies negotiate maternity's paradoxical relationship to power? Conflicting issues of maternal power and disempowerment run through history, through Latin literature, and through the book. McAuley's focus is the representational work that mothers do in Latin literature, and she pursues this through close readings of works by Ovid, Virgil, Seneca, and Statius, by re-reading their writings in a way that privileges the theme, perspective, or voice of the mother. A lengthy introduction sets the parameters of the project and its aim (which I judge to be admirably realized) to establish a productive dialogue between modern theory (especially psychoanalysis and feminist philosophy) and ancient literature. Her study evokes a dialogue that speaks to theory – even contributes to it – but without stripping the Latin literature of its cultural specificity (and without befuddling interpretation of Latin culture with anachronism and jargon, which is often the challenge). The problem for a Latinist is that psychoanalysis is, as McAuley says, ‘not simply a body of theories about human development, it is also a mode of reading’ (23), and it is a mode of reading often at cross-purposes with the aims of literary criticism in Classical Studies: psychoanalytical notions of the universal and the foundational clash with aspirations to historical awareness and appreciation of the specifics of genre or historical moment. Acknowledging – and articulating with admirable clarity and honesty – the methodological challenges of her approach, McAuley practises what she describes as ‘reading-in-tension’ (25), holding on not only to the contradictions between patriarchal texts and their potentially subversive subtexts but also to the tense conversation between modern theory and ancient literary representation. As she puts it in her epilogue, one of her aims is to ‘release’ mothers’ voices from the pages of Latin literature in the service of modern feminism, while simultaneously preserving their alterity: ‘to pay attention to their specificity within the contexts of text, genre, and history, but not to reduce them to those contexts, in order that they speak to us within and outside them at the same time’ (392). Although McAuley presents her later sections on Seneca and Statius as the heart of the book, they are preceded by two equally weighty contributions, in the form of chapters on Virgil and Ovid, which she rightly sees as important prerequisites to understanding the significance of her later analyses. In these ‘preliminary’ chapters (which in another book might happily have been served as the main course), she sets out the paradigms that inform those discussions of Seneca and Statius’ writings. In her chapter on Virgil McAuley aims to transcend the binary notion that a feminist reading of epic entails either reflecting or resisting patriarchal values. As ‘breeders and mourners of warriors…mothers are readily incorporated into the generic code’ of epic (65), and represent an alternative source of symbolic meaning (66). Her reading of Ovid's Metamorphoses then shows how the poem brings these alternative subjects into the foreground of his own poetry, where the suffering and passion of mothers take centre-stage, allowing an exploration of imperial subjectivity itself. McAuley points out that even feminist readings can often contribute to the erasure of the mother's presence by their emphasis on the patriarchal structures that subjugate the female, and she uses a later anecdote about Octavia fainting at a reading of the Aeneid as a vivid illustration of a ‘reparative reading’ of Roman epic through the eyes of a mother (91–3). Later, in her discussion of mothers in Statian epic, McAuley writes: ‘mothers never stand free of martial epic nor are they fully constituted by it, and, as such, may be one of the most appropriate figures with which to explore issues of belatedness and authority in the genre’ (387). In short, the discourse of motherhood in Latin literature is always revealed to be powerfully implicated in the central issues of Roman literature and culture. A chapter is devoted to the themes of grief, virtue, and masculinity as explored in Seneca's consolation to his own mother, before McAuley turns her attention to the richly disturbing mothers of Senecan tragedy and Statius’ Thebaid. The book explores the metaphorical richness of motherhood in ancient Rome and beyond, but without losing sight of its corporeality, seeking indeed to complicate the long-developed binary distinction between physical reproduction (gendered as female) and abstract reproduction and creativity (gendered as male). This is a long book, but it repays careful reading, and then a return to the introduction via the epilogue, so as to reflect anew on McAuley's thoughtful articulation of her methodological choices. Her study deploys psychoanalytical approaches to reading Latin literature to excellent effect (not an easy task), always enhancing the insights of her reading of the ancient texts, and maintaining lucidity. Indeed, this is the best kind of gender study, which does not merely apply the modern framework of gender and contemporary theoretical approaches to ancient materials (though it does this very skilfully and convincingly), but in addition makes it clear why this is such a valuable endeavour for us now, and how rewarding it can be to place modern psychoanalytic theories into dialogue with the ancient Roman literature. The same tangle of issues surrounding maternity as emerges from these ancient works often persists into our modern era, and by probing those issues with close reading we risk learning much about ourselves; we learn as much when the ancient representations fail to chime with our expectations.
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29

Gribetz, Sarit Kattan. "The Festival of Every Day: Philo and Seneca on Quotidian Time." Harvard Theological Review 111, no. 3 (July 2018): 357–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816018000159.

