Dissertations / Theses: 'Self-determination, national'

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Trinidad, Jamie. "Self-determination in disputed colonial territories." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708866.

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Kofman, Daniel. "The right of national secession and self-determination." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.417608.

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Irving, James 1971. "Freedom's limits : self-determination and international law." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85216.

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This work seeks to settle the doctrine of self-determination in international law. Drawing upon a selection of historical thinkers who have concentrated upon the value of freedom, a theory of political liberty, is developed. This is situated in relation to political history from the Age of Revolutions on. The development of the formal principle of self-determination is discussed. This reveals a doctrine lacking coherence. The philosophy of political liberty is proposed as a foundation for self-determination in law. The way this new approach manifests itself in practice, and its merits, are considered in relation to the politics of Crimea, with a focus on the immediate post-Soviet period of 1991-2002. In conclusion, a programme for implementation and refinement is offered. It is also noted that one could fashion a new approach to international law as a whole on the basis of the logic that is employed here to settle the doctrine of self-determination.

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Cunningham, Kathleen Gallagher. "Divided and conquered why states and self-determination groups fail in bargaining over autonomy /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2007. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3270971.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2007.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed Aug. 13, 2007). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 197-204).

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Bradshaw, Cherry. "Self determination or rights? : problems for nations, states and international relations." Thesis, University of Kent, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.269052.

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Buckley, Melina Carleton University Dissertation International Affairs. "The radical implications of conflict resolution -- an inquiry into the resolution of self-determination conflict without violence." Ottawa, 1988.

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7

Blubaugh, Hannah Patrice. ""Self-Determination without Termination:" The National Congress of American Indians and Defining Self-Determination Policy during the Kennedy and Johnson Administrations." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1533051153006372.

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8

Mykhaylychenko, Olena <1976&gt. "Problem of national self-determination in a context of inter-state conflicts." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/6338.

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I conflitti internazionali restano per lo più irrisolti nel mondo moderno, nonostante le linee guida e le raccomandazioni che sono gli strumenti fondamentali del diritto internazionale. Le ragioni di questi conflitti sono ovviamente non solo l'elaborazione insufficiente della normativa in uno o in un altro settore specifico. Ci sono molti altri motivi, come quelli: politici, economici, etnici, socio-psicologici e socio-culturali, i quali alimentano i conflitti e non consentono il processo di pace per lo sviluppo. La revisione degli strumenti giuridici internazionali che regola l'autodeterminazione dei popoli deve dare un risultato positivo nella risoluzione dei conflitti etnici sorti negli ultimi decenni. Oggi, per risolvere tali conflitti vengono coinvolti non solamente due partiti che difendono posizioni opposte, ma anche partiti terzi - ovvero i cosiddetti "gruppi interessati". Chiare regole dei documenti fondamentali del diritto internazionale, vincolanti per entrambe le parti del conflitto, dovrebbero risolvere il conflitto senza l’influenza da parte dell'esterno e in conformità con i principi giuridici internazionali, in materia di obblighi in relazione con la Carta delle Nazioni Unite "non interferire negli affari che formano la competenza interna di uno stato ".

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Moltchanova, Anna. "The basic principles of the international legal system and self-determination of national groups /." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37907.

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This thesis demonstrates that by redefining the notion of nationhood and by treating nations and national minorities equally with respect to self-determination, it is possible to formulate basic principles of the international legal system, which would promote territorial integrity and stability of multinational states better than the existing system. I demonstrate that theories dealing with self-determination based solely on human rights or cases of secession address the problem with inadequate tools. I also show that minority-rights approaches do not accommodate self-determination claims of national groups properly.
I offer a new idea of nationhood as a political culture of self-determination with which people self-identify. It includes beliefs about co-nationals' mutual membership in a political community, which is perceived by them as having a self-determining power. Definitions of nationhood which use the notion of culture, but not political culture, are both too inclusive---they fail to distinguish between national and ethnic groups, and too exclusive---they overlook multicultural nations.
Contested secession has received much attention in recent scholarship. Since, however, contested secession is based upon the disagreement of two or more national groups concerning their self-determination within particular boundaries, I consider secession within the scope of a systematic approach to the regulation of relations among national groups. I propose that international legal principles should be based upon the recognition of states and national groups as the two basic elements of the international system, and the equal recognition of nations as political cultures of self-determination. I interpret self-determination as a claim to equality within the boundaries a multinational state, and formulate a criterion of minimal justice for states. It requires that states respect equality of self-determination of national groups on their territory. National groups can secede from multinational states either by mutual agreement, or if their they are persistently denied a status with respect to self-determination equal to that of other national groups.

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Murphy, Michael Andrew 1964. "Nation, culture, and authority : multinational democracies and the politics of pluralism." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35025.

