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Journal articles on the topic 'Seleukid Empire'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Koch, Guntram, and Carsten Woll. "Geschlechtergeschichte." Das Historisch-Politische Buch (HPB) 65, no. 4-6 (October 1, 2017): 557–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/hpb.65.4-6.557.

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Altay Coşkun, Alex McAuley (Hg.): Seleukid Royal Women. Creation, Representation and Distortion of Hellenistic Queenship in the Seleukid Empire (Guntram Koch) Felice Lifshitz: Religious Women in Early Carolingian Francia. A Study of Manuscript Transmission and Monastic Culture (Carsten Woll)

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2

СМИРНОВ, С. В. "A Female portraiture in the structure of the Seleukid Royal Iconography." Цивилизация и варварство, no. 11(11) (November 18, 2022): 146–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2022.11.11.005.

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В работе приводится обзор ключевых проблем царского женского портрета у Селевкидов. Несмотря на то, что женщины царских династий играли важную политическую роль в системе международных отношений эллинистических государств, их изображения немногочисленны. Исключение составляет династия Птолемеев, где женский портрет был устойчивой практикой, зародившейся еще в начале III в. до н.э. Напротив, у Селевкидов женские портреты появляются гораздо позже. Вопреки устоявшемуся в историографии мнению, самым ранним женским царским портретом у Селевкидов стоит считать изображение царицы Лаодики, жены царя Антиоха III, известное по оттиску печати из Селевкии на Тигре. Анализ иконографического материала показывает, что птолемеевский женский портрет представляет собой скорее особый случай, связанный с устойчивой догреческой иконографической традицией. В системе царской идеологии Селевкидов женский портрет как элемент парного портрета царя и царицы выступал инструментом легитимации власти нового правителя. В середине II в. до н.э., ввиду усиления политического влияния Египта, в державе Селевкидов появляется новый вариант царского женского портрета, выстроенного по египетским иконографическим канонам. The survey provides an overview of the main problems of the royal Seleukid female portraiture. Despite the fact that the women of the Hellenistic royal dynasties played an important political role in the system of international relations of the Hellenistic kingdoms, their images are rare. The exception is the Ptolemaic dynasty, where the female portrait was a long-live practice that originated at the beginning of the III century BC. On the other hand, Seleukid female portraits appear much later. Contrary to the well-established opinion in historiography, the earliest Seleukid female royal portrait should be considered the image of queen Laodice, the wife of king Antiochus III, known from the seal impression from Seleucia on the Tigris. The analysis of the iconography shows that the Ptolemaic female portrait is rather an extraordinary case associated with a stable pre-Greek iconographic tradition. In the system of the Seleukid royal ideology, a female portrait as an element of a jugate portrait of a king and a queen used as an instrument of legitimizing the power of the new ruler. In the middle of the II BC, while political influence of Egypt increases, a new version of the royal female portrait, based on Egyptian iconographic canons, appears in the Seleukid empire.

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3

Boiy, Tom. "G. G. AperghisThe Seleukid Royal Economy: The Finances and Financial Administration of the Seleukid Empire.2004 Cambridge University Press Cambridge $90." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 69, no. 1 (April 2010): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/654963.

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4

Lerner, Jeffrey D. "Boris Chrubasik. Kings and Usurpers in the Seleukid Empire: The Men Who Would Be King." American Historical Review 123, no. 4 (October 1, 2018): 1367–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhy110.

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5

Tuplin, Christopher. "Kings and Usurpers in the Seleukid Empire: The Men Who Would Be King by Boris Chrubasik." Phoenix 71, no. 1-2 (2017): 185–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phx.2017.0026.

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6

LaBuff, Jeremy. "Kings and Usurpers in the Seleukid Empire: The Men Who Would Be King by Boris Chrubasik." American Journal of Philology 139, no. 3 (2018): 517–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2018.0029.

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7

Lincove, David. "Book Review: The Persian Empire: A Historical Encyclopedia." Reference & User Services Quarterly 56, no. 2 (January 4, 2017): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.56n2.145b.