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AbstractIn Book Two ofDe Specialibus Legibus(Special Laws), Philo of Alexandria presents his readers with a “festival manual”: a list of ten holidays, their origins, and the practices associated with each one. Philo names the first festival in his list ἡμέρα πσα, “every day,” about which he muses: “If all the forces of the virtues remained unvanquished throughout, then the time from birth to death would be one continuous feast.” In what historical, intellectual, and literary context might we best understand Philo's “every day festival”? And how can we understand Philo's view of quotidian time in the context of his conception of time and temporality more generally? In this paper, I argue that Philo's presentation of this festival of the every day, and, more generally, his perspective on daily time, is an engagement not only with biblical texts but also with contemporaneous Stoic perspectives about time, especially those articulated by the philosopher Seneca the Younger. I thus read Philo'sDe Specialibus Legibusin conversation with Seneca'sDe Brevitate Vitae(On the Shortness of Life), analyzing their similar perspectives on daily time and suggesting several ways of understanding the connections between the two texts. I conclude by explaining how appreciating the similarities between Philo and Seneca's ideas about quotidian time also allows us better to understand Philo's exposition of the other festivals, especially his presentation of the Sabbath.
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30

Swoboda, Antoni. "Wskazania wychowawcze w ujęciu Lucjusza Anneusza Seneki (4 a. Chr. - 65) i w pismach apologetycznych św. Augustyna (354-430)." Verbum Vitae 21 (January 14, 2012): 205–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vv.1536.

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The article consists of four parts. The first part presents the educational process evaluated by Seneca and Augustine. Then their opinion about the educational environment is examined. The third part explains the educational aims such as religious, moral and intellectual upbringing developed in the writings of Seneca and Augustine. At the end the educational methods of both authors are depicted.
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31

Costello, Cynthia, and Amy Dru Stanley. "Report from Seneca." Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies 8, no. 2 (1985): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3346051.

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32

ROSAND, ELLEN. "Il ritorno a Seneca." Cambridge Opera Journal 21, no. 2 (July 2009): 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586710000042.

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Twenty years of Cambridge Opera Journal: in view of the journal's place in the discipline, the occasion seemed worth marking. When Roger Parker and Arthur Groos founded Cambridge Opera Journal in 1989, it offered the first forum to the musical community for serious opera criticism that took into account changing orientations in literary studies and seriously engaged with ideology, reception history, and representations of race, class and gender. Subsequent editors – Mary Hunter, Mary Ann Smart, and Emanuele Senici – continued to foster this wide intellectual perspective and to engage with an extraordinary variety of methodologies. For the current issue, we gave carte blanche to authors who contributed in the first two years of publication to reflect on their past work, or on opera studies, or on the journal, either informally as an opinion piece or through new scholarship – and so to measure time by developments in the discipline itself.
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33

Barnes, Daniel. "A Seneca Boy." Callaloo 18, no. 2 (1995): 384–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cal.1995.0036.

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Zappala, Michael, and Louise Fothergill-Payne. "Seneca and "Celestina."." South Central Review 7, no. 1 (1990): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3189232.

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35

M’Baye, Babacar. "The Origins of Senegalese Homophobia: Discourses on Homosexuals and Transgender People in Colonial and Postcolonial Senegal." African Studies Review 56, no. 2 (August 8, 2013): 109–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2013.44.