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This dissertation examines the theoretical aspects of communication and coexistence among different and sometimes competing national cultures in contemporary liberal-democratic states. As its primary example, the study focuses on the quest for self-determination of Canada's indigenous peoples, but the theoretical significance of the project extends well beyond the bounds of this particular case. With this end in mind, the dissertation advances and defends a set of normative political principles which could, with certain necessary modifications, serve to guide just, equitable, and stable relations among different national cultures in a broad range of cases and contexts. The discussion opens with the development of a model of cross-cultural understanding and accommodation, which in turn is used to demonstrate the manner in which the theory and practice of liberal democracy often serves to legitimate the assertion of the authority of particular national cultures over their relatively smaller and weaker rivals.
In opposition to this more conventional liberal approach, the dissertation proposes a reformulation of the theoretical and institutional bases of liberal conceptions of national sovereignty and self-determination. This alternative approach bypasses any attempt to identify authentic or foundational liberal values which must frame and govern the principle of national self-determination, and which assert their categorical primacy over competing normative ideals and traditions. This approach to self-determination balances, on the one hand, the importance of more localized national ends, ideals, and institutions with a concern, on the other, for universal standards of democratic conduct, responsibility, and governance. What results is not a grand theory of national self-determination, but rather a set of flexible principles which can be attuned to different cultural contexts and circumstances, and which are subject to the democratic consent of the nations or peoples concerned.

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11

Lewis, Norman. "A new age of intervention : sovereignty under question." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285108.

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Bakut, Bakut tswah. "Self-determination and national self-determination : the marriage between macro international relations (IR) and micro historical sociologies as a framework for understanding Africa." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.312320.

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This thesis argues that while the evolution of the African Political Community is based upon both human physiological needs and historical developments, modernity and its challenges and impositions, which are constantly changing the 'memories', imagination and re-imagination of the desires of the human species, also influence it. These desires for collective dignity and respect both as desires in themselves and as vehicles to secure and protect first-order needs have been articulated by David Mitrany's Functional theory of politics. However, in his work, A Working Peace System (1946), Mitrany missed the human and political preconditions and contingencies of Functionalism. He failed to recognise that needs and desires while central in the evolution of political communities cannot by themselves guarantee the success of such communities. In the case of the African continent and its people, it is the authentic articulation of Functionalism, based on the Spiritual basis of identity - the 'cyclical' link between 'the living dead - (ancestors)" 'the living - (present generations), and 'the many generations (future children) yet to be born' and their relationship to the geographical space - called Homeland, - what I have described as Ntu, which forms the African conception of nationality that facilitates success. Therefore, the success of African Political Communities is only possible on the basis of satisfied needs and placated desires which incorporate a Spiritual basis of identity, - what I have described as 'physiological security'. Thus, a circle is drawn, both in this theoretical statement and also, in the framework of African political history that has escaped what I have called the prevailing paradigm of African discourse. The framework, which I illustrate in this thesis, would make more rigorous the teHing of African History - which I agree, has become more sympathetic and elegant (Davidson, 1994: Oliver, 1991). The thesis introduces an African-centred social science paradigm with International Relations - IR as a discipline, at its centre, based on Understanding Africa through the marrying of a macro International Relations (IR) approach and the concerns of micro historical sociologies. This stands as an alternative to those approaches which, aim at explaining the continent as a site of resistance to an external world. The project also introduces a theory of Functional politics aimed at African continental integration based on the ideals of the African Economic Community - AEC (Abuja) Treaty of 1991.

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Usherwood, Robbyn Michelle. "World War I and the Principle of National Self-Determination: A Closer Look at Kurdistan." unrestricted, 2005. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07202005-162244/.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2005.
Title from title screen. Jeremy Crampton, committee chair; Christine Skwiot, Dona Stewart, committee members. Electronic text (116 p. : ill., maps (some col.)). Description based on contents viewed Apr. 27, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 110-116).

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14

Koller, Christian. "Fremdherrschaft : ein politischer Kampfbegriff im Zeitalter des Nationalismus /." Frankfurt/Main ; New York : Campus, 2005. http://books.google.com/books?id=2fCDAAAAMAAJ.

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15

Korson, Cadey. "Mapping Narratives of Self-Determination, National Identity, and (Re)balancing in New Caledonia." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1443154738.

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Matthes, Britta Katharina. "From national to pluri-national : rethinking the transformation of the Bolivian state through struggles for autonomy." Thesis, University of Bath, 2018. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.760972.

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Following a series of profound conflicts in the early 21st century, Bolivia became the world’s first pluri-national state in 2009. The idea of the pluri-national state goes beyond the (uni-)national state; imagining a state that allows peoples’ coexistence on an equal footing in a state that facilitates their autonomy (Garcés, 2011). However, recent research indicates that, in practice, the Bolivian state transformation is full of tensions. Based on a framework that brings together Open Marxism (Holloway and Picciotto, 1977; Clarke, 1991c; Bonefeld et al., 1992b, a; Bonefeld et al., 1995b) and the 'de-colonial option' (Quijano, 2006), I offer in-depth insights into contemporary Bolivia. In this, I understand the state as the political form of the social relations of capital, which is marked by modernity and its 'darker side' - coloniality (Mignolo, 2011). This thesis offers tools for studying how the state 'translates' indigenous- and non-indigenous struggles into policies, law and polity (Dinerstein, 2015) while also mediating external pressures. After embedding the pluri-national state in its historical context, covering the emergence and development of the Bolivian state form, I look in depth at the pluri-national state. In this, I unpack the multifaceted struggles for autonomy and find that when mediating autonomy into the pluri-national state, something essential to the definition of plurinationality is lost in translation. First, struggles for autonomy as peoples’ self-determination and deepened decentralisation became subordinated to, yet not annihilated by the government’s social-communitarian model that is advocated in the name of the pueblo’s self-determination and ensures the state’s material basis. Secondly, state-recognised autonomy comes at the cost of submission to a state which continuously operates pre-dominantly according to modern/colonial ideas of law, order and organisation. The contradictions found in the pluri-national autonomy regime and the state are inherent in it and hence, cannot be resolved through reform.

