Journal articles on the topic 'Segregationist groups'

Most historical scholarship on race and housing in the 20th-century United States examines public housing and private housing separately or focuses on large metropoles. This study seeks to understand the relationship between public and private housing discrimination, segregated residential patterns, and desegregationist advocacy in mid-20^th Century Trenton, New Jersey. To do so, it utilizes archived documents of local civil rights organizations, correspondence between activist groups and local public officials, and local newspaper articles along with secondary literature on race and housing. This thesis argues that the introduction of federal public housing programs in the 1930s, intended to increase quality housing access, allowed Trenton’s government officials to place black residents in segregated projects, thereby reinforcing existing segregated residential patterns. Simultaneously, financial institutions and realtors infringed upon black Trentonians’ agency in the private market through discriminatory lending and realty practices that discouraged integration. City leaders’ segregationist attitudes furthered systemic racial discrimination, confining black Trentonians of all socio-economic classes to poor quality, overcrowded housing. Black and segregationist activists resisted segregationist practices by asserting their right to fair representation as taxpayers through letters, community meetings, and public demonstrations. By the 1960s, they gained an ally in Trenton’s mayor, but the mass exodus of white Trentonians in the postwar period prevented integration efforts from coming to full fruition. These findings suggest that racial discrimination in private and public markets coalesced to systemically limit black families’ ability to access decent and sufficient housing conditions throughout the country.

The present paper brings out clear evidence of what constitute the essential challenges of Afro-Caribbean and African American challenges and popular slogans from the late 19th to the mid- 20th Centuries which actually de-humanised the Black race whose ancestors were harshly used as slaves in the opening and development of the Americas plantations between 1619 and 1850. In spite of their long efforts in the struggle for racial equality and granting of full civil rights, different secret societies were formed alongside open police actions to frequently terrorised other races in the American Continent. The phenomenon became wide spread across the 20th Century which also suffered from the aftermaths of the two world Wars while prominent African Americans also kept American authorities busy in their struggle to end segregationist practices of the Century. Our findings show that police kill African Americans more than twice as often as the general population. Across all racial groups, 65.3 percent of those killed possessed a firearm at the time of their death. In addition, Millions of African Americans live in communities that lack access to good jobs and good schools and suffer from high crime rates. African American adults are about twice as likely to be unemployed as whites, black students lag their white peers in educational attainment and achievement, and African American communities tend to have higher than average crime rates. These issues have been persistent problems. A bronze statue called ‘Raise Up’, part of the display at the National Memorial for Peace and Justice, a memorial to honor thousands of people killed in lynchings, in Montgomery, Alabama. Therefore, the scrutiny of specialized sources and other related documentations enable us to use historical analytical methods to bring out evidences as changed of status from slavery to Afro-Caribbean and African America path the way forward to legalized segregationist system.

North Macedonia’s two main ethnic groups, the Albanians and Macedonians, have experienced increasing segregation in education, though recent political shifts have made social cohesion a priority, which could replace decades of segregationist policies and break down a damaging cycle of segregation. Using a qualitative approach, I examine the complex relationship between policies, schools, and individuals through analysing 18 years of education policies, interviews/focus groups with 30 participants, and four years living and working in segregated communities. To explore how educational policies, institutions, and practices perpetuate ethnic segregation in North Macedonia, and how growing up in a divided society shapes individuals’ conceptions of themselves and other predominant ethnic groups, I employ contact theory and critical policy analysis. I find that as students grow up in divided schools and communities, their conceptions of the self and of people from other ethnic groups are constituted by these experiences of segregation. While the nation’s education policies currently include more initiatives for integrated education, these have yet to be implemented satisfactorily, meaning that public schools could teach inclusion and serve as a mechanism for dispelling negative stereotypes, but to do so requires a reconceptualization of ethnic difference and a cohesive vision of national identity.

This paper explores the influence of religion in cultural hybridization processes linked to migratory experience, taking into account the study of mass media consumption. Our research focused on the analysis of Muslim women from northern Africa living in Catalonia (Spain) over a 5-year period. The final sample was composed of 25 women, from Morocco (22), Tunisia (2) and Algeria (1).The main conclusions of our qualitative research are that the influence of Islam is much more evident as culture than as dogma and, in line with this, the presence of segregationist media consumption is minimal (in 4 of the 25 interviewed). Internet and television consumption is dominant, but there is a significant generation gap. Whereas internet consumption is mostly among the young, television is more present among women over the age of 36. With regards to internet content, there is serious concern about the presence of religious leaders who, under the guise of a modern appearance, spread a vision of Islam in fundamentalist terms. Much of the sample interviewed fears its power of influence. In digital social networks, Muslim women tend to share religious information, but, for safety reasons, they do so within closed groups.