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This encyclopedia is the first English language reference source to focus exclusively on ancient Iran during the period of its great empires before the arrival of Islam from 700 BCE to 651 CE. The major empires were the Medes, the Achaemenids, the Seleucids, the Arsacids (Parthians), and the Sasanians. Ancient Iran covered a geographic area that varied over time. At its greatest expanse the Achaemenid Empire (559–330 BCE) ruled territory continuous from Thrace in southeastern Europe to the Indus River in India. Almost as large was the Seleucid Empire (305–125 BCE) which was not Iranian or Persian but Macedonian, founded by one of Alexander the Great’s generals after his death. With the expansion of the empires through military conquests and the administrative control of vast geographic areas, Kia emphasizes that languages, ethnicities, religions, and cultures of the Persian empires were very diverse and that Persia itself was actually a southern province of Greater Iran.

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8

Harrison, Stephen. "ROME AND THE SELEUCID EMPIRE - (A.) Coşkun, (D.) Engels (edd.) Rome and the Seleukid East. Selected Papers from Seleukid Study Day V, Brussels, 21–23 August 2015. (Collection Latomus 360.) Pp. 512. ills. Brussels: Éditions Latomus, 2019. Paper, €84. ISBN: 978-90-429-3927-1." Classical Review 70, no. 1 (January 14, 2020): 178–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x19002191.

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9

Ehling, Kay. "Boris Chrubasik, Kings and Usurpers in the Seleukid Empire. The Men Who Would Be King. Oxford, Oxford University Press 2016." Historische Zeitschrift 307, no. 1 (August 5, 2018): 166–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2018-1309.

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10

BRODERSEN, KAI. "(G.G.) Aperghis The Seleukid Royal Economy. The Finances and Financial Administration of the Seleukid Empire. Pp. xvi + 361, gs, map. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Cased, £55, US$90. ISBN: 978-0-521-83707-1." Classical Review 57, no. 2 (September 3, 2007): 454–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x07000947.

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11

Müller, Sabine. "Altay Coşkun – Alex McAuley (Hgg.), Seleukid Royal Women. Creation, Representation and Distortion of Hellenistic Queenship in the Seleukid Empire, Stuttgart (Franz Steiner) 2016 (Historia Einzelschriften 240), 322 Seiten, ISBN: 978-3-515-11295-6 (geb.), € 62,–." Klio 101, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 375–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2019-0023.

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12

Overtoom, Nikolaus Leo. "The Power-Transition Crisis of the 160s–130s BCE and the Formation of the Parthian Empire." Journal of Ancient History 7, no. 1 (May 26, 2019): 111–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jah-2018-0024.

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Abstract Alexander the Great’s conquests ushered in the Hellenistic era throughout the ancient Mediterranean and Middle East. In this period, the Seleucids, one of most successful of the Successor dynasties, ruled over most of the Middle East at the height of their power. Yet two rising powers in the ancient world, Rome and Parthia, played a crucial role in the decline and eventual fall of the Seleucids. In a prior article, I argued that geopolitical developments around the Eastern Mediterranean in the middle third century BCE were indirectly responsible for the emergence of the Parthian state in Iran. Disastrous military conflicts at home and abroad in the west caused a sudden decline of Seleucid power in the 240s–230s, triggering what political scientists call a power-transition crisis. This article utilizes similar approaches to historical analysis and International Relations theory to contend that, after a period of recovery, a further sudden decline of Seleucid power in the 160s–130s triggered another power-transition crisis that brought an end to Seleucid hegemony over the Middle East permanently. The crisis facilitated the rapid transformation of the Parthian state from a minor kingdom to a major empire, drastically changing the international environment of the ancient world.

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13

Harrison, Stephen. "(B.) Chrubasik Kings and Usurpers in the Seleukid Empire: The Men who would be King. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016. Pp. xvii + 308. £80. 9780198786924." Journal of Hellenic Studies 138 (2018): 279–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426918000319.

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14

Erickson, Kyle. "SELEUCID KINGS - (B.) Chrubasik Kings and Usurpers in the Seleukid Empire. The Men Who Would Be King. Pp. xxiv + 308, ills, maps. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016. Cased, £80, US$125. ISBN: 978-0-19-878692-4." Classical Review 67, no. 2 (June 28, 2017): 453–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x17001196.

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15

Eckstein, Arthur M. "What is an empire and how do you know when you have one? Rome and the Greek States after 188 BC." Antichthon 47 (2013): 173–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400000320.