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17

Tamuno, Paul Samuel. "The potential of the indigenous people's right to self-determination as a framework for accommodating the Niger Delta Communities' demand for self-determination within the sovereignty of Nigeria." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2015. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=227612.

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This thesis examines the potential of the indigenous right to internal self-determination as a framework accommodating the demands of the Niger Delta Peoples for Self-determination within the sovereignty of Nigeria. The unsustainable exploitation of crude oil in the Niger Delta resulted in the ecological devastation of the region and adversely affected the Niger Delta People's subsistent traditional mode of using their lands. The response of the Niger Delta People was originally to seek redress by instituting legal actions in Nigerian courts. The failure of the majority of these actions, and the combined factors of the exclusion of the Niger Delta People from the process and proceeds of the oil industry and their marginalization in the political and administrative structure of Nigeria resulted in the demand by the Niger Delta People that Nigeria recognize their right to self-determination. They justified this demand for self-determination with the arguments that:  Their dispossession from their lands by the government in Nigeria was akin to the exploitation of indigenous peoples in the Americas by colonial settlers.  The unsustainable exploitation of resources in their territory placed them in the same position as colonized peoples experienced under foreign domination in the era of colonization. In a bid to protect her sovereignty, Nigeria does not recognize the rights of self-determination or 'peoplehood' or even minority status of any ethnic groups within Nigeria. This thesis argues that the indigenous right to internal self-determination is a framework that has the potential to bring lasting solution to the conflict between the Niger Delta people and the government of Nigeria for the following reasons:  Indigenous internal self-determination prescribes a category of self-determination that is consistent with the sovereignty of states because it recommends inter alia autonomy with the territories of states. Indigenous internal self-determination provides a regime for sustainable development of resources as it recommends inter alia that states recognize the right of indigenous peoples to participation, consultation and free prior informed consent in the exploitation of resources in indigenous peoples' territory.

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Zimuto, Prince Charles. "An analysis of "self-determination" in international law : the case of South Sudan." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/5697.

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This research intends to investigate the scope and applicability of the concept of ‘self-determination’ outside the context of decolonisation using South Sudan as a case study. Demands for the exercise of the right to self-determination are widespread. These are vehemently resisted by states who view the concept of ‘self-determination’ as a potential source of territorial disintegration. International instruments which provide for the right to self-determination also discourage the impairment of the territorial integrity of states in the name of self-determination. The problem faced in international law is therefore how to balance the right to self-determination with the principle of territorial integrity. The study reveals that the general understanding is that outside the context of decolonisation the right to self-determination may be exercised within the territorial boundaries of a state without compromising the territorial integrity of a state. The internal exercise of the right to self-determination entails human rights protection, participation in the political affairs of the state and autonomy arrangements. This general understanding is however problematic where a state systemically violates the rights of its people and denies them political participation in the affairs of the state. The people of South Sudan found themselves in such a situation from the time when Sudan gained independence from British colonial rule. Despite a number of negotiations with the government of Sudan, the people of South Sudan continued to be marginalised and their rights violated with impunity. They then demanded to exercise their right to self-determination externally and eventually they seceded from Sudan through the framework created by the Comprehensive Peace Agreement of 2005. In the light of the secession of South Sudan from Sudan this study proposes a remedial self-determination approach to the understanding of post-colonial self-determination. In terms of this approach when people are denied the right to exercise their right to self-determination internally, or their rights are deliberately and systemically violated, they may exercise their right to self-determination externally and secede.

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Stormont, Nathan Alexander. "A New Faith? Rights Agitation, National Aspirations and Self-Determination in the Soviet Periphery, 1965-1985." Thesis, Department of History, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/10250.

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This thesis investigates the intersection of human rights-talk, national aspirations and their respective origins on the peripheries of the Soviet Empire, 1965-1985. In particular, it challenges the so-called ‘Helsinki Effect’, that a Western discourse of liberalism and human rights was responsible for the demise of the Soviet Empire. Instead, I argue that distinct and organic conceptualisations of human rights existed under developed socialism. These alternative discourses were conceptually divorced from international human rights norms, instead grounded in socialist legality, historical experience, or in regional ideology. With specific reference to the national concerns and political demands of Ukrainians, Poles and Soviet Jews, I trace the ideological and historical lineages of home-grown understandings of the right of self-determination, contextualising dissident thought in these nationalities’ own experiences of identity, independence and subjugation.

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Moran, Mark F. "Practising self-determination : participation in planning and local governance indiscrete indigenous settlements /." [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2006. http://adt.library.uq.edu.au/public/adt-QU20060519.145415/index.html.

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21

Sjögren, Ingela. "To be or not to be American : Statehood and Peoplehood in Native American Self-identification during the Self-determination era." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-110486.