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Abstract:This article traces the history of homosexual and transgender behavior in Senegal from colonial times to the contemporary period in order to demonstrate the flimsiness of the claims, made by many political and religious leaders and scholars, that homosexuality is “un-African.” Such claims, which appear as reactions to neocolonialism and Western intervention in African affairs, usually are homophobic discourses that invoke patriotism, cultural difference, and morality in order to justify the subjugation of homosexual and gender nonconforming individuals (goor-jiggens) living in Senegal. In an attempt to understand the roots of Senegalese homophobia, the article analyzes several depictions of homosexuals and transgender people in contemporary Senegal and traces them to similar representations in European writings of the colonial period. As this approach reveals, homosexuals and transgender people in Senegal, from colonial times to the present, have been constructed as scapegoats, first of the French mission civilisatrice (civilizing mission) and then of Senegalese political and Islamic backlashes. Although they have always cohabited with the rest of the society, homosexuals and transgender people in Senegal have been treated largely as strangers in their own land. By analyzing the discourses of both French colonials and Senegalese, one finds a persistent binary opposing the West and Africa and denigrating sexual and gender variances and subcultures in Senegal as pathological European imports.
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Engberg-Pedersen, Troels. "Gift-Giving and Friendship: Seneca and Paul in Romans 1–8 on the Logic of God's Χάριϛ and Its Human Response." Harvard Theological Review 101, no. 1 (January 2008): 15–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816008001715.

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In this article I aim to address two questions that might initially appear independent, but are really connected. One is about twentieth century thought, the other is about Paul. Seneca will act as a mediator between the two.
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Smith, Gina. "Educational Choices in Senegal." Fieldwork in Religion 9, no. 1 (March 20, 2015): 8–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/fiel.v9i1.8.

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The case study is rooted in an old interest in the Qur’anic education. It examines the values attached to education in a village where a state school challenges the established educational culture of the Sufi shaykh and of the parents. West African Senegal has a history of educational conflicts, partly as a result of being a mosaic of ethnic groups, Christian and Muslim religions and cultures, French colonization and Western cultural input. Relating all this to the narratives, information and observations presented to the author in the village, the article looks into the position of the classical Islamic Education in the village and reflects on the position of Islamic education in Senegalese educational politics.
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Schultz, Lydia A., and Arthur C. Parker. "Skunny Wundy: Seneca Indian Tales." MELUS 24, no. 2 (1999): 204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/467716.

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Glombíček, Petr. "Seneca jako zdroj raně novověkých koncepcí zdravého rozumu." Filosofický časopis 68, no. 5 (2020): 679–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.46854/fc.2020.5r.679.

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40

Levitan, William. "Seneca in Racine." Yale French Studies, no. 76 (1989): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2930168.

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41

Ziolkowski, Theodore. "Seneca: A new German icon?" International Journal of the Classical Tradition 11, no. 1 (June 2004): 47–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02903163.

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42

Dexter, Joseph P., Theodore Katz, Nilesh Tripuraneni, Tathagata Dasgupta, Ajay Kannan, James A. Brofos, Jorge A. Bonilla Lopez, et al. "Quantitative criticism of literary relationships." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 114, no. 16 (April 3, 2017): E3195—E3204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1611910114.

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Authors often convey meaning by referring to or imitating prior works of literature, a process that creates complex networks of literary relationships (“intertextuality”) and contributes to cultural evolution. In this paper, we use techniques from stylometry and machine learning to address subjective literary critical questions about Latin literature, a corpus marked by an extraordinary concentration of intertextuality. Our work, which we term “quantitative criticism,” focuses on case studies involving two influential Roman authors, the playwright Seneca and the historian Livy. We find that four plays related to but distinct from Seneca’s main writings are differentiated from the rest of the corpus by subtle but important stylistic features. We offer literary interpretations of the significance of these anomalies, providing quantitative data in support of hypotheses about the use of unusual formal features and the interplay between sound and meaning. The second part of the paper describes a machine-learning approach to the identification and analysis of citational material that Livy loosely appropriated from earlier sources. We extend our approach to map the stylistic topography of Latin prose, identifying the writings of Caesar and his near-contemporary Livy as an inflection point in the development of Latin prose style. In total, our results reflect the integration of computational and humanistic methods to investigate a diverse range of literary questions.
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Winston, Jessica. "Seneca in Early Elizabethan England*." Renaissance Quarterly 59, no. 1 (2006): 29–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.2008.0232.