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AbstractInterstate politics in the ancient Mediterranean was for centuries what political scientists term a multipolar anarchy – a world consisting of a plurality of independent states all contending with each other for survival and hegemony. The most successful of these was, of course, Rome. But did the tremendous victories of 196 and 188 BC over the Antigonid monarchy and then the Seleucid monarchy – which followed the defeat in 201 of the Carthaginian Republic in the West – mean that Rome established an empire in the eastern Mediterranean? That the Roman Republic established an empire in the Greek East from 188 BC is asserted by some scholars. I will argue differently here. The emergence of Rome as a true imperial metropole was haphazard and long-delayed. After the defeat of Carthage, Macedon and the Seleucids, Rome by 188 had certainly achieved what political scientists term ‘unipolarity’: in the Mediterranean state-system of states, the preponderance of power was now in the hands of a single entity. But does the emergence of even greater inter-state asymmetry of power equal the establishment of an ‘empire’? This is the complicated question I will address.

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16

Taylor, Michael J. "SACRED PLUNDER AND THE SELEUCID NEAR EAST." Greece and Rome 61, no. 2 (September 12, 2014): 222–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383514000175.

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The Seleucid Empire was the largest and most ethnically diverse of all the successor kingdoms formed after the death of Alexander the Great. The relationship between the Macedonian dynasty and various subject peoples is therefore a central question of Seleucid historiography. This article focuses on the relations between king and native temples, arguing that temple despoliation was standard procedure for Seleucid rulers facing fiscal problems. I explore various instances in which Seleucid kings removed treasures from native temples under coercive auspices, suggesting that this pattern problematizes recent scholarship emphasizing positive relations between Seleucid kings and native priestly elites.

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17

Kosmin, Paul. "Rethinking the Hellenistic Gulf: The New Greek Inscription from Bahrain." Journal of Hellenic Studies 133 (2013): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426913000049.

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AbstractThe recent discovery in Bahrain of a Greek inscription, dating to the 120s BC, transforms our understanding of the Arab-Persian Gulf in the Hellenistic period. The inscription, recording the dedication of a shrine to the Dioskouroi on behalf of the first independent king of Characene, indicates that Bahrain was a garrisoned node within the Seleucid Empire and the centre of the previously unknown archipelagic administrative district ‘Tylos (Bahrain) and the Islands’. Seleucid and Characenian control of Bahrain is placed within the longue durée political history of relations between southern Mesopotamia and Dilmun. The cultic dedication to the Dioskouroi traces the consciously Hellenizing modalities of Characenian emancipation from the Seleucid Empire and the development of a coherent maritime religious network in the Gulf.

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18

Lorber, Catharine. "Honoring the King in the Seleukid and Ptolemaic Empires: A Comparative Approach. Part 1." Electrum 29 (October 21, 2022): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20800909el.22.005.15775.

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Cultic and other honors offered to rulers by their subjects unambiguously express loyalty to the rulers. Based on data collected for the Seleukid and Ptolemaic empires, a comparison is offered emphasizing the particular qualities of the Seleukid record. The comparison considers geographic distribution, where the honors fell on a public to private spectrum, the occupations and ethnicities of the subjects who offered honors individually, the intensity of these practices, and changes in the patterns over time. We know in advance that honors for the rulers are weakly attested for the Seleukid east, and even in Koile Syria and Phoinike. Should this reticence be interpreted as a possible indication of tepid support for Seleukid rule in these regions? Alternative explanations or contributing factors include preexisting cultural habits, different royal policies, destruction of evidence by wars and natural disasters, and the unevenness of archaeological exploration.

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19

Reghin, Santiago Colombo. "Regime temporal e imperialismo: o calendário selêucida frente a seus súditos e adversários." CODEX - Revista de Estudos Clássicos 9, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 166–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.25187/codex.v9i2.42472.

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20

Eckhardt, Benedikt. "The Hasmoneans and their Rivals in Seleucid and Post-Seleucid Judea." Journal for the Study of Judaism 47, no. 1 (February 18, 2016): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340449.

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The first book of Maccabees gives a detailed account of the Hasmonean rise to power within the administrative structures of the declining Seleucid Empire. While this picture is altogether plausible as far as the Hasmoneans are concerned, there are obvious holes in the narrative when it comes to rival claims. All opponents are characterized as “lawless” and “impious men.” There are nevertheless some indications that other parties had similar access to Seleucid pretenders, and that the Hasmoneans constantly had to face opposition from groups quite similar to themselves. The article tries to identify some of these groups. It also considers the repercussions this rivalry had in the post-Seleucid Hasmonean state.