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As colonized peoples Native Americans have had a complicated relationship to the United States. They have faced the question of whether they should demand tribal independence or embrace American citizenship. During the early 1970s, when radical ethnic and political movements occupied center stage in the United States, and in 1992, when the 500 year anniversary of Columbus discovery of America was celebrated, the issue of Indian American identification was actualized. The various possible ways in which Native Americans could identify in relation to the United States made their identification often seem contradictory. The same group and even the same individual could identify as both part of and apart from the United States. Likewise, the same event could trigger different identifications in relation to the United States. How can this be explained? In this thesis I offer an explanation of Indian American identification that combines the perspectives of world view and historical context. Native Americans have related to two different world views, a Western world view which imagines a world made up of states, and a "traditional" Indian world view which imagines a world made up of peoples placed on their lands by the Creator. Different ways of understanding the world impacted how Native Americans understood "America," as USA or Indian ancestral homelands. Different world views provided different images of Native American relationship to the United States. These images could be put forward or be actualized in different contexts. The historical context influenced which images were most commonly chosen. During the 1970s, given the period's generally revolutionary discourse, more separatist images were prominent. In 1992, when a government-to-government relationship between tribal and federal governments was firmly established, Indians chose a more inclusive relationship to the Untied States.

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22

Keitner, ChimeÌ€ne Ilona Robbins. "Revolutionizing international society : the principle and practice of national self-determination in the French Revolution and beyond." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.342731.

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Venn, Darren P. "A changing cultural landscape: Yanchep National Park, Western Australia." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2008. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/28.

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This study depicts the changing landscape of Western Australia's Yanchep National Park as it has evolved in response to natural processes and human activities. The study also serves to evaluate the level of input Indigenous people have in the management of Australian natural and cultural heritage. The Park was examined by utilising a methodology that combined a cultural geography approach with Structuration Theory. Yanchep National Park is highly suited to this type of investigation because of its close proximity to a major urban centre ( Perth ) and because of the importance of the area to Indigenous people, resulting in a highly visible cultural heritage within the Park.

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24

Samarasinghe, Ruwan P. "Tamil minority problem in Sri Lanka in the light of self-determination and sovereignty of states." Thesis, View thesis, 2005. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/30155.

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This thesis analyses the Tamil minority problem in Sri Lanka in the light of self-determination and state sovereignty. State practice with respect to self-determination is discussed, in particular cases of Aaland Island, Katanga, Biafra and Bangladesh. Historical background, location and composition, as it relates to the Tamil minority problem in the country, are described, and the specific issue of self-determination in the Sri Lankan context of secession is dealt with. The research attempts to ascertain the legal conditions which would warrant secession.

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Castellino, Joshua. "International law and self-determination : the interplay of the politics of territorial possession with formulations of national identity." Thesis, University of Hull, 1998. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:8038.

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The principle of self-determination has great pedigree. It is a norm that had at heart, the foundations of the concept of democracy - based on the idea that the consent of the governed alone, could give a government legitimacy. These noble ideas, expressed in the American and French Declarations form the cornerstone to the principle of self-determination. This is the principle that, through changes influenced by various political factors. was primarily responsible for the decolonisation process that has shaped the current international community. Self-determination has been used in equal rhetorical brilliance by a number of great leaders - some meritorious, with a genuine concern for human emancipation, others dubious, with the vested interest of ascendancy to power at the heart of their project. In any case, 'self-determination' has come to mean different things in different contexts. It is this particular issue that this thesis wishes to tackle. Being a vital principle, especially in the context of the post-colonial state, it is one factor that at once, represents a threat to world order, while at the same time holding out the promise of a longer-term peace and security based on values of democracy, equity and justice. This thesis looks at the intricacies of the norm in its current ambiguous manifestation and seeks to deconstruct it with regard to three particularly inter-linked discourses: that of minority rights. statehood & sovereignty and the doctrine of uti possidetis which shaped the modern post-colonial state. IN analysing these factors we shall focus specifically on the option of secession from the modern post-colonial state - one of three options stated explicitly by General Assembly Resolution 1514 (XV) as constituting the act of self-determination. These norms are then sought to be analysed further within two case studies. The first of these looks briefly at the situation concerning the creation of Bangladesh - a case of self-determination achieved. The second case study, much more complex in itself, looks at the situation concerning the Western Sahara where self-determination (whatever its manifestation) is yet to be expressed. In the course of this latter case study we shall seek to highlight the problematic nature of 'national identity' and the 'self in settings far removed from post-Westphalian Europe from where these norms originate, and which remain so integral to the modern discourse of international law.

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Samarasinghe, Ruwan P. "Tamil minority problem in Sri Lanka in the light of self-determination and sovereignty of states." View thesis, 2005. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20050921.152436/index.html.

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27

Jenkins, Stephen. "Australia's Commonwealth Self-determination Policy 1972-1998 : the imagined nation and the continuing control of indigenous existence /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phj522.pdf.

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28

Spajić, Zdenko. "Intervention and war in a post-cold war world the view of Pope John Paul II on the conflicts in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina (1991-1995) /." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2000. http://www.tren.com.

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29

Kochanek, Hildegard. "Die russisch-nationale Rechte von 1968 bis zum Ende der Sowjetunion : eine Diskursanalyse /." Stuttgart : F. Steiner, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb370572071.