The objective of this analysis is linked to the discussion of urban residential segregation marked by the Brazilian urban land structure and perpetuated by urban planning instruments at the municipal level. The spatial focus of the study is the municipality of Londrina (state of Paraná/Brazil). We aimed to analyze the relationship between urban zoning and the dynamics of residential segregation, unfolding two foci: verify to what extent the objectives presented in the municipal instrument translate the objectives of the instrument at the federal level (the City Statute–CE) and the national program “My Home, My Life” aimed to provide housing to socially vulnerable populations; the second focus, aims to assess how the planning instrument—the Special Zone of Social Interest (ZEIS), contemplated in the Land Use and Occupation Law and in the Municipal Master Plan of Londrina (PDPML, 2008)—materializes in practice the objectives of promoting equity in access to housing. The results show that although the objectives defined at the federal level are transposed to the municipal level, demonstrating a theoretical coherence between the instruments, there are flaws in their implementation. The case study results show that the urban zoning of Londrina has as a guideline a segregationist territorial ordering, leading to a residential segregation of the population with low purchasing power. On the other hand, the planning instrument that could change this reality is the ZEIS that, on the contrary, reinforced social housing in the periphery, conditioning the right to the city and perpetuating the social vulnerability of disadvantaged groups, in a process common to other Brazilian cities. Such constraints make relevant the establishment of land reserves for social housing based on clear roles of a social and functional mix, reinforced by the combat of vacant spaces and the definition of minimal housing and infrastructure densities to allow urban occupation.

This paper focuses on collaborations between scientists and engineers and investigates their mutual benefits. More concretely, multi-layered networks separated into four scientific/technological areas are investigated. The areas are life sciences (Bio), nanotechnology/materials (Nano), information and telecommunications (IT), and environmental sciences (Env), and they are mentioned in the third science and technology basic plan issued by the Government of Japan. The networks were then analyzed by using p*models to find compound structures. Logistic regression analysis was conducted, and the compound structures were expressed by explanatory variables. In all four areas, joint authorship and joint application tend to overlap. A role interlocking structure is only found in Bio, and itmeans that a gatekeeper exists between scientific knowledge and technical knowledge. A transitivity structuremeans three-person groups emerge such that a central person publishes papers (or patents) with two other people, and the two other people publish the other outcomes, and patents (or papers). It is found that transitivity is generally not reversible. In Bio and Nano, there is no eminent difference in significance of the two different types of transitivity, but in IT and Env, segregations with a joint application expert and joint authorship support emerge more strongly than the other types of segregations.

AbstractThe process of segregation is a complex problem affecting both developed and developing states; it is influenced by territorial, historical, demographic and economic impacts. To solve this growing problem, we must know how it is influenced by different factors. In this case, we are able to describe the appropriate strategy. This study examines the characteristics of poverty’s regional segregation in Baranya county, Hungary. It describes and analyses the regularities and correlations at NUTS 3 level and compares four segregated living spaces in different areas of the county. Our theory postulates that segregation has different bases and different attributions according to geographical localisation. Due to the different and well-chosen research areas, this study is able to highlight these aforementioned regional differences and characteristics. According to the results, we create a standardisation system to form the basis for future studies and strategies. After all of the study analyses, the local conditions are categorised based on the previously established standardisation system. The results of this study can help manage the problems of marginalised social groups and territorial segregation and also create a strategy to handle them.

Monogenic segregations of seven isozyme markers were analyzed in F2 and reciprocal backcross progenies of an interspecific hybrid between Lycopersicon esculentum and L. pennellii (LA 716). In the F2 population, four markers, which map to three different chromosomes, deviated significantly from the expected Mendelian ratios and in all cases an excess of the L. pennellii alleles was observed. In the backcrosses all the genes segregated normally. These results and the lack of effect of different gametophytic selection conditions on the deviations indicated that the elimination of L. esculentum alleles in the F2 did not occur at prezygotic stages. Three of the isozymes were assayed in mature F2 seed and revealed similar deviations to those observed in F2 plants. These findings, as well as the lower numbers of seed per fruit observed in the F2 than in the backcross (where the hybrid functioned as female parent), indicate that differential zygotic abortion is the main cause of the unequal segregations. In addition, analysis of two linkage groups in the reciprocal backcrosses revealed higher recombination frequencies on the female side. Key words: Lycopersicon esculentum, L. pennellii, unequal segregations, differential zygotic abortion, recombination.

Disciplinary segregation (DS) is practiced in a variety of correctional settings and a growing body of research explores its subsequent effects among offenders. The present study contributes to this literature by analyzing the impact of short-term DS on violent infractions and community recidivism among a sample of inmates in Washington State. We assessed the impact of DS on these outcomes from deterrence and stain theory perspectives while controlling for social support variables such as visitations and correctional programming. Mentally ill offenders were excluded, as their abilities to make rational choices may be inconsistent with deterrence theory. Results show DS does not significantly affect post-DS infractions. Social supports significantly reduced inmates’ odds of violent infractions while incarcerated. Community models indicate no substantive differences between the DS and non-DS groups on post-prison convictions 3 years after release. Overall, DS exhibited limited effects on offenders’ institutional or community outcomes.