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AbstractIn the 1560s a group of men associated with the universities, and especially the early English law schools, the Inns of Court, translated nine of Seneca’s ten tragedies into English. Few studies address these texts and those that do concentrate on their contributions to the development of English drama. Why such works were important for those who composed them remains unclear. This essay examines the translations against the background of the social, political, and literary culture of the Inns in the 1560s. In this context, they look less like forms of dramatic invention than kinds of writing that facilitated the translators’ Latin learning, personal interactions, and political thinking and involvement.
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Elías, Gabriela Del Valle, and Lone Aagesen. "Areas of endemism and recent speciation in the Southern Cone of South America, using Senecio (Asteraceae) as a proxy." Biological Journal of the Linnean Society 128, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 70–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/biolinnean/blz070.

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Abstract We set out to identify areas of endemism (AEs) among vascular plants in the Southern Cone of South America, using the genus Senecio (Asteraceae) as proxy. The use of a proxy allows a large-scale study to be carried out in a relatively short time and is suitable for pinpointing areas of interest for further investigation. Senecio is the most obvious choice for a proxy in the Southern Cone, because it is the most diverse genus in the region. We analysed the distribution of 200 endemic species using an optimality criterion (VNDM program). In general, endemism of Senecio in the Southern Cone forms 16 AEs that coincide with previously defined AEs and/or with distribution patterns also supported in phylogeographical studies. As such, Senecio appears to be a suitable proxy in endemicity studies, bearing in mind that these species are of young ages and therefore identify neoendemic AEs. Senecio distribution patterns in the Southern Cone corroborate that high Andean environments are prime sites for endemism, which peaks in the Cuyan High Andean AE, an AE that was not identified in previous endemism studies. Nevertheless, towards the south, the ecotone between the Patagonian Steppe and the Southern Andean forest becomes equally important for speciation.
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Menocal, María Rosa. "Seneca and "Celestina.". Louise Fothergill-Payne." Speculum 65, no. 3 (July 1990): 665–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2864071.

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46

Mohamed, Abou El-Hamd H., Dina A. El-Amir, Usama A. A. Radwan, and Magdi A. El-Sayed. "Phytochemical and Biological Studies of Senecio glaucus subsp. coronopifolius." European Journal of Biology and Biotechnology 3, no. 1 (February 15, 2022): 81–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejbio.2022.3.1.330.

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Compositae family is not just an extensive family, but, as expected, a different family. Senecio genus is the biggest genus in the family. In the present study, a phytochemical screening of main secondary metabolites present in S. glaucus extracts has been done. In addition to, the antimicrobial, antioxidant and reducing power activity have been measured.
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Hungerford, Hilary, and Molly Krueger Enz. "Place-Based Interdisciplinary Study Abroad in Senegal: Geography, Global Studies, and Francophone Studies." Geography Teacher 18, no. 3-4 (September 9, 2021): 117–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19338341.2021.1939098.

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48

Hine, Harry. "Sjöblad, Aron. Metaphorical Coherence: Studies in Seneca’s Epistulae Morales." Aestimatio: Critical Reviews in the History of Science 13 (October 9, 2018): 80–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/aestimatio.v13i0.31044.

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VINCENT, P. LESZEK D., and FIONA M. GETLIFFE. "Elucidative studies on the generic concept of Senecio (Asteraceae)." Botanical Journal of the Linnean Society 108, no. 1 (January 1992): 55–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-8339.1992.tb00237.x.

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50

Rimell, Victoria. "Philosophy's Folds: Seneca, Cavarero, and the History of Rectitude." Hypatia 32, no. 4 (2017): 768–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12361.

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This article takes as its stimulus Adriana Cavarero's recent investigation of the postures of rectitude and inclination in the Western philosophical tradition (Cavarero 2013). To showcase how this book might catalyze productive interactions between feminist critics in different areas of the humanities, I will bring Cavarero into dialogue with a thinker she mentions in passing who extensively develops “rectitude as a general principle” (Veyne 2003): Seneca. I argue that a gendered ontology of rectitude is increasingly put under pressure and transformed in Seneca'sEpistles, and propose that the letters are a laboratory for developing a new model of inclination that arises from an urgent need to confront the consequences of political impotence and threats to bodily integrity for Roman aristocratic manhood in the 60sce. The playful, densely literaryEpistlesoffer multiple points of contact with Cavarero's own philosophical strategies, and emerge as a highly stimulating text for feminist thinkers interested in the ethical and political implications of acknowledging vulnerability. Reading Seneca alongside Cavarero reminds us that such investigations have a (tortuous, buried) history in Roman antiquity whose recovery is itself politically significant.
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