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30

MARUSICH, BLANCARTE DE GRGIC Paola. "Kosovo's juridical status." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/17296.

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31

Ott, Martin. "Das Recht auf Sezession als Ausfluss des Selbstbestimmungsrechts der Völker /." Berlin : BWV Berliner Wissenschafts-Verl, 2008. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=3129874&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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32

Crump, John Patrick Carleton University Dissertation Canadian Studies. "Underdevelopment in the Canadian north: the Innut of Sheshatshiu." Ottawa, 1988.

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33

Iivonen, Jyrki. "Independence or incorporation ? : the idea of Poland's national self-determination and independence within the Russian and Soviet socialism from 1870s to the 1920s /." Helsinki : Finnish institute of international affairs, 1990. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb355004319.

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34

Hisada, Toru. "Indigenous development and self-determination in West Papua : socio-political and economic impacts of mining upon the Amungme and Kamoro communities of West Papua /." Saarbrücken, Germany : VDM Verlag Dr. Müller, 2008. http://firstsearch.oclc.org/WebZ/DCARead?standardNoType=1&standardNo=9783639031560:srcdbname=worldcat:fromExternal=true&sessionid=0.

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35

Culaj, Gjon. "La création d’une nouvelle nation au XXIème siècle : l’exemple du Kosovo de 1974 à 2008, au lendemain de l’éclatement de la Yougoslavie." Thesis, Paris 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA020074.

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Nombreux sont ceux qui pensent que la dissolution de la Yougoslavie commence et finit au Kosovo. Il s’agit d’une suite logique de l’éclatement yougoslave une fédération fragile composée des différentes nationalités. Province autonome sous l’ère de Tito de 1974 - 1989, le Kosovo avait des prérogatives similaires à une république. Le régime de Milosevic supprima cette autonomie déclenchant ainsi des violences et des tensions. Face aux incessantes violations de leurs droits fondamentaux, les Albanais du Kosovo ont d’abord opté pour une résistance pacifique, toutes en boycottant les institutions serbes et yougoslaves. Ils ont réussi à crée une véritable société parallèle, une sorte d’Etat dans l’Etat. Les guerres yougoslaves ont initié la création des nouveaux Etats, il s’agit d’un processus de redéfinition des identités nationales de l’ex-Yougoslavie qui met en relation plusieurs conceptions de la nation et de la citoyenneté. Il y a de bonnes raisons de penser que la naissance d’un Etat du Kosovo peut amener la création d’une nouvelle Nation, cependant la création de cette nation suppose une conscience partagée et des circonstances politiques favorables. L’objectif de cette recherche était d’argumenter les causes de l’effondrement violent de l’ex-Yougoslavie et de tirer les enseignements d’une accession mouvementée et parfois tragique du Kosovo à l’indépendance et consistait aussi à analyser les difficultés, pour une société composite et fragmentée, d’accéder au XXIème siècle à la souveraineté nationale. Il ressort de cette thèse que la cause principale de l’effondrement violent de l’ancienne Yougoslavie était le programme national serbe qui cherchait à créer la Grande Serbie et que l’indépendance du Kosovo, au lendemain de la désintégration yougoslave, était la seule solution possible qui pouvait assurer la paix et la stabilité dans la région
Many people believe that the dissolution of Yugoslavia begins and ends in Kosovo. This is a logical continuation of the Yugoslav breakup a fragile federation composed of various nationalities. Autonomous province under the Tito’s era of 1974 - 1989, Kosovo had similar powers to a republic. Milosevic 's regime abolished Kosovo’s autonomy triggering violence and tensions. Faced with constant violations of their human rights, Kosovo Albanians opted for a peaceful resistance, all by boycotting Serbian and Yugoslav institutions. They managed to create a real parallel society, a kind of State in the State. The Yugoslav wars initiated the creation of new States, it is a process of redefining of the national identities of the former Yugoslavia which connects several conceptions of nation and citizenship. There are good reasons to belive that the birth of Kosovo State can cause the creation of a new nation, however, the creation of this nation requires a shared awareness and favorable political circumstances. This thesis aims to argue the causes of the violent collapse of the former Yugoslavia and to learn of a turbulent and sometimes tragic accession of Kosovo to independence and also to analyze the challenge and difficulties for a composite and fragmented society, to access in the 21st century to national sovereignty. This research showed that the main cause of the violent collapse of the former Yugoslavia was the Serbian national program that sought to create a Greater Serbia and that Kosovo's independence after the disintegration of Yougoslavia was the only possible solution that could ensure peace and stability in the region

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Latulippe, Chloé. "Territoire, mouvement et protection des minorités en droit international : le cas des Roms et des Gens du voyage." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101820.

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In an era of globalisation, often described as the era of mobility and of the decline of the relevance of territory, the Roma and the Travellers embody a transnational and non-territorial society. Yet this minority group experiences deplorable living conditions and the survival of its culture is endangered. A study of minority protection mechanisms in international law reveals that the grasp of territory and "sedentarism" has far from disappeared from this branch of law. Territory (or the absence thereof) and movement are the main challenges faced by international law in the development of solutions to the situation of the Roma and the Travellers. In light of the failure of current minority protection regimes, the quest for recognition of a "Roma nation" appears to be an avenue worth exploring. However, while the Roma may not fall clearly within the parameters of minority protection, they do not fall clearly within the concept of nation either. When examining the potential of such recognition, one realizes that it is necessary to redefine the right of self-determination in the context of minority protection and in a transnational and non-territorial perspective.

