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Journal articles on the topic 'Senecan literature'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Mayne, Emily. "Presenting Seneca in Print: Elizabethan Translations and Thomas Newton’s Seneca His Tenne Tragedies." Review of English Studies 70, no. 297 (April 19, 2019): 823–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgz022.

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Abstract Seneca His Tenne Tragedies (1581) was the first printed collection of Seneca’s tragedies in English. This article re-examines this publication in the context of early modern production of collected unannotated editions of Seneca’s tragedies on the European mainland, and of the editorial and intellectual interests of its compiler, Thomas Newton. It identifies Newton as something of an early modern ‘print professional’, who was involved in the production of a wide variety of texts, translations, and commendatory poetry, and who used a variety of sophisticated strategies in print to draw attention to and to promote his own capacities and achievements; and it shows how the Tenne Tragedies participates in these practices. Attending to Newton’s activities alongside Jasper Heywood’s translation of Hercules furens reveals significant discontinuities in approach between the Tenne Tragedies and one of its constituent texts. Heywood’s translation first appeared in 1561 in a parallel-text format that was not designed for inclusion in a single-language collection such as the Tenne Tragedies, as one early modern reader’s response to the translation in this later printed context may show. Newton’s presentation of the Tenne Tragedies volume, and his particular attitude towards ‘Seneca’, complicates current critical understanding of the reception and uses of Senecan tragedy in Elizabethan England, and of any ‘project’ of Senecan translation in the period, which may be more an effect of Newton’s editorial proclivities, combined with modern understanding of Seneca as a single author, than reflective of attitudes towards Senecan tragedy in early modern England more generally.

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2

Costa, C. D. N. "Senecan Studies." Classical Review 49, no. 1 (April 1999): 79–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/49.1.79.

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3

Boyle, A. J. "Senecan Tragedy: Twelve Propositions." Ramus 16, no. 1-2 (1987): 78–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x0000326x.

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I begin by stating what Senecan tragedy is not. Senecan tragedy is not a series of declamations cast into dramatic form, as Leo claimed. It is not purely verbal drama divorced from the inner psychological realities of character, as Eliot claimed. It is not character-static drama, incohesive, structureless, lifeless and monotonously versified, as Mackail and others have claimed. It is not Stoic propaganda, as Marti claimed. It is not recitation drama, if by recitation drama is meant drama to be recited by a single speaker and essentially unstageable, as Zwierlein claims. It is not a tissue of hackneyed commonplaces, as Ogilvie claimed, nor an artificial imitation of Greek tragedy, as Beare claimed; nor is it contemptible as literature, as Summers and most nineteenth and early twentieth century critics have claimed.What is Senecan tragedy? This essay presents twelve propositions, each of which isolates a characterising property of Senecan tragedy important for the understanding of it as literary and cultural artefact. These twelve propositions constitute neither an exhaustive list of such properties nor an analysis of genre. The latter question, however, I leave not to contemporary theory, but to the Codex Etruscus and the Elizabethans.

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4

Perry, Curtis. "Gregorio Correr, James Calfhill, and the Early Elizabethan Affordances of Senecan Tragedy." Translation and Literature 29, no. 1 (March 2020): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2020.0412.

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This essay re-examines the relationship between James Calfhill's lost play Progne, which was performed before Queen Elizabeth at Oxford University in 1566, and Gregorio Correr's (or Corraro's) fifteenth-century neo-Senecan tragedy Procne. It argues that Calfhill likely based his play closely upon Correr's, which had been printed by Paulo Manuzio for the Academia Venetiana in 1558. In addition to considering how and why a play based on Correr's Procne might have been chosen for performance before Elizabeth at Oxford, the essay argues that the possible existence of such a play should prompt reconsideration of the affordances of early Elizabethan Senecan tragedy more generally. Correr's play, it is proposed, is an exceptionally sophisticated study of Senecan characterization, and locating a play based closely upon it within the context of early Elizabethan Senecan imitation casts new light on the question of how Senecan tragedy was taken up in England.

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5

Braden, Gordon, and Thomas G. Rosenmeyer. "Senecan Drama and Stoic Cosmology." Comparative Literature 45, no. 1 (1993): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1771308.

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6

Clay, Diskin. "Columbus' Senecan Prophecy." American Journal of Philology 113, no. 4 (1992): 617. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295543.