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21

Porshnev, V. P. "Landscape gardening art of the Seleucid Empire." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg State University of Culture, no. 4 (45) (December 2020): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.30725/2619-0303-2020-4-85-92.

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Landscape art of the state of the Seleucid Empire, which inherited a considerable part of the broken-up Alexander of Macedon’s Empire still was not a subject of a separate research. Unlike Ptolemaic Egypt where imperial gardeners managed harmoniously to unite the landscape planning inherited from sacred groves and parks of Hellas with Ancient Egyptian tradition of regular planning, there is no reason to speak about any specific «Seleucid’s style». Nevertheless, landscape art of this dynasty has the great interest to historians of ancient art as it fills a time gap between gardens and parks of an era of Hellenism and further stages of landscape art’s history. Having inherited and having enriched the Persian paradises and Hanging gardens of Babylon, having extended the culture of the Greek policies to the East, it, further, transfers the heritage to gardeners of Parthia and Bactria, Pergamum kingdom, Roman Empire. Article investigates gardens and parks on the cultural space controlled by Seleucid’s on certain regions (Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, Persia, Bactria, Syria). The main attention is devoted to the park in Daphne, the suburb of Antiochiaon- Orontes, to the biggest and best-known park of antiquity. The author builds a research both on the saved-up archaeological material, and on the written sources which not always are available in high-quality Russian translations.

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22

Carey, Greg. "Daniel as an Americanized Apocalypse." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 71, no. 2 (March 29, 2017): 190–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020964316688052.

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Set in the context of Judean resistance against the Seleucid Empire, Daniel addresses issues such as diaspora, identity, empire, and power. The first biblical apocalypse models how to survive faithfully within a hostile foreign culture, and it voices a full-throated rejection of foreign domination. In contrast, American religious media domesticate Daniel into a morality tale, a fable that promotes personal integrity and trust in God. The Americanized Daniel cannot or will not ask what “empire” means or what it means for believers to inhabit an empire themselves. This essay explores what modern readers can gain by reintroducing categories like “empire” and “resistance” in Daniel.

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23

Rutter, Keith. "Kyle Erickson, The Early Seleukids, their Gods and their Coins. pp. xiv + 189, 46 ills. 2018. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-41579-376-6, hardcover £96.00." Journal of Greek Archaeology 5 (January 1, 2020): 614–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/jga.v5i.465.

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This book examines the coinage of rulers of the Seleucid kingdom down to the reign of Antiochus IV, with particular reference to the deployment on coins of images of divinities that were designed to symbolise and support Seleucid authority, which in its turn required the repeated re–creation of Seleucid legitimacy. Crucial questions throughout are: why was a specific coin type chosen? And, why did the coin iconography develop and change along the lines it did? An introductory chapter covers some of the historical background to Seleucid rule, and introduces (some of) the way(s) in which the images on coins can provide insights into the nature of that rule – in particular by the creation of a Seleucid identity and ideology that was based not only on military success, but also on the support of the gods, in particular Zeus and Apollo. A key conclusion is that some of the images can be interpreted in a ‘polyvalent context’ (p. 9), that is, they could have communicated different meanings depending on the different locales and religious traditions in which they were used. From this point of view an important aim of the book is a better understanding of the ways in which the Seleucid kings related to their native populations. Thus, in Chapter 2 the role of the image of the archer god Apollo sitting on the omphalos is assessed in terms of its potential significance in different areas of the empire: Asia Minor, the Syrian tetrapolis, Babylonia, and Iran.

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24

R. J. Van der Spek. "The Latest on Seleucid Empire Building in the East." Journal of the American Oriental Society 138, no. 2 (2018): 385. http://dx.doi.org/10.7817/jameroriesoci.138.2.0385.

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25

Portier-Young, Anathea E. "Languages of Identity and Obligation: Daniel as Bilingual Book." Vetus Testamentum 60, no. 1 (2010): 98–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/004249310x12585232748109.

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AbstractSociolinguistics provides a theoretical framework for viewing the bilingualism of the book of Daniel as a deliberate rhetorical strategy. The author(s) of Daniel began their discourse in Hebrew, switched to Aramaic, and concluded in Hebrew to move its audience to a recognition of a new context in which the claims of empire had dissolved and claims of covenant alone remained. In so doing, the author(s) invited the audience to find their place within the world of the visions, forsaking a stance of collaboration with the reigning Seleucid empire in order to adopt a posture of resistance rooted in covenant.