Abstract Linkage detection and estimation procedures based on deviation from expected F2 segregation ratios in common bean (Phaseolus vulgaris L.) were used to localize two genes. The product ratio method of estimation was used with four-class segregations, and the maximum likelihood method was used with three-class segregations and for combining multiple sets of data. A tight linkage of 1.6 ± 1.5 map units (m.u.) was found between dwarf seed (ds) and dark green savoy leaf (dgs), two genes in linkage group VII. A third gene in linkage group VII, stipelless lanceolate leaf (sl), was found to be 18.7 ± 1.6 m.u. from ds. The distance between dgs and sl was found to be 21.2 ± 1.0 m.u., thus establishing that ds is located between dgs and sl. This location of ds supports the contention that ds and tenuis (te), a gene described by Lamprecht, are the same gene. In linkage group IX, an estimate of 4.6 ± 1.5 m.u. was obtained for the linkage between diamond leaf (dia) and progressive chlorosis (prc). Spindly branch (sb) was found to be 15.4 ± 0.7 m.u. from prc and 11.4 ± 1.1 m.u. from dia. Thus, dia is located between sb and prc. The independence of linkage groups VII and IX is demonstrated by the independence of representatives of the two groups.

In November 1954, Eugene “Gene” Hood, a former executive of North Carolina's Cone Mills, wrote an unsolicited letter to Wesley Critz George, Emeritus Professor of Histology and Embryology at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. Hood was writing in his capacity as de facto leader of an enclave of hard-line segregationists, based in North Carolina's Piedmont region. Six months had passed since the Supreme Court's Brown decision had effectively rendered segregation unconstitutional, and Hood and his colleagues were becoming increasingly agitated by the lack of an organised, coherent response to the Court's edict in the Tar Heel State. The Piedmont segregationists, a disparate group of lawyers and businessmen, refused to be cast as pariahs in the wake of Brown. Rather, they believed that a sizeable majority of white North Carolinians shared their views on the continued segregation of the races, and, moreover, that a significant number of them would be willing to join a crusade for all-out resistance to federally mandated desegregation. The group's overarching problem was one of trying to devise a strategy that would harness that pro-segregation opinion for maximum effect. On 22 November, after another round of discussions between the group members provided no satisfactory answers, Hood decided that it was time to seek an external stimulus. “I am convinced that we need a state-wide organization,” he wrote to George, “and I am wondering if you and your associates would consider doing something along that line.”

Segregations caused by religions may diversely be responded by a group of people. Being partly perceived as a subject for conducting dialogue, religion may also be considered as a segregating factor that shall better be diminished. Religion, for some groups of people, tends also to be seen as contradictory to the nature of science and toleration. To this extent, the notion of engaging the segregated groups of people can also be related to the concept of Asutosh Varshney in terms of promoting civic engagement through social media with a different setting. Although the movement is virtual community based, the promotion of NoReligion is also intended for giving another view in the state realm.Keywords: NoReligion, atheism, engagement, segregation, dismissal of religion

Abstract The construction of a restriction fragment length polymorphism (RFLP) linkage map is based on the estimation of recombination frequencies between genetic loci and on the determination of the linear order of loci in linkage groups. RFLP loci can be identified as segregations of singular or allelic DNA-restriction fragments. From crosses between heterozygous individuals several allele (fragment) configurations are possible, and this leads to a set of formulas for the evaluation of p, the recombination frequency between two loci. Tables and figures are presented illustrating a general outline of gene mapping using heterozygous populations. The method encompasses as special cases the mapping of loci from segregating populations of pure lines. Formulas for deriving the recombination frequencies and information functions are given for different fragment configurations. Information functions derived for relevant configurations are also compared. A procedure for map construction is presented, as it has been applied to RFLP mapping in an allogamous crop.

Ethnic and socioeconomic segregation levels vary over time and so do the spatial levels of these segregations. Although a large body of research has focused on how residential mobility patterns produce segregation, little is known about how changing mobility patterns translate into temporal and scale variations in sorting. This article develops a methodological framework designed to explore how changing mobility patterns reflect such trends. It introduces a measure of sorting that reflects the extent of disparities among groups in their socio-spatial mobility. Trends in the direction and the extent of sorting can be exposed by computing sorting measures over consecutive periods. The measure is broken down to capture the relative contributions of residential mobility to sorting at hierarchically nested geographical units, for example cities and their constituent neighbourhoods. An empirical demonstration shows that changes in residential mobility patterns affect the magnitude and spatial level of residential sorting, which vary even over the short term.

Abstract Objectives A well-documented paradox is that Hispanics tend to live longer than non-Hispanic Whites (NHW), despite structural disadvantages. We evaluate whether the “Hispanic paradox” extends to more comprehensive longitudinal aging classifications and examine how lifecourse factors relate to these groupings. Methods We used biennial data (1998–2014) on adults aged 65 years and older at baseline from the Health and Retirement Study. We use joint latent class discrete time and growth curve modeling to identify trajectories of aging, and multinomial logit models to determine whether U.S.-born (USB-H) and Foreign-born (FB-H) Hispanics experience healthier styles of aging than non-Hispanic Whites (NHW), and test how lifecycle factors influence this relationship. Results We identify four trajectory classes including, “cognitive unhealthy,” “high morbidity,” “nonaccelerated”, and “healthy.” Compared to NHWs, both USB-H and FB-H have higher relative risk ratios (RRR) of “cognitive unhealthy” and “high morbidity” classifications, relative to “nonaccelerated.” These patterns persist upon controlling for lifecourse factors. Both Hispanic groups, however, also have higher RRRs for “healthy” classification (vs “nonaccelerated”) upon adjusting for adult achievements and health behaviors. Discussion Controlling for lifefcourse factors USB-H and FB-H have equal or higher likelihood for “high morbidity” and “cognitive unhealthy” classifications, respectively, relative to NHWs. Yet, both groups are equally likely of being in the “healthy” group compared to NHWs. These segregations into healthy and unhealthy groups require more research and could contribute to explaining the paradoxical patterns produced when population heterogeneity is not taken into account.