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7

Braund, Susanna. "TABLEAUX AND SPECTACLES: APPRECIATION OF SENECAN TRAGEDY BY EUROPEAN DRAMATISTS OF THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES." Ramus 46, no. 1-2 (December 2017): 135–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2017.7.

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Did Sophocles or Seneca exercise a greater influence on Renaissance drama? While the twenty-first century public might assume the Greek dramatist, in recent decades literary scholars have come to appreciate that the model of tragedy for the Renaissance was the plays of the Roman Seneca rather than those of the Athenian tragedians. In his important essay on Seneca and Shakespeare written in 1932, T.S. Eliot wrote that Senecan sensibility was ‘the most completely absorbed and transmogrified, because it was already the most diffused’ in Shakespeare's world. Tony Boyle, one of the leading rehabilitators of Seneca in recent years, has rightly said, building on the work of Robert Miola and Gordon Braden in particular, that ‘Seneca encodes Renaissance theatre’ from the time that Albertino Mussato wrote his neo-Latin tragedy Ecerinis in 1315 on into the seventeenth century. The present essay offers a complement and supplement to previous scholarship arguing that Seneca enjoyed a status at least equal to that of the Athenian tragedians for European dramatists of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. My method will be to examine two plays, one in French and one in English, where the authors have combined dramatic elements taken from Seneca with elements taken from Sophocles. My examples are Robert Garnier's play, staged and published in 1580, entitled Antigone ou La Piété (Antigone or Piety), and the highly popular play by John Dryden and Nathaniel Lee entitled Oedipus, A Tragedy, staged in 1678 and published the following year.

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8

Cocozzella, Peter. "A STRAIN OF SENEQUISMO IN LATE-MEDIEVAL LITERATURE OF THE CATALAN DOMAIN: THE CASE OF FRA FRANCESC MONER (1463-1492)." Catalan Review 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 229–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/catr.20.13.

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This essay is an exploration of Seneca’s influence on the bilingual (Catalan and Castilian) production, including poems and prose works, of Fra Francesc Moner, an extraordinarily talented Catalan writer of the late Middle Ages. After sampling Moner’s pithy renditions of Seneca’s sententious rhetoric, this essay delves into Moner’s assimilation of the salient topics and motifs that distinguish the Stoic philosophical system of Senecan vintage. The essay takes into account, particularly, some points of coincidence between Moner’s senequismo and that of Ausiàs March, the incomparable Valencian poet of the first half of the fifteenth century. An analysis of these coincidences suggests that Moner inherits from March a keen sensitivity to the metaphysical bond between the literary text as an icon of subjectivity and the moment-to-moment unfolding of human existence.

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9

Davis, P. J. "The Chorus in Seneca'sThyestes." Classical Quarterly 39, no. 2 (December 1989): 421–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800037496.

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The relationship between the choruses of Seneca's tragedies and the action of the plays in which they occur is one of the least understood and most controversial aspects of the Roman dramatist's work. It is often asserted that Seneca's choral odes are mere act-dividers, that their relationship with the play's action is loose and unconvincing. I would not care to assert that the handling of the chorus is flawless in all instances in Seneca's tragedies (or indeed in the works of any ancient tragedian), but in his best works it is, I believe, masterly. In this paper I propose to illustrate the close and complex interconnection between ode and action in Senecan tragedy through an analysis of the choruses ofThyestes.

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10

Trinacty, Christopher V., and C. Michael Sampson. "VERBA ALITER INSTRVCTA: SENECAN POETICS." Ramus 46, no. 1-2 (December 2017): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2017.1.

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Seneca recognizes the power of poetry. In his prose works, he discusses how poetry adds punch to moral sententiae, and he peppers his letters and dialogues with lines from Virgil, Ovid, and others. Seneca is there typically concerned with ethical matters and so seldom has much to say about poetics specifically. But, in a fragment preserved by Gellius (12.2.2-13), he faults Ennius as old-fashioned, and elsewhere writes that it is best to be alive and writing now (i.e. the first century CE) because of the many great works of literature one can draw upon: ‘one discovers words already prepared, which, when positioned differently, create a new form.’ The predilection for novelty is not blind to tradition, though poetry is a resource that requires careful handling: poets compose lines worthy of philosophers (Ep. 8.8, Nat. 4a.pr.19), but sometimes their words can be dangerous, arousing our passions (Ep. 115.12), our fears (Dial. 6.19.4), or even propagating misinformation (Dial. 7.26.6).