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26

Kidd, Fiona J. "Rulership and Sovereignty at Akchakhan-kala in Chorasmia." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 24, no. 1-2 (November 5, 2018): 251–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700577-12341332.

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AbstractStarting from the fall of the Seleucid Empire, scholars have noted changes to the practice of kingship manifest in the emergence of what has been described as a ruler cult based on a blending of Iranian and Greek or Hellenistic practices. The mix of indigenous Iranian ideas of kingship and (“Zoroastrian”) religion with Greek and Hellenistic ideas is key to understanding the practice of Central Asian rulership after the arrival of Alexander the Great. Chorasmia has not traditionally been part of this conversation: here the issue of a post-Seleucid transformation of Iranian kingship is nuanced by the fact that Alexander never visited the region, and the remains of Hellenism are rather scant. Nevertheless, the most recent findings at the mid 1st century BC – mid 1st century AD Ceremonial Complex at Akchakhan-kala suggest new practices of rule also in this region. This paper examines these new ideas against the background of changing practices in kingship across eastern Iran, the Caucasus and Central Asia.

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27

Chavalas, Mark W., Susan Sherwin-White, and Amelie Kuhrt. "From Samarkhand to Sardis: A New Approach to the Seleucid Empire." American Historical Review 101, no. 5 (December 1996): 1525. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2170193.

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28

Holt, Frank Lee, Susan Sherwin-White, and Amelie Kuhrt. "From Samarkhand to Sardis: A New Approach to the Seleucid Empire." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 25, no. 4 (1995): 664. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205788.

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29

Mathisen, Ralph, and Arthur Houghton. "Coins of the Seleucid Empire from the Collection of Arthur Houghton." American Journal of Archaeology 89, no. 1 (January 1985): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/504791.

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30

Martin, Thomas R., and Susan Sherwin-White. "From Samarkhand to Sardis: A New Approach to the Seleucid Empire." Classical World 89, no. 1 (1995): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351774.

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31

Erskine, Andrew. "Paul J. Kosmin. Time and Its Adversaries in the Seleucid Empire." American Historical Review 125, no. 5 (December 2020): 1936–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz1240.

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32

Miller, Kassandra. "Time and Its Adversaries in the Seleucid Empire by Paul J. Kosmin." Phoenix 72, no. 3-4 (2018): 379–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phx.2018.0020.

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33

Fischer-Bovet, C. "Social Unrest and Ethnic Coexistence in Ptolemaic Egypt and the Seleucid Empire." Past & Present 229, no. 1 (October 28, 2015): 3–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtv036.

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34

Honigman, Sylvie. "Time and Its Adversaries in the Seleucid Empire, by Paul J. Kosmin." Dead Sea Discoveries 27, no. 2 (June 19, 2020): 302–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685179-02702007.

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35

Kaplan, Jonathan. "The Chronography of Daniel 9 and Jubilees in the Shadow of the Seleucid Era." Journal of Ancient Judaism 10, no. 2 (May 19, 2019): 116–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-01002002.

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The Levitical jubilee cycle was originally a chronological structure for marking the progress of sabbatical and jubilee years. In the second century B.C.E., the writers of Daniel 9 and the book of Jubilees were among the first to transform the jubilee cycle into a mode of conceptualizing the pro¬gress of history and the place of the Judean people in that history. In this article, I examine their adaptations of this cycle as a way to structure time and reflect on the progress of history. I argue that they employed this structure as an epochal mode of chronicling history in imitation of the Seleucid Era. In this context, the Levitical jubilee emerges, alongside other chronographic strategies such as the Danielic four empires schema and the ten weeks of the Apocalypse of Weeks, in order to construct an alternative to the Seleucid Era for understanding the history of Judea and its people.

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36

Cereti, Carlo Giovanni, Mehdi Mousavi Nia, and Mohammad Reza Neʿmati. "Ray and Pahlaw in the Context of Sasanian Iran." Journal of Persianate Studies 14, no. 1-2 (August 10, 2022): 6–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-bja10016.