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Maagaard, Sebastian. "The End of Sweden’s Nonalignment Policy and Generous RefugeePolicy, or EU as a Solution : Sweden’s National Self-determination in the EU Membership Debate,1987 – 1991." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för idé- och lärdomshistoria, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-320389.

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This thesis examines how the parliamentary debate in Sweden saw the consequences of Swedenas a nation were to join the European Union. The nation is defined as a state based on nationalself-determination. The EU is regarded as a supra-state organisation and one of the moreextensive efforts of its kind. I specifically examine two themes in Swedish foreign policy. Theseare the nonalignment policy and migration policy. Through a discourse analysis I show that allpolitical parties perceive consequences for the self-determination and all argue selfdeterminationwill be lost in the event of membership. However, they are divided in what theybelieved this would lead to. Some parties support EU whereas others are sceptical of EU. Partiesthat support an EU-membership argue that it is inevitable to join and Sweden will lose selfdeterminationanyway. A membership opens the possibility to influence and participate, but anabstaining will lead forced acceptance of policies. Many of the supporters are even positive ofbeing a member in EU. Sceptics, on the other hand believe Sweden will lack influence and loseall self-determination. The organisation itself is against Sweden as it is a supra-stateorganisation, which may reduce the role of single member-states. For the nonalignment policy,the government initially use it as an argument against EU, but later support membership if thenonalignment policy can be kept. The other supporters acknowledge the nonalignment policy,but nevertheless assert that EU is compatible with the nonalignment policy. This is because ofthe changes in the geopolitical situation. Sceptics believe the nonalignment policy rejectmembership, mostly due to the still uncertain geopolitical situation and the suspicion EU willdeprive Sweden of its decision-making. Sometimes they suggest the self-determination andnonalignment policy are prerequisites for each other. In the migration policy, all parties supportgenerous migration policy, but

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Theron, Crystal-Jeanne. "The impact of psychological empowerment and job satisfaction on organizational commitment amongst employees in a multinational organization." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/2622.

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Magister Commercii - MCom
The primary objective of this study was to gain an understanding of the impact of psychological empowerment and job satisfaction on organizational commitment amongst employees in a multi-national organization. For the purpose of this study a quantitative, non-probability convenience sampling design was used to assess the three variables. The sample consisted of (N = 120) permanent employees were employed in the following departments namely: Administration, Engineering, Production, Quality and Commercial.
South Africa

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Seifert, Frank-Florian. "Das Selbstbestimmungsrecht der Sri-Lanka-Tamilen zwischen Sezession und Integration." Stuttgart : Steiner, 2000. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/312095619.pdf.

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Lane, Jonathon. "Anchorage in Aboriginal affairs A.P. Elkin on religious continuity and civic obligations /." Connect to full text, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/3691.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2008.
Title from title screen (viewed November, 11, 2008) Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Dept. of History, University of Sydney. Degree awarded 2008; thesis submitted 2007. Includes bibliographical references.

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Erfani, Torbaghani Ramtin, and Felix Luthman. "Evaluating the Swedish National Agency for Education’s Programming Curriculum for Elementary School Third-Graders." Thesis, KTH, Skolan för elektroteknik och datavetenskap (EECS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-260241.

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In 2018 the government of Sweden decided to include programming in elementary school. Therefore, the purpose of this report was to investigate whether or not the current Swedish third-grade programming curriculum was appropriate or not, and also to evaluate the viability of including a few additional programming concepts in the teaching material for grade three. To achieve this goal, a game incorporating Gamification was developed in order to assist in the teaching of these concepts, as well as the current curriculum, to a group of third-graders from a swedish school. There were 87 participants introduced to the different programming concepts by playing the game during theoretical lectures. The results suggests that the current curriculum can be expanded upon, and also that the additional concepts all seemed to be viable extensions. However, we believe that more research needs to be conducted in order to draw any definite conclusions.
År 2018 beslutade Sveriges regering att inkludera programmering i grundskolan. Syftet med denna rapport var därför att undersöka huruvida den nuvarande svenska programmeringskriterierna för årskurs tre är lämplig eller inte, samt att utvärdera möjligheten att inkludera några ytterligare programmeringskoncept i undervisningen för årskurs tre. För att uppnå detta mål utvecklades ett spel som innefattade Spelifiering (engelska: Gamification) för att underlätta undervisningen av dessa begrepp, såväl som den aktuella läroplanen, till en grupp av tredjeklassare från en svensk skola. Det var 87 deltagare som introducerades till de olika programmeringskoncepten genom att spela spelet under teoretiska föreläsningar. Resultaten tyder på att den nuvarande läroplanen kan utökas med koncepten som undersöks i denna studie. Vi tror emellertid att mer forskning måste genomföras för att dra några konkreta slutsatser.