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11

Faber, Riemer. "The Description of the Palace in Seneca Thyestes 641-82 and the Literary Unity of the Play." Mnemosyne 60, no. 3 (2007): 427–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852507x215454.

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AbstractIn the ongoing debate concerning the performability of Senecan tragedy, the plays tend to be studied as either literature or drama. One consequence of this artificial distinction is that set passages such as descriptiones loci appear to support the view that Seneca's plays were intended for public reading, as 'recitation drama'. By means of a close examination of the messenger's description of the palace of Atreus (Thyestes 641-82) in the context of the play as whole, this article suggests that the description functions as a structural device that provides unity to the text of the play.

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12

Star, Christopher. "Commanding Constantia in Senecan Tragedy." Transactions of the American Philological Association 136, no. 1 (2006): 207–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apa.2006.0010.

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13

Wallace, John M. "The Senecan Context of "Coriolanus"." Modern Philology 90, no. 4 (May 1993): 465–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/392102.

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14

Boyle, A. J., and Thomas G. Rosenmeyer. "Senecan Drama and Stoic Cosmology." American Journal of Philology 113, no. 1 (1992): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295140.

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15

III, G. W. Pigman, and Gordon Braden. "Renaissance Tragedy and the Senecan Tradition: Anger's Privilege." Comparative Literature 40, no. 1 (1988): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1770649.

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16

HILL, EUGENE D. "Senecan and Vergilian Perspectives in The Spanish Tragedy." English Literary Renaissance 15, no. 2 (March 1985): 143–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6757.1985.tb00882.x.

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17

Stapleton, M. L. "Curtis Perry, Shakespeare and Senecan Tragedy." Ben Jonson Journal 29, no. 2 (November 2022): 295–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/bjj.2022.0344.

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18

Poe, Joe Park. "Octavia Praetexta and Its Senecan Model." American Journal of Philology 110, no. 3 (1989): 434. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295219.

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19

Von Glinski, Marie Louise. "ALL THE WORLD'S OFFSTAGE: METAPHYSICAL AND METAFICTIONAL ASPECTS IN SENECA'SHERCVLES FVRENS." Classical Quarterly 67, no. 1 (April 11, 2017): 210–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838817000350.

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In his essay on Seneca, T.S. Eliot used theHercules Furens(=HF) as his example to illustrate ‘this curious freak of non-theatrical drama’. Even though Senecan scholarship has by and large moved away from his indictment, the sense that the attention seems to be directed away from the stage points to the play's unique dramaturgy. The surest indicator of this reverse orientation is the conspicuous absence of Hercules himself for much of the play. Hercules is (or wishes to be) permanently ‘elsewhere’. His entrance is delayed for a long time; once home, he rushes offstage after a few lines to kill Lycus. He returns onstage only to be attacked by madness, and is drawn inside the palace again to kill his wife and sons. When his madness abates, he falls asleep onstage; on waking, he longs for a place beyond the known world (and underworld) and finally exits into exile. This article proposes a closer examination of the semiotics of space, especially the symbolic value of the offstage. Seneca is constantly drawing attention to the pull towards the stage perimeter and the unseen offstage, characterizing the cosmic nature of Hercules’ conflict with Juno and questioning the hero's place in the world as the son of an immortal father.

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20

Fitch, John, and Siobhan McElduff. "CONSTRUCTION OF THE SELF IN SENECAN DRAMA." Mnemosyne 55, no. 1 (2002): 18–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852502753776939.

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The characters of Senecan tragedy are more inward-looking than those of Greek tragedy. One aspect of their inwardness lies in their fierce attempts to define and assert identities for themselves, through their names, actions, family history, mythical precedents, social roles etc. These self-assertions are driven by desire in many forms, chiefly desire for recognition by others, and are closely connected with the tragic outcomes of the dramas. One section of the article is devoted to Oedipus, who insists on identifying with his guilty deeds despite his innocence of intention; another to Phaedra, who has multiple versions of herself and cannot choose between them.

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21

Romano Ribeiro, Ana Cláudia. "Intertextual connections between Thomas More’s Utopia and Cicero’s De finibus bonorum et malorum." Moreana 51 (Number 195-, no. 1-2 (June 2014): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2014.51.1-2.7.