The genetic linkage relations between the dwarfing (D2, d2) and seven enzymic marker genes were evaluated in three crosses between semidwarf and normal inbred lines of pearl millet (Pennisetum glaucum L.). The seven genes code for the following isoenzymes: alcohol dehydrogenase (Adh A), esterase (Est A), malate dehydrogenase (Mdh D) cathodic peroxydase (Pec A), phosphoglucoisomerase (Pgi A), phospholucomutase (Pgm A), and shikimate dehydrogenase (Skdh A). Semidwarf and normal plants were identified by a discriminant analysis based on 16 morphological height components. Mendelian segregations have been observed for all eight genes. Linkage was shown between Pgi A and Pgm A (4 ± 4 centimorgans (cM)), between Skdh A and Adh A (11 ± 7 cM), between D2 and Skdh A (9 ± 5 cM) and between D2 and Adh A (17 ± 8 cM). The latter three genes are linked in the following order: Adh A – 11 cM – Skdh A – 9 cM – D2. The linkage between the recessive dwarfing gene (d2) and the codominant Skdh A alleles will help in the creation of isogenic semidwarf lines of cultivars. It is highly probable that the D2d2 genotype could be separated from the D2D2 genotype.Key words: isozymes, linkage groups, early selection.

Two single-tree linkage maps were constructed for Eucalyptus urophylla and Eucalyptus grandis, based on the segregation of 480 random amplified polymorphic DNA (RAPD) markers in a F1 interspecific progeny. A mixture of three types of single-locus segregations were observed: 244 1:1 female, 211 1:1 male, and 25 markers common to both, segregating 3:1. Markers segregating in the 1:1 ratio (testcross loci) were used to establish separate maternal and paternal maps, while markers segregating in the 3:1 ratio were used to identify homology between linkage groups of the two species maps. An average of 2.8 polymorphic loci were mapped for each arbitrary decamer primer used in the polymerase chain reaction. The mean interval size beween framework markers on the maps was 14 cM. The maps comprised 269 markers covering 1331 cM and 236 markers covering 1415 cM, in 11 linkage groups, for E. urophylla (2n = 2x = 22) and E. grandis (2n = 2x = 22), respectively. A comparative mapping analysis with two other E. urophylla and E. grandis linkage maps showed that RAPDs could be reliable markers for establishing a consensus species map. RAPD markers were automatically and quantitatively scored with an imaging analyzer. They were classified into four categories based on their optical density. A fragment intensity threshold is proposed to optimize the selection of reliable RAPD markers for future mapping experiments. Key words : genetic linkage map, Eucalyptus urophylla, Eucalyptus grandis, random amplified polymorphic DNA, RAPD, automated data collection.

The watermelon strain of papaya ringspot virus (PRSV-W) and zucchini yellow mosaic virus (ZYMV) are potyviruses that cause significant disease losses in cucumber. Resistances have been identified primarily in exotic germplasm that require transfer to elite cultivated backgrounds. To select more efficiently for virus resistances, we identified molecular markers tightly linked to PRSV-W and ZYMV resistances in cucumber. We generated F6 recombinant inbred lines (RILs) from a cross between Cucumis sativus L. 'Straight 8' and a line from 'Taichung Mou Gua', TMG1 (susceptible and resistant, respectively, to both viruses), and studied the segregations of amplified fragment length polymorphism (AFLP) markers, randomly amplified polymorphic DNAs (RAPDs), restriction fragment length polymorphisms (RFLPs), and resistances to PRSV-W and ZYMV. A 353-point map of cucumber was generated, delineating 12 linkage groups at LOD 3.5. Linkage arrangements among RFLPs were consistent with previously published maps; however linkages among RAPDs in our map did not agree with a previously published map. Resistances to PRSV-W and ZYMV were tightly linked (2.2 cM) and mapped to the end of one linkage group. One AFLP cosegregated with resistance to ZYMV.Key words: amplified fragment length polymorphism, randomly amplified polymorphic DNA, restriction fragment length polymorphism, virus resistance.