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Abstract Ray—located near present-day Tehran—is among the most important historical areas in Iran and the plains to the south of Tehran have always been densely inhabited and intensely cultivated thanks to the waters coming from Mount Tochal and the Alborz Mountains. Historical records and archeological data for the early history of the city in the Median, Achæmenid, Seleucid, and even Parthian periods are not exhaustive. In the present study, an attempt is made to bring together primary and secondary sources to define better the role that the province of Ray played during the Sasanian period, during which it was host, among others, to a huge military camp crucial to manning the northern and eastern frontier. Combined archeological and historical evidence shows that Ray has played an important and pivotal role in the history of Iran from the first years of the formation of the Sasanian Empire to the very last years of the empire, leaving a lasting memory in the Islamic literary tradition.

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37

Mendels, Doron. "An overlooked treatise in Greek political thought: An essay on 2 Maccabees as a Hellenistic politico-theological manifest." Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 29, no. 2 (December 2019): 100–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951820719882362.

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This essay does not dwell yet again on traditional issues associated with 2 Maccabees usually discussed through a Jewish lens by dozens of modern scholars. It also does not view the book within its traditional Jewish Hellenistic “Sitz im Leben,” with its self-evident Hellenistic-Jewish reading audience, and its aim is neither to draw a distinction between Greek topoi and biblical motifs nor to discuss its values as an historical text. Rather, the article assumes a pagan reading publicum alongside a Jewish Hellenistic one that, in contradistinction with its Jewish audience, could easily see in 2 Maccabees a standard narrative of a life in a Greek polis under foreign rule, where the “ancestral constitution” plays a significant role, so typical of Greek poleis from the classical period (Delian league) through the Hellenistic era (Macedonian Ptolemaic and Seleucid empires). Reading the book as a Greek would have can give us new insights concerning its socio-political and theological message (independently of its Jewish one). The article reconstructs a politeia as a learned Greek would have done. The book can actually be read as a reflection, or rather a microcosmos of the second century B.C.E. in the Greek sphere during the Hellenistic period. The overall message of the book emerges different than that broadcasted to the Hellenistic Jews, and constitutes a rich mine of theoretical information about the relationship between a subject city and an empire.

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Mirecki, Paul Allan. "Coins of the Seleucid Empire from the Collection of Arthur Houghton. Arthur Houghton, ed." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 276 (November 1989): 92–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1356857.

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Freni, Giulia. "Marijn S. Visscher. Beyond Alexandria: Literature and Empire in the Seleucid World." Mouseion 18, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 315–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/mous.18.2.br05.

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Mitchell, Stephen. "The Seleucid Empire - Susan Sherwin-White, Amelie Kuhrt: From Samarkand to Sardis: A New Approach to the Seleucid Empire. Pp. ix+261; 29 plates, 11 maps and plans. London: Duckworth, 1993. £35." Classical Review 44, no. 1 (April 1994): 108–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00290744.

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Behroozi, Mehrnaz, and Leila Kochaki Kia. "The Administrative Structure of Achaemenid and Seleucid Empires in Observing Civil Rights." International Journal of Culture and History (EJournal) 3, no. 1 (2017): 52–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.18178/ijch.2017.3.1.077.

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Kuhrt, Amélie, and Susan Sherwin-White. "Aspects of Seleucid Royal Ideology: The Cylinder of Antiochus I from Borsippa." Journal of Hellenic Studies 111 (November 1991): 71–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631888.

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A major contention of our bookHellenism in the Eastwas that the most profitable way for making progress in understanding the Achaemenid and Seleucid empires was to try to evaluate, sensitively, the very disparate types of evidence within their own social and cultural contexts, however difficult this might be in practice. In the case of the Antiochus I cylinder we are confronted by an inscribed object whose significance lies as much in its physical form as in the content of the text it bears. These aspects are inextricably intertwined as part of a tradition specific to Mesopotamian culture—object and text combined are the physical representation of a major, longstanding, sociopolitical institution for which a mass of earlier evidence exists. It is all too understandable that Greco-Roman scholars, who have been the primary students of the hellenistic world, should find it hard to know how to approach such material emanating from an unfamiliar cultural milieu. Yet, for once, this text isnotfragmentary—it is a long, well-preserved document, easy to read and readily accessible in translation which in itself demonstrates an acknowledgment by hellenistic historians of the potential importance of this non-Greek text for understanding Seleucid history.

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Wójcikowski, Robert S. "The Horned Horse in the Coinage of Seleucus I Nicator." Studies in Ancient Art and Civilisation 25 (December 19, 2021): 123–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/saac.25.2021.25.07.