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In 1516, More wrote to Erasmus, putting him in charge of the publication of Utopia. In his study about the “sources, parallels and influences” of More’s libellus, Edward Surtz points out that “the most evident influences are classical” and in 1965, in the introduction of his edition of Utopia, he noted that in the composition of this fiction, Plato and Plutarch are as essential as Cicero and Seneca. He also noted that these philosophers are “the source for the tenets and arguments of the two schools discussed by the Utopians, the Epicurean and the Stoic” and that “Cicero’s De finibus is of special interest here, but detailed studies of Ciceronian and Senecan influences have still to be made.” (p.cliv, clxi). From 1965 until today we haven’t found a specific study on this problem in the bibliography about Utopia and classical Latin literature, that’s why in this paper we will examine some of the connections that link More’s libellus to De finibus.

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22

Miola, Robert S., and Gordon Braden. "Renaissance Tragedy and the Senecan Tradition: Anger's Privilege." Shakespeare Quarterly 37, no. 2 (1986): 267. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2869976.

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23

Williams, G. D. "Greco-Roman Seismology and Seneca on Earthquakes in Natural Questions 6." Journal of Roman Studies 96 (November 2006): 124–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/000000006784016206.

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This paper seeks to locate Seneca's treatment of earthquakes in Natural Questions 6 in the broader ancient seismological tradition; and, more particularly, to examine the initiatives which potentially transform his treatment into a highly original mode of literary-philosophical investigation not just into the cause of earthquakes, but also of how a ‘scientific’ understanding of them can at least partially quell the intimidating effect of such wonders of nature. On this approach Natural Questions 6 is perhaps concerned not so much with earthquakes per se but with shaping attitudes towards the natural world as a whole, inculcating in us a vision of such phenomena as but ‘normal’ aspects of cosmic functioning. By this method the book promotes within us a different, engagingly Senecan appreciation of cosmic integrity.

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24

Edwards, Philip, Gordon Braden, and Gilles D. Monsarrat. "Renaissance Tragedy and the Senecan Tradition: Anger's Privilege." Modern Language Review 83, no. 1 (January 1988): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3728555.

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25

Crewe, Jonathan, and Gordon Braden. "Renaissance Tragedy and the Senecan Tradition: Anger's Privilege." MLN 101, no. 5 (December 1986): 1267. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2905725.

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26

Leitão, David D. "Senecan Catoptrics and the Passion of Hostius Quadra (Sen. Nat. 1)." Materiali e discussioni per l’analisi dei testi classici, no. 41 (1998): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40236129.

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27

Tarrant, R. J. "Senecan Tragedy - Norman Pratt: Seneca's Drama. Pp. ix + 229. Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1983. £24.65." Classical Review 35, no. 2 (October 1985): 287–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00108832.

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28

Langlands, Rebecca. "Latin Literature." Greece and Rome 63, no. 2 (September 16, 2016): 256–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383516000139.