Esta pesquisa integra literaturas sobre necropoder e segregação dos corpos negros como políticas de descartes raciais. A leitura de Borges (2020), Fernandes (2008, 2017), Foucault (2005), Gomes (2019), Nascimento (2016), Mbembe (2019) denuncia uma necropolítica de semente colonizadora, que é voltada ao genocídio negro, e encontra na pandemia do covid19 a estufa para as mortes etiquetadas pelo racismoDestaca que a maior mortandade da peste pandêmica a agir dentro desses grupos marginalizados é a sistematização secular de um segregacionismo não oficializado, mas resistente. Concluique o mito da democracia racial é o mecanismo de marginalização mais agressivo a ser combatido, porque é o que mais reflete na desumanização das vidas negras, ao desacreditar medidas de inclusão social positiva.THE COVID-19 AND THE VISSCERA OF THE BRAZILIAN NECROPOLITICS CONCERNING THE HEALTH OF BLACK BODIESAbstractThis research integrates literature on necropower and segregation of black bodies as racial discard policies. Reading Borges (2020), Fernandes (2008, 2017), Foucault (2005), Gomes (2019), Nascimento (2016), Mbembe (2019) denounces a necropolitics of colonizing seed, which is focused on black genocide, and finds in the covid-19 pandemic, the stove fordeaths tagged by racism Highlights that the greatest death toll from the pandemic plague acting within these marginalized groups is the secular systematization of an unofficial but resistant segregationism. It is concluded that the myth of racial democracy is the most aggressive marginalization mechanism to be fought, because it is the one that most reflects in thedehumanization of black lives, by discrediting measures of positive social inclusion.Keywords: Necropolitics; Covid-19; Racism; Racial democracy.

Abstract The study included twenty genotypes of triticale, whose seeds were sown during 2018-2019 season at the Research Station of the Faculty of Agriculture, University of Kirkuk in the Sayyadah region on three dates (5 November, 20 November and 5 December) using randomized complete block design according to split plot system with three replications. The data were recorded for traits: first, second and third developmental stages, number of days to 50% flowering, plant height, flag leaf area, number of tillers per plant, number of spikes per plant, length and weight of spike, number of spikelet’s per spike, number of grains per spike, 1000 grains weight, biological yield, grain yield per plant, harvest index, protein percent, specific weight, gluten percent, flour strength, moisture percent and ash percentage, The data were analyzed to identify the nature of the differences between genotypes and planting dates. Because of the significant (genotypes x planting dates) interaction, a cluster analysis was conducted with the aim of grouping similar genotypes into homogeneous groups and estimating the degree of genetic diversity between them through the use of hierarchical clustering technology to estimate distances between groups of genotypes formed for each planting date separately. The results showed that the mean squares of genotypes' was highly significant 1% for all traits except harvest index, with a highly significant interaction with dates for all traits except number of spikelet’s and protein percent. The stages of the cluster analysis showed that the genotypes were distributed into 13 groups for the first date and 14 groups for the second and third dates. Some groups included one genotype, indicating the difference of these genotypes from other due to the difference in their genetic origin, which was consequently reflected on their performance, while other groups includes two genotypes. It is concluded from the results of the clustering analysis that there is a strong convergence between the genotypes of stage 18 with the genotype LIRON at the first date and with POLLMER in the second and third dates because they have the lowest euclidean distances, and this requires avoiding crosses between these pairs, while the highest distance was between CMH80 and CMH82 in the first and third dates and CENT/1715 and POPP-CAAL in the second date indicated high genetic variation between them and other genotypes, which may be due to the variation in their genetic origin or to having preferred main genes, other genotypes devoid of them, which encourages their introduction into hybridization with genotypes that showed distinct genetic variation to take advantage of the phenomenon of heterosis and its segregations.

Our knowledge of how cities bring together different social classes is still limited. Much effort has been devoted to investigating residential segregation, mostly over well-defined social groups (e.g. race). Little is known of how mobility and human communications affect urban social integration. The dynamics of spatial and social-network segregation and individual variations along these two dimensions are largely untapped. In this article, we put forward a computational framework based on coupling large-scale information on human mobility, social-network connections and people’s socio-economic status (SES), to provide a breakthrough in our understanding of the dynamics of spatio-temporal and social-network segregation in cities. Building on top of a social similarity measure, the framework can be used to depict segregation dynamics down to the individual level, and also provide aggregate measurements at the scale of places and cities, and their evolution over time. By applying the methodology in Singapore using large-scale mobile phone and socio-economic datasets, we find a relatively higher level of segregation among relatively wealthier classes, a finding that holds for both social and physical space. We also highlight the interplay between the effect of distance decay and homophily as forces that determine communication intensity, defining a notion of characteristic ‘homophily distance’ that can be used to measure social segregation across cities. The time-resolved analysis reveals the changing landscape of urban segregation and the time-varying roles of places. Segregations in physical and social space are weakly correlated at the individual level but highly correlated when grouped across at least hundreds of individuals. The methodology and analysis presented in this paper enable a deeper understanding of the dynamics of human segregation in social and physical space, which can assist social scientists, planners and city authorities in the design of more integrated cities.