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Meckler, Markus A. "Der Kleinstaat im Völkerrecht : das Fürstentum Liechtenstein im Spannungsfeld zwischen Souveränität und kleinstaatenspezifischen Funktionsdefiziten /." Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] : Lang, 2006. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/517432234.pdf.

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Hisada, Toru. "Indigenous Development and Self-Determination in West Papua: A Case Study of the Socio-Political and Economic Impacts of Mining upon the Amungme and Kamoro Communities of West Papua." The University of Waikato, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2457.

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Since West Papua was colonized by Indonesia in 1963, West Papuans have endured one of the most disastrous experiences of cultural and environmental destruction, human rights abuses and mass killing of the twentieth century. In the Western Highlands of West Papua, where Freeport McMoRan, a mining company from Louisiana, United States (U.S.), operates, there have been long-standing disputes over environmental justice, human rights, the right to control development, and wealth distribution. Substantial research has been done on the negative impacts of the Freeport's operation on the Amungme and Kamoro communities who reside in the company's operating area. Yet, limited research has been done regarding Freeport's social policies and the possible solutions to the issues which are crucial for the further development of Amungme and Kamoro. Therefore, the thesis firstly examines Freeport's recent social policies which have attempted to address the two communities' concerns as well as the social problems the company has caused around its operating area. The examination suggests that genuine reconciliation between Amungme and Kamoro communities and Freeport is a crucial next step in achieving successful community development in the area. The thesis employs a case study of the South African reconciliation processes via Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) to explore the prospects of achieving successful community development in Freeport's operating area of West Papua which might lead to prosperity for the Amungme and Kamoro peoples. In addition to this, the prospect of preventing the human rights violations by the Indonesian Military (Tentera Nasional Indonesia-TNI) is considered. The TNI, by carrying out the role of protecting the Freeport operation, has until today committed a large number of human rights violations against indigenous West Papuans around the mine thus preventing and inhibiting the future development of Amungme and Kamoro communities. Since major countries, including the U.S., the United Kingdom (UK), New Zealand and Australia, have until today, supported the Indonesia state and the TNI, the attitude of Pacific Island states towards the issue is examined. Finally, although the above processes are important, the study suggests the more important role of the Amungme and Kamoro themselves in taking responsibility for their plight and taking positive actions wherever possible to solve the issues surrounding them. Although the conflict continues to the present day, the research contained in the thesis outlines the situation in West Papua only up until November 2006.

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Lane, Jonathon. "Anchorage in Aboriginal affairs: A. P. Elkin on religious continuity and civic obligation." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/3691.

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In Australian Aboriginal affairs, the acculturative strand of assimilation developed in large part from Elkin’s religious and Idealist commitment, for which in the years 1928 to 1933 he won social-scientific authority. In competition with both an eliminationist politics of race and a segregationist politics of territory, Elkin drew upon religious experience, apologetics, sociology, and networks to establish a ‘positive policy’ as an enduring ideal in Aboriginal affairs. His leadership of the 1930s reform movement began within the Anglican Church, became national through civic-religious organs of publicity, and gained scientific authority as Elkin made religious themes a central concern in Australian anthropology. But from the 1960s until recently, most scholars have lost sight of the centrality of Idealism and religion in our protagonist’s seminal project of acculturative assimilation. This thesis aims to show how Elkin dealt with problems fundamental to twentieth century Aboriginal affairs and indeed to Australian modernity more generally – problems of faith and science, morality and expediency – in developing his positive policy towards Aborigines.

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Berglund, Katarina. "De svenska samernas möjlighet till självbestämmande : En teoriprövande undersökning av rättsläget i Sverige och Norge utifrån Young och Fraser." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444166.

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Maestre, Fuentes Alberto. "Un pueblo abandonado. Los engaños en la descolonización del Sáhara Occidental." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/462200.