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Mairéad McAuley frames her substantial study of the representation of motherhood in Latin literature in terms of highly relevant modern concerns, poignantly evoked by her opening citation of Eurydice's lament at her baby's funeral in Statius’ Thebaid 6: what really makes a mother? Biology? Care-giving? (Grief? Loss? Suffering?) How do the imprisoning stereotypes of patriarchy interact with lived experiences of mothers or with the rich metaphorical manifestations of maternity (as the focus of fear and awe, for instance, or of idealizing aesthetics, of extreme political rhetoric, or as creativity and the literary imagination?) How do individuals, texts, and societies negotiate maternity's paradoxical relationship to power? Conflicting issues of maternal power and disempowerment run through history, through Latin literature, and through the book. McAuley's focus is the representational work that mothers do in Latin literature, and she pursues this through close readings of works by Ovid, Virgil, Seneca, and Statius, by re-reading their writings in a way that privileges the theme, perspective, or voice of the mother. A lengthy introduction sets the parameters of the project and its aim (which I judge to be admirably realized) to establish a productive dialogue between modern theory (especially psychoanalysis and feminist philosophy) and ancient literature. Her study evokes a dialogue that speaks to theory – even contributes to it – but without stripping the Latin literature of its cultural specificity (and without befuddling interpretation of Latin culture with anachronism and jargon, which is often the challenge). The problem for a Latinist is that psychoanalysis is, as McAuley says, ‘not simply a body of theories about human development, it is also a mode of reading’ (23), and it is a mode of reading often at cross-purposes with the aims of literary criticism in Classical Studies: psychoanalytical notions of the universal and the foundational clash with aspirations to historical awareness and appreciation of the specifics of genre or historical moment. Acknowledging – and articulating with admirable clarity and honesty – the methodological challenges of her approach, McAuley practises what she describes as ‘reading-in-tension’ (25), holding on not only to the contradictions between patriarchal texts and their potentially subversive subtexts but also to the tense conversation between modern theory and ancient literary representation. As she puts it in her epilogue, one of her aims is to ‘release’ mothers’ voices from the pages of Latin literature in the service of modern feminism, while simultaneously preserving their alterity: ‘to pay attention to their specificity within the contexts of text, genre, and history, but not to reduce them to those contexts, in order that they speak to us within and outside them at the same time’ (392). Although McAuley presents her later sections on Seneca and Statius as the heart of the book, they are preceded by two equally weighty contributions, in the form of chapters on Virgil and Ovid, which she rightly sees as important prerequisites to understanding the significance of her later analyses. In these ‘preliminary’ chapters (which in another book might happily have been served as the main course), she sets out the paradigms that inform those discussions of Seneca and Statius’ writings. In her chapter on Virgil McAuley aims to transcend the binary notion that a feminist reading of epic entails either reflecting or resisting patriarchal values. As ‘breeders and mourners of warriors…mothers are readily incorporated into the generic code’ of epic (65), and represent an alternative source of symbolic meaning (66). Her reading of Ovid's Metamorphoses then shows how the poem brings these alternative subjects into the foreground of his own poetry, where the suffering and passion of mothers take centre-stage, allowing an exploration of imperial subjectivity itself. McAuley points out that even feminist readings can often contribute to the erasure of the mother's presence by their emphasis on the patriarchal structures that subjugate the female, and she uses a later anecdote about Octavia fainting at a reading of the Aeneid as a vivid illustration of a ‘reparative reading’ of Roman epic through the eyes of a mother (91–3). Later, in her discussion of mothers in Statian epic, McAuley writes: ‘mothers never stand free of martial epic nor are they fully constituted by it, and, as such, may be one of the most appropriate figures with which to explore issues of belatedness and authority in the genre’ (387). In short, the discourse of motherhood in Latin literature is always revealed to be powerfully implicated in the central issues of Roman literature and culture. A chapter is devoted to the themes of grief, virtue, and masculinity as explored in Seneca's consolation to his own mother, before McAuley turns her attention to the richly disturbing mothers of Senecan tragedy and Statius’ Thebaid. The book explores the metaphorical richness of motherhood in ancient Rome and beyond, but without losing sight of its corporeality, seeking indeed to complicate the long-developed binary distinction between physical reproduction (gendered as female) and abstract reproduction and creativity (gendered as male). This is a long book, but it repays careful reading, and then a return to the introduction via the epilogue, so as to reflect anew on McAuley's thoughtful articulation of her methodological choices. Her study deploys psychoanalytical approaches to reading Latin literature to excellent effect (not an easy task), always enhancing the insights of her reading of the ancient texts, and maintaining lucidity. Indeed, this is the best kind of gender study, which does not merely apply the modern framework of gender and contemporary theoretical approaches to ancient materials (though it does this very skilfully and convincingly), but in addition makes it clear why this is such a valuable endeavour for us now, and how rewarding it can be to place modern psychoanalytic theories into dialogue with the ancient Roman literature. The same tangle of issues surrounding maternity as emerges from these ancient works often persists into our modern era, and by probing those issues with close reading we risk learning much about ourselves; we learn as much when the ancient representations fail to chime with our expectations.

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29

Wallace, John M. ""Timon of Athens" and the Three Graces: Shakespeare's Senecan Study." Modern Philology 83, no. 4 (May 1986): 349–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/391492.

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30

Crewe, Jonathan V. "The Violence of Drama: Towards a Reading of the Senecan Phaedra." boundary 2 17, no. 3 (1990): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/303373.

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31

Holderness, Graham. "Editorial." Critical Survey 34, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): v—vi. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cs.2022.340401.