The U.S. has merely 4% of the world population, but contains 25% of the world’s COVID-19 cases. Since the COVID-19 outbreak in the U.S., Massachusetts has been leading other states in the total number of COVID-19 cases. Racial residential segregation is a fundamental cause of racial disparities in health. Moreover, disparities of access to health care have a large impact on COVID-19 cases. Thus, this study estimates racial segregation and disparities in testing site access and employs economic, demographic, and transportation variables at the city/town level in Massachusetts. Spatial regression models are applied to evaluate the relationships between COVID-19 incidence rate and related variables. This is the first study to apply spatial analysis methods across neighborhoods in the U.S. to examine the COVID-19 incidence rate. The findings are: (1) Residential segregations of Hispanic and Non-Hispanic Black/African Americans have a significantly positive association with COVID-19 incidence rate, indicating the higher susceptibility of COVID-19 infections among minority groups. (2) Non-Hispanic Black/African Americans have the shortest drive time to testing sites, followed by Hispanic, Non-Hispanic Asians, and Non-Hispanic Whites. The drive time to testing sites is significantly negatively associated with the COVID-19 incidence rate, implying the importance of the accessibility of testing sites by all populations. (3) Poverty rate and road density are significant explanatory variables. Importantly, overcrowding represented by more than one person per room is a significant variable found to be positively associated with COVID-19 incidence rate, suggesting the effectiveness of social distancing for reducing infection. (4) Different from the findings of previous studies, the elderly population rate is not statistically significantly correlated with the incidence rate because the elderly population in Massachusetts is less distributed in the hotspot regions of COVID-19 infections. The findings in this study provide useful insights for policymakers to propose new strategies to contain the COVID-19 transmissions in Massachusetts.

Miocene–Recent alkaline volcanic rocks form numerous outcrops scattered widely throughout the Antarctic Peninsula and eastern Ellsworth Land. They occur mainly as short-lived (typically 1–2 million years) monogenetic volcanic fields but include a large outcrop area in northern Antarctic Peninsula which includes several substantial polygenetic shield volcanoes that were erupted over a 10 million year period (the James Ross Island Volcanic Group (JRIVG)). As a whole, the outcrops are of considerable importance for our understanding of the kinematic, petrological and palaeoenvironmental evolution of the region during the late Cenozoic. Until now, there has been no formal stratigraphical framework for the volcanism. Knowledge of the polygenetic JRIVG is still relatively poor, whereas a unifying lithostratigraphy is now possible for the monogenetic volcanic fields. For the latter, two new volcanic groups and twelve formations are defined, together with descriptions of the type sections. The volcanic fields (both polygenetic and monogenetic) vary in area from c. 1 to 4500 km2, and aeromagnetic data suggest that one may exceed 7 000 km2. The rocks are divisible into two contrasting petrological ‘series’, comprising basanites–phonotephrites and alkali basalts–tholeiites. The JRIVG is dominated by alkali basalts–tholeiites but also contains rare basanites, and phonotephrite–tephriphonolite compositions occur in minor pegmatitic segregations in sills. By contrast, in the monogenetic volcanic fields, basanites–phonotephrites generally form the older outcrops (mainly 15–5.4 Ma) and alkali basalts–tholeiites the younger outcrops (4(?)–<1 Ma). Throughout the region, erupted volumes of alkali basalts–tholeiites were an order of magnitude greater, at least, than those of basanite–phonotephrite compositions. Interpretation of the lithofacies indicates varied Miocene–Recent palaeoenvironments, including eruption and deposition in a marine setting, and beneath Alpine valley glaciers and ice sheets. Former ice sheets several hundred metres thick, and fluctuating ice surface elevations, which were generally higher during the eruptive periods than at present, can also be demonstrated.

Background/Context The United States is becoming increasingly racially and ethnically diverse, and increasingly racially isolated across race-ethnic boundaries. Researchers have argued that both diversity and racial isolation serve to undermine the social cohesion needed to bind American citizens to one another and to society at large. Focus of Study Given the compelling and consistent findings relating desegregation to social inclusion, this research posits that the issue of declining social trust and social cohesion may be better understood as a consequence of segregation and social isolation within communities rather than as a consequence of variations in diversity across communities. Thus, this study examines the relationship between social cohesion (social distance) and social isolation (race-ethnic segregation) at the institutional level—in schools and neighborhoods. Thus, in the present study, social distance, which reflects both weak connections among ethnically diverse groups in society and limited “bridging capital,” serves as our operational indicator of social cohesion. Participants Participants in this study come from the National Longitudinal Survey of Freshmen, a national probability sample of approximately 4,000 first-time students entering selective colleges and universities in 1999. Equal numbers of African American, Latino, Asian, and White students were sampled from 28 participating institutions, which resulted in an oversampling of minority students to provide meaningful comparisons across each of the major race-ethnic groups. Research Design This study examines the effects of early racial isolation in schools and neighborhoods on social cohesion (i.e., preference for same-race neighbors, preference for children to have same-race schoolmates, and social distance); as such, the measures of social cohesion are drawn from the baseline survey (Wave 1) conducted at the beginning of the first year, before college context and experiences could reasonably impact these outcomes. The models in this study are estimated by race-ethnic group using ordinary least squares regression. The social cohesion outcomes (i.e., preference for same-race neighbors, preference for children to have same race-schoolmates, and social distance) are estimated separately for each race-ethnic group as a function of early racial isolation in neighborhoods, early racial isolation in schools, high school type and context, and student demographics. Findings/Results Results suggest that social isolation in schools plays a more significant role than neighborhood isolation in diminishing social cohesion among young adults, although both matter. Our overall findings relating social isolation in K–12 schooling and young adults’ feelings of social distance, as well as preference for same race-neighbors, offer further support for perpetuation theory, which suggests that early school segregation leads to segregation across the life course and across institutional contexts. The findings also point to school segregation's intergenerational consequences and are consistent with the results of Crain's classic research using Office of Civil Rights data, which laid the foundation for later studies on the long-term effects of desegregation.