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Esta Tesis Doctoral trata sobre las causas por las cuales España no descolonizó el Sahara Occidental. Gracias a la consulta de toda una serie de fuentes, algunas de ellas inéditas, refleja claramente los engaños que España infringió no solo al pueblo saharaui sino a toda la comunidad internacional puesto que si bien se comprometió, finalmente, en la descolonización del Sahara Occidental y creó para ello las herramientas para llevarla a término, finalmente no cumplió con su palabra dada y cedió unilateralmente el territorio a Marruecos y Mauritania al margen de la ley internacional. La Tesis está estructurada, después de la introducción y metodología utilizadas y de una breve exposición de las características del pueblo saharaui precolonial y la llegada y consolidación española al territorio, en tres grandes bloques. El propósito de esta estructuración es hacer visibles claramente los engaños que España llevó a cabo en relación al todavía hoy en día, territorio no autónomo del Sahara Occidental. Así el primer gran bloque el cual comenzaría con la provincialización del Sahara Occidental y con ello el inicio de las contradicciones españolas; y continuaría con la reorganización administrativa con el establecimiento de la Yemáa o Asamblea General del Sahara, el surgimiento del nacionalismo saharaui con la creación del “Movimiento de Liberación Saharaui” de la mano de Bassiri; el inicio de la represión española con los sucesos de El Aaiun de 17 de junio de 1970 y consiguiente desaparición del líder nacionalista Bassiri; la coyuntura marroquí y sus presiones y finalizaría con el nacimiento del Frente Polisario e inicio de la lucha armada de liberación. El segundo gran bloque comenzaría con la aceptación oficial por parte de España de las Resoluciones de Naciones Unidas para descolonizar el Sahara Occidental, creándose las herramientas necesarias con el objetivo inicial de asegurarse una independencia bajo su control; finalizándose con el anuncio español de marcharse del territorio y del derecho del pueblo saharaui a ejercer su autodeterminación y las reacciones de Marruecos, Mauritania y Argelia. Y el tercer gran bloque estaría compuesto con el inicio del proceso de descolonización propiamente dicho, el cual abarcaría desde la creación por parte de España del títere “PARTIDO DE UNIÓN NACIONAL SAHARAUI”, el PUNS, arabización y promoción de los saharauis a altos cargos del Gobierno General del Sahara, la Misión Visitadora de Naciones Unidas, el Dictamen del Tribunal Internacional de Justicia, finalizándose con La Marcha Verde y consiguientes Acuerdos de Madrid y paralización del proceso de descolonización que dura hasta nuestros días. En estos bloques se reflejan claramente la evolución española con respecto al Sahara Occidental. Puesto que si en el primero nos encontramos un periodo en el cual tenemos una España paternalista que no duda en investir al territorio del carácter de provincia, y en la cual se remarca constantemente con un discurso meramente colonialista que su labor primordial era de ayudar a los saharauis y que los españoles estarán allí siempre que los mismos quisieran, el mismo se truncaría con los Sucesos de El Aaiún de junio de 1970, e iniciándose una nueva etapa con la lucha armada por parte del Frente Polisario. En el segundo y tercer bloque quedan bien contrastados los engaños infringidos por parte de las autoridades españolas no ya solo al pueblo saharaui y español sino a toda la comunidad internacional.
This Doctoral Thesis is about the causes why Spain did not decolonized the Western Sahara. The Thesis is structured, in 3 large blocks: Introduction and used methodology; Brief exposition of the characteristics of pre-colonial Saharan people and Arrival and establishment of the Spanish people in the territory. The purpose of this structuring is to make clearly visible the tricks and deceptions that Spain carried out in relation to the still today, non-autonomous territory of Western Sahara.

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Kanyavongha, Bussarakham. "Immigration as A Human Right." Thesis, Linköping University, Centre for Applied Ethics, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-8204.

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The study argues that implicit in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the principle of immigration as human rights is supported by principle of positive freedom, negative freedom, and equal autonomy. The study endorses a liberal egalitarian perspective by claiming that human right to immigrate promotes equal autonomy. The study also investigates why the principle of immigration as a human right has been dismissed by doctrines within Liberalism. It argues that a state lacks a legitimacy to employ a principle of national self-determination against the immigration issue. Instead, a state has a moral obligation to the protection of a human right to immigrate; it also has a duty to provide equal social rights to the immigrants in compared with those of the citizens.

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Palleit, Leander. "Völkerrecht und Selbstbestimmung : zum Begriff des Selbstbestimmungsrechts der Völker in der deutschen und österreichischen Völkerrechtswissenschaft 1918-1933 /." Baden-Baden : Nomos, 2008. http://d-nb.info/989547469/04.

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Berard, Frederic. "Les impacts constitutionnels et politiques du renvoi relatif a la secession du Quebec /." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=31088.

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Un autre essai sur la sempiternelle question de l'unite canadienne, deplorez-vous presentement. Pis encore, ajoutez-vous, on y aborde une fois de plus l'ennuyeuse et l'ennuyante problematique constitutionnelle. Et pourquoi l'auteur a-t-il choisi un tel sujet? Parce qu'il fait partie de la race des fatigants mais infatigables maniaques de cet incessant debat qu'est celui des Deux Solitudes? Possible. Surement meme. Mais il y a plus: le Renvoi relatif a la secession du Quebec ne represente pas qu'un simple episode de la saga constitutionnelle canadienne. Vraisemblablement, ces implications pratiques pourraient un jour sceller l'issue du debat. Certes, le mouvement separatiste quebecois, loin d'etre moribond, ne s'eteindra pas sur la seule base d'une decision de la Cour supreme du Canada. Pretendre le contraire releve de la fantaisie, de l'outrecuidance ou encore, d'un manque tangible de pragmatisme politique. Toutefois, un fait persiste: applique in extenso, l'Avis s'avere une serieuse embuche sur le chemin menant a l'independance. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

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Миронець, Оксана Миколаївна, and В. П. Аляб'єва. "Theoretical-legal aspects of a right of nations’ self-determination." Thesis, Тернопіль: Вектор, 2019. http://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/39077.

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Among recognized right for the peoples, there is a right of selfdetermination. It is possible to determine this possibility as a real right to decide their own legal status, their present, and future, more else it may mean the formation of another country by their own will. On the one hand, this right is given to the people according to the general principles of International Public Law. On the other hand, its implementation may be really just according to an order accepted by the international community. Otherwise, it may violate one more imperative principle of International Law that is territorial integrity and inviolability of its borders. It is quite important to understand its content because nowadays, for example, because of the situation with the Crimean Autonomous Republic, the misunderstanding of this principle leads to conflicts between states.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Self-determination, national'

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