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Shakespeare’s interest in ancient Rome spans the whole of his dramatic career, from Titus Andronicus to Cymbeline, while Roman history and Latin culture permeate the whole of his work, well beyond the explicitly ‘Roman’ plays and poems. Critical interest has to some extent shifted from the historicist Roman plays based on Plutarch, Julius Caesar and Antony and Cleopatra, and the pseudo-historical Coriolanus, to the outlying Roman plays that evidence greater generic diversity and stylistic innovation, the early Senecan tragedy Titus Andronicus and the late ‘British’ romance Cymbeline. In these latter plays, the complex interactions between past and present, that are the main subject of the formal histories, are presented with even more aesthetic flexibility and creative improvisation than the ‘Roman plays’ proper.

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32

Manuwald, Gesine. "Nero and Octavia in Baroque Opera: Their Fate in Monteverdi's Poppea and Keiser's Octavia." Ramus 34, no. 2 (2005): 152–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00000990.

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The imperial history playOctavia, transmitted among the corpus of Senecan drama, has suffered from uncertainty about its date, author, literary genre and intended audience as regards its appreciation in modern criticism. Although the majority of scholars will agree nowadays that the play was not written by Seneca himself, there is still a certain degree of disagreement about its literary genre and date. Anyway, such scholarly quibbles seem not to have affected poets and composers in the early modern era: they recognised the high dramatic potential of the story of Nero and his love relationships in 62 CE along with the involvement of the historical character and writer Seneca.Indeed, this phase in imperial history was apparently quite popular in Italian and German opera of the late 17th and early 18th centuries. The earliest of a number of operatic treatments of the emperor Nero (also the first opera presenting a historical topic) and arguably the best known today is an Italian version:L'incoronazione di Poppea (The Coronation of Poppaea)to a libretto by Giovanni Francesco Busenello (1598-1659) and music attributed to Claudio Monteverdi (1567-1643), first produced in Giovanni Grimani's ‘Teatro di SS Giovanni e Paolo’ in Venice during the carnival season of 1643. Among the latest operas on this subject is a German version, which is hardly known and rarely performed today:Die Römische Unruhe. Oder: Die Edelmütige Octavia. Musicalisches Schau-Spiel (The Roman Unrest. Or: The Magnanimous Octavia. Musical Play)by the librettist Barthold Feind (1678-1721) and the composer Reinhard Keiser (1674-1739), first performed in the ‘Oper am Gänsemarkt’ in Hamburg on 5 August 1705. In this period German opera was generally influenced by Italian opera, but at the same time there were attempts, particularly in Hamburg, to establish a typically German opera.

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33

Littlewood, Cedric. "Senecan Tragedy and the Reception of Augustan Poetry, written by Trinacty, C.V." Mnemosyne 69, no. 1 (January 26, 2016): 175–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342097.

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34

Mayer, Roland. "Seneca's Cosmic Drama - Thomas G. Rosenmeyer: Senecan Drama and Stoic Cosmology. Pp. xviii + 230. Berkeley, Los Angeles and London. University of California Press, 1989. $32." Classical Review 40, no. 2 (October 1990): 277–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00253663.

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35

Smith, M. Burdick. "“[P]lain and passive fortitude”: Stoicism and Spaces of Dissent in Sejanus." Ben Jonson Journal 25, no. 1 (May 2018): 32–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/bjj.2018.0209.

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In Ben Jonson's Sejanus, performed at court in the first year of King James’ reign in 1603, Arruntius seemingly figures as “Jonson's spokesperson.” While lauding the moral responsibility of Arruntius, some critics have portrayed the Senator as a passive Stoic whose “only outlet is speech.” For a poet who emphasizes the moral and didactic responsibility of authorship, why, then, does his spokesman inhabit a peripheral space in criticism? Critical interpretation of Arruntius depends on the editorial decision to render many of Arruntius’ lines as asides or as public critique, and this editorial crux is examined vis-à-vis early modern attitudes toward public engagement. I argue that the play negotiates the tensions between the patient Neostoicism of Justus Lipsius and politically active Senecan Stoicism. Arruntius navigates those tensions through Ciceronian ideals of friendship, which provide an alternative to the rampant flattery and tyranny at Tiberius’ court. I show that the play responds to larger political anxieties concerning James I's recent ascension to the throne, and that interpreting early modern Stoicism as entirely passive disregards the complex discourse of friendship that permeates the period.