A content analysis of the editorial pages of the Birmingham News from 1960 to 1964 shows that, despite its staunch segregationist stance, the paper's editorial pages, nonetheless, produced strong integrationist narratives. This paradox was borne of discordant interpretations of 14th Amendment rights featured in the Supreme Court's Plessy (1896) and Brown (1954) decisions. Rise of staunch segregationist groups and officials after the Court's 1954 Brown decision drove News editors to embrace greater democratic pluralism. The evolution in editorial approach corresponded to the paper's gradual adoption of Brown's interpretations of 14th Amendment rights. Change in the valence of the paper's narratives supports Condit’s (1987) thesis that rhetorical “crafting” of public morality about race brought about greater tolerance and acceptance of racial equality in America.

Abstract This paper examines the context-dependent role of race as a predictor of non-electoral political participation. Prior country-level studies have documented group-level differences in a variety of forms of participation in South Africa and the United States, but have found few to no differences in Brazil. Why are members of one group more engaged in certain political activities than members of other groups only in specific contexts? Why do members of socioeconomically deprived groups, such as non-Whites, participate more than better-off groups in acts that require group mobilization in South Africa and the United States but not in Brazil? Results from the World Values Survey and the International Social Survey Programme show that Blacks and Coloureds in South Africa and Blacks in the United States participate more than Whites in activities that demand prior organization and mobilization, whereas group differences are negligible in Brazil. I argue that (1) race as a driver of political mobilization is conditional on the existence of politicized racial identities; (2) members of groups that share a strong collective identity participate in direct political action more than predicted by their socioeconomic background; (3) politicization of identities is the product of racial projects that deploy the state apparatus to enforce group boundaries for the implementation of segregationist policies as well as the reactions against them; and (4) by enforcing group boundaries, those systems unintentionally create the conditions for the formation of politicized group identities. In the absence of such requisites, political mobilization along racial lines would be weak or nonexistent.

Abstract: Introduction: There are still many economic and racial barriers for black and indigenous peoples regarding access to a university degree in Brazil. Although Brazil is mistakenly considered a racial democracy, black people, indigenous peoples and those of low social status are the most affected by such difficulties regarding access to the university. Medical schools are traditionally attended by white, wealthy and upper-middle-class groups, although 54% of Brazilians consider themselves to be African descendants. To deal with this scenario, since 2013, 50% of all vacancies in public universities have been reserved for low social classes, indigenous peoples and African descendants. Our objective was to describe the socioeconomic and racial profile of those attending a public medical school in the state of Rio de Janeiro during a five-year period, analyzing the associations between the Brazilian segregationist structure and inclusion policies. Method: A census study was carried out, including all groups that entered the medical school at a public university in the state of Rio de Janeiro between 2013 and 2017. We applied a self-administered questionnaire that addressed social, ethnic, economic and university admission aspects. The data were analyzed by a simple description of the frequencies and by bivariate analysis. Results: The results show that the majority profile is white, with an annual income higher than US$ 8,640, coming from a private school, with financial support from the family, both parents with higher education and no gender difference. As for the inclusion of non-white people into the course, the current quota system has not significantly increased their presence. Conclusion: We conclude that racial inclusion policies subordinated to economic ones seem to be a barrier to the entry of non-whites to medical school, contributing to racial inequality.

Abstract: Introduction: There are still many economic and racial barriers for black and indigenous peoples regarding access to a university degree in Brazil. Although Brazil is mistakenly considered a racial democracy, black people, indigenous peoples and those of low social status are the most affected by such difficulties regarding access to the university. Medical schools are traditionally attended by white, wealthy and upper-middle-class groups, although 54% of Brazilians consider themselves to be African descendants. To deal with this scenario, since 2013, 50% of all vacancies in public universities have been reserved for low social classes, indigenous peoples and African descendants. Our objective was to describe the socioeconomic and racial profile of those attending a public medical school in the state of Rio de Janeiro during a five-year period, analyzing the associations between the Brazilian segregationist structure and inclusion policies. Method: A census study was carried out, including all groups that entered the medical school at a public university in the state of Rio de Janeiro between 2013 and 2017. We applied a self-administered questionnaire that addressed social, ethnic, economic and university admission aspects. The data were analyzed by a simple description of the frequencies and by bivariate analysis. Results: The results show that the majority profile is white, with an annual income higher than US$ 8,640, coming from a private school, with financial support from the family, both parents with higher education and no gender difference. As for the inclusion of non-white people into the course, the current quota system has not significantly increased their presence. Conclusion: We conclude that racial inclusion policies subordinated to economic ones seem to be a barrier to the entry of non-whites to medical school, contributing to racial inequality.