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The motif of the horned horse on the coins of Seleucus I is characteristic for the coinage of the first Seleucid king. Its meaning is still unclear in spite of many attempts to interpret it. The horned horse is associated with Dionysos, or Alexander the Great. Most of the coins featuring this motif were minted in the Iranian part of the empire of Seleucus I and this fact suggests that it should be interpreted in the context of Iranian culture in which a horse featured significantly and could symbolize royal power and authority. Horns as an iconographic element were characteristic of Babylon and were typical attributes of gods and kings in their representations. This publication focuses on the interpretation of the motif of the horned horse and horseman within the context of the Iranian religion and Achaemenid royal tradition and its influence on Seleucus’ ideology of power.

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Lerner, Jeffrey D. "Paul J. Kosmin.The Land of the Elephant Kings: Space, Territory, and Ideology in the Seleucid Empire." American Historical Review 120, no. 5 (December 2015): 1949–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/120.5.1949.

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Arce, Ignacio. "UMAYYAD BUILDING TECHNIQUES AND THE MERGING OF ROMAN-BYZANTINE AND PARTHO-SASSANIAN TRADITIONS: CONTINUITY AND CHANGE." Late Antique Archaeology 4, no. 1 (2008): 491–537. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134522-90000099.

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This paper analyses the introduction, merging and use of building materials and techniques, architectural typologies and urban patterns, during the Umayyad period in Bilad al-Sham (present day Syria, Palestine and Jordan), within the general framework of the cultural interchange that took place in that period between eastern and western traditions. For most of its history, and especially in Antiquity, this was a frontier area, or a buffer zone in modern terms, between the main regional powers: Egypt and the successive Mesopotamian empires; Persia and Greece; the Seleucid and Ptolemaic kingdoms; Rome and Parthia; Byzantium and the Sassanians. As a result, it not only witnessed war, invasion and destruction, but also fruitful economic and cultural interchange. This frontier was lifted twice: first, during the reign of Alexander, and, secondly with the rise of Islam.

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Wenghofer, Richard. "The Land of the Elephant Kings: Space, Territory, and Ideology in the Seleucid Empire by Paul Kosmin." Phoenix 68, no. 3-4 (2014): 361–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phx.2014.0012.

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van der Spek, R. J. "The Land of the Elephant Kings. Space, Territory, and Ideology in the Seleucid Empire, written by Kosmin, P.J." Mnemosyne 69, no. 4 (June 23, 2016): 715–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342182.

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Ramsey, Gillian. "The Land of the Elephant Kings: Space, Territory, and Ideology in the Seleucid Empire by Paul J. Kosmin." Classical World 109, no. 2 (2016): 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2016.0006.

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Nelson, Thomas J. "SELEUCID LITERATURE - (M.S.) Visscher Beyond Alexandria. Literature and Empire in the Seleucid World. Pp. xiv + 256, maps. New York: Oxford University Press, 2020. Cased, £55, US$85. ISBN: 978-0-19-005908-8." Classical Review 71, no. 2 (May 12, 2021): 336–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x2100086x.

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Atkinson, Kenneth. "Judean Piracy, Judea and Parthia, and the Roman Annexation of Judea: The Evidence of Pompeius Trogus." Electrum 29 (October 21, 2022): 127–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20800909el.22.009.15779.

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Pompey the Great’s 63 BCE conquest of the Jewish kingdom known as the Hasmonean State has traditionally been viewed as an inevitable event since the Roman Republic had long desired to annex the Middle Eastern nations. The prevailing consensus is that the Romans captured the Hasmonean state, removed its high-priest kings from power, and made its territory part of the Republic merely through military force. However, Justin’s Epitome of the Philippic Histories of Pompeius Trogus is a neglected source of new information for understanding relations between the Romans and the Jews at this time. Trogus’s brief account of this period alludes to a more specific reason, or at least, circumstance for Pompey’s conquest of Judea. His work contains evidence that the Jews were involved in piracy, of the type the Republic had commissioned Pompey to eradicate. In addition to this activity that adversely affected Roman commercial interests in the Mediterranean, the Jews were also involved with the Seleucid Empire and the Nabatean Arabs, both of whom had dealings with the Parthians. Piracy, coupled with Rome’s antagonism towards the Parthians, negatively impacted the Republic’s attitude towards the Jews. Considering the evidence from Trogus, Roman fears of Jewish piracy and Jewish links to the Republic’s Parthian enemies were not unfounded.

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