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Peyré, Yves. "Eclectism and Syncretism in Gascoigne and Kinwelmersh's Jocasta." Translation and Literature 29, no. 1 (March 2020): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2020.0408.

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George Gascoigne and Francis Kinwelmersh's Jocasta (printed 1573) does not merely adapt Lodovico Dolce's Giocasta. It also draws on a variety of texts, classical and vernacular, including common emblems on which the dumb shows are based, and Senecan themes and phrasing. Some elements that do not derive from Dolce might suggest that Gascoigne and Kinwelmersh also consulted at least one of the three Latin translations of Euripides' Phoenician Women, possibly Collinus'. Gascoigne and Kinwelmersh's borrowings were consistently made to conform their work to their intellectual leanings, their ideological outlook, and their artistic design. At the same time, the Euripidean themes that were brought into their play through Dolce and, it seems, some other version of Phoenician Women, may have sown the seeds of new ideas about the nature of tragedy.

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Stritmatter, Roger. "‘Something Rich and Strange’: Senecan Influences on the Dover Cliff Scenes of King Lear." Notes and Queries 68, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 116–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/notesj/gjab024.

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Lovascio, Domenico. "Thomas Kyd's The Householder's Philosophy and Cristoforo Landino's Comento sopra la Comedia di Dante." Ben Jonson Journal 27, no. 1 (May 2020): 84–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/bjj.2020.0272.

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Thomas Kyd's The Householder's Philosophy (1588) is a translation of Torquato Tasso's Il padre di famiglia (1582). While translating Tasso's text, Kyd made some sizeable additions to it, which would appear to spell out his stance on a series of issues. In particular, Kyd significantly expands Tasso's discussion on usury. Kyd's take on usury can be divided into two sections: first, a fiery invective followed by a quotation from Dante; second, a less heated denunciation based on a rational argument summarizing Aristotle's take on the matter. While the former seems to be Kyd's own invention, as scholars have previously suggested, no one has ever pointed out that the latter is in fact plagiarized from another Italian text, namely Cristoforo Landino's Comento sopra la Comedia di Dante (1481). Among other reasons, this discovery seems especially interesting because it adds another piece to the patchy mosaic of Kyd's intellectual life. As it happens, Kyd's decision to insert elements from such an encyclopedically comprehensive humanist text of literary criticism as Landino's Comento into a philosophical tract imbued with humanist notions concerning society, the family, astrology, philosophy, and cosmography seems further to connect Kyd with the continental intellectual milieu. The latter thus appears to have caught Kyd's interest even beyond his well-known penchant for neo-Senecan drama and French Renaissance literature.

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Mayer, Roland. "Studies on Senecan Tragedy - A. J. Boyle (ed.): Seneca Tragicus. Ramus Essays on Senecan Drama. Pp. 256. Victoria, Australia: Aureal Publications, 1983. A$35 (paper, A$22.75). - D. & E. Henry: The Mask of Power. Seneca's Tragedies and Imperial Rome. Pp. ii + 218. Warminster, Wilts, and Chicago, IL: Aris & Phillips and Bolchazy-Carducci, 1985. Paper. - J. David Bishop: Seneca's Daggered Stylus. Political Code in the Tragedies. (Beiträge zur Klassischen Philologie, 168.) Pp. xii + 468. Meisenheim/Glan: Anton Hain, 1985. DM 84." Classical Review 37, no. 1 (April 1987): 24–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00100204.

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Höschele, Regina. "The Pseudo-Senecan Epigrams - (A.) Breitenbach Kommentar zu den Pseudo-Seneca-Epigrammen der Anthologia Vossiana. (Anthologiarum Latinarum Parerga 2.) Pp. x + 653. Hildesheim: Weidmann, 2009. Cased, €128. ISBN: 978-3-615-00366-6." Classical Review 60, no. 2 (September 28, 2010): 459–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x10000612.

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Kulawiak-Cyrankowska, Joanna. "The Death Penalty, the “Marriage Penalty” and Some Remarks on the Utility of Senecan Research in the Study of Roman Law." Studia Iuridica 80 (September 17, 2019): 197–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.4800.

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The problem in the 5th controversia from the work of Lucius Annaeus Seneca the Elder, entitled Oratorum et rhetorum sententiae divisiones colores, is presented as follows: one man seduced two women during the same night. According to the law, which in the literature is referred to as lex raptarum, a woman who was kidnapped may choose between the death penalty for the ravisher or marrying him, but without giving him a dowry. Here, two women were granted the right of option and one of them demanded the death of the man, but the other wanted to marry him. The declaimers were trying to find an answer to the question: which solution is worthier to prevail? Since, in fact, the main problem raised in the controversia is the interpretation of law, it constituted quite a significant intellectual challenge. The declaimers employed very impressive legal reasoning techniques. This controversia constitutes then not only an interesting starting point to conduct the research on the borderline of law and declamation, but also might be a strong argument that the law and rhetoric, at least in some aspects, could have been complementary to each other.

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Maus, Katharine Eisaman. "Gordon Braden. Renaissance Tragedy and the Senecan Tradition: Anger's Privilege. New Haven-London: Yale University Press, 1985. xii + 206 pp. $21." Renaissance Quarterly 39, no. 2 (1986): 330–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2862141.

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Levitan, William. "Thomas G. Rosenmeyer. Senecan Drama and Stoic Cosmology. Berkeley-Los Angeles-London: University of California Press, 1989. xix + 230 pp. $32." Renaissance Quarterly 43, no. 3 (1990): 641–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2862585.

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Costa, C. D. N. "T. G. Rosenmeyer, Senecan drama and Stoic cosmology. Berkeley etc.: University of California Press, 1989. Pp. xix + 230. ISBN 0-520-06445-3." Journal of Roman Studies 80 (November 1990): 213–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300307.

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Ginsberg, Lauren Donovan. "VT ET HOSTEM AMAREM: JOCASTA AND THE POETICS OF CIVIL WAR IN SENECA'S PHOENISSAE." Ramus 46, no. 1-2 (December 2017): 58–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2017.5.

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Over the past two decades, scholars have devoted increasing attention to Roman civil war literature and its poetics, from the vocabulary of nefas, paradox, and hyperbole to the pervasive imagery of the state as a body violated by its citizens. Thebes and especially the civil war between Oedipus’ sons became prominent lenses through which Romans explored their country's strife-ridden past. Seneca's Phoenissae, however, has received comparatively little attention in this regard, often overshadowed by Statius’ epic Thebaid of the next generation. This paper investigates Seneca's contribution to the wider poetics of civil war through his expansion of the theme of incest, which Seneca uses to articulate civil war's most invasive, penetrative, and disintegrative effects. In particular, Seneca capitalizes on both the metaphorical potential of maternal violation and the eroticized imagery of Roman conquest to create disturbing points of contact between two generations of Jocasta's sons: the one who invaded her bed in the past, and the other who will soon invade his mother city. Seneca writes his Phoenissae to be an escalated return to the original sins of Oedipus’ incesta domus as another of Thebes’ native sons prepares to conquer his motherland.

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Buckley, Emma. "H. SLANEY , THE SENECAN AESTHETIC: A PERFORMANCE HISTORY (Classical Presences). Oxford/New York: Oxford University Press, 2016. Pp. viii + 320, illus. isbn 9780198736769. £70.00." Journal of Roman Studies 107 (August 31, 2017): 444–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435817000843.

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Petrone, Gianna. "Seneca, "Troad." 922: Ignosce Paridi. Una perduta 'acutezza' senecana." Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica 48, no. 3 (1994): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20547267.

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Wilson, Emily. "C. A. J. Littlewood, Self-representation and Illusion in Senecan Tragedy. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. Pp. vi + 331. ISBN 0-1992-6761-8. £60.00." Journal of Roman Studies 95 (November 2005): 290–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s007543580000294x.

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Leigh, Matthew. "A. Schiesaro, The Passions in Play. Thyestes and the Dynamics of Senecan Drama. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Pp. 284. ISBN 0-521-81801. £45.00." Journal of Roman Studies 95 (November 2005): 291–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435800002951.

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Costa, C. D. N. "The Senecan Amble - Pierre Grimal (ed.): Sénèque et la prose latine: Neuf exposés suivis de discussions. (Entretiens sur ľantiquitè classique, XXXVI.) Pp. vi + 400. Geneva: Fondation Hardt, 1991. Cased, Sw. frs. 68." Classical Review 44, no. 1 (April 1994): 52–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00290410.

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