The area of education has been used as a bridge to access better living condition, rebuilding and reconstructing the post conflict societies and undeveloped countries suffered from war. Bosnia and Herzegovina (BİH) is one of the post conflict societies suffering from damages the ethnic war created. Before starting to war BiH belonged to the Yugoslavia where people from different ethnic groups lived side by side in peace. Along with the onset of the war in Yugoslavia, everything was changed and reversed in BiH. Individuals from different ethnic groups became adversaries to each other. The war created deep ethnic, religious and national segregations in BiH which formerly famous with its multiethnic and multicultural tradition. These divisions extended to education system. The war caused destruction and divided schools, curriculums, teachers, and overall education system of the society. This paper attempts to explore the factors triggering segregated education in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

PurposeThis paper examines the role of occupational segregation in the evolution of wage differentials by gender and race in the Brazilian labor market between 2005 and 2015.Design/methodology/approachThe author uses microdata from the National Household Sample Survey and adopts two occupational integration typology to capture both horizontal and vertical segregation. The decomposition method proposed by Firpo et al. (2009) is employed to investigate the determinants of changes in differentials along the wage distribution.FindingsResults suggest a glass ceiling effect for all groups compared to white men. Gender and racial discrimination persist, especially at the top of the distribution. For both black women and men, observable characteristics account for most of the wage differentials, while for white women, the opposite occurs because of their education level. Vertical segregation behavior indicates that white men continue over-represented in higher-paid occupations. Although women improved their relative position in the occupational hierarchy, horizontal segregation behavior shows that their concentration in female-dominated occupations has not reduced, except in extreme quantiles. Education played a crucial role in reducing wage gaps, and regional differences stood out as a significant factor of the racial disadvantage.Originality/valueThe paper shows significant differences between the groups regarding verticalization and horizontalization of occupational structure along the wage distribution and over time, contributing to filling some gaps in the literature concerning the wage stratification based on gender and race in Brazil. Occupational segregation as a composition factor of the groups determines their positions in a vertically hierarchical and socially stratified occupational structure. The behavior of horizontal and vertical segregations evidences the continue under-valorization of female occupations and the barriers faced by racial and gendered groups to overcome the glass ceiling effect. Recognize the intersectionality of gender and race in addressing inequalities is fundamental to promote policies that overcome them.

Background Residential segregation, a geospatial manifestation of structural racism, is a fundamental driver of racial and ethnic health inequities, and longitudinal studies examining segregation’s influence on cardiovascular health are limited. This study investigates the impact of segregation on hypertension in a multiracial and multiethnic cohort and explores whether neighborhood environment modifies this association. Methods and Results Leveraging data from a diverse cohort of adults recruited from 6 sites in the United States with 2 decades of follow‐up, we used race‐ and ethnicity‐stratified Cox models to examine the association between time‐varying segregation with incident hypertension in 1937 adults free of hypertension at baseline. Participants were categorized as residing in segregated and nonsegregated neighborhoods using a spatial‐weighted measure. We used a robust covariance matrix estimator to account for clustering within neighborhoods and assessed effect measure modification by neighborhood social or physical environment. Over an average follow‐up of 7.35 years, 65.5% non‐Hispanic Black, 48.1% Chinese, and 53.7% Hispanic participants developed hypertension. Net of confounders, Black and Hispanic residents in segregated neighborhoods were more likely to develop hypertension relative to residents in nonsegregated neighborhoods (Black residents: hazard ratio [HR], 1.33; 95% CI, 1.09–1.62; Hispanic residents: HR, 1.33; 95% CI, 1.04–1.70). Results were similar but not significant among Chinese residents (HR, 1.20; 95% CI, 0.83–1.73). Among Black residents, neighborhood social environment significantly modified this association such that better social environment was associated with less pronounced impact of segregation on hypertension. Conclusions This study underscores the importance of continued investigations of groups affected by the health consequences of racial residential segregation while taking contextual neighborhood factors, such as social environment, into account.

“There is nothing more public than privacy.” (Berlant and Warner, Sex) How did it come to this? How did it happen that a one-off, two-hour event at a public swimming pool in a suburb of outer Melbourne ignited international hate mail and generated media-fanned political anguish and debate about the proper use of public spaces? In 2010, women who attend a women’s only swim session on Sunday evenings at the Dandenong Oasis public swimming pool asked the pool management and the local council for permission to celebrate the end of Ramadan at the pool during the time of their regular swim session. The request was supported by the pool managers and the council and promoted by both as an opportunity for family and friends to get together in a spirit of multicultural learning and understanding. Responding to criticisms of the event as an unreasonable claim on public facilities by one group, the Mayor of the City of Greater Dandenong, Jim Memeti, rejected claims that this event discriminates against non-Muslim residents of the suburb. But here’s the rub. The event, to be held after hours at the pool, requires all participants older than ten years of age to follow a dress code of knee-length shorts and T-shirts. This is a suburban moment that is borne of but exceeds the local. It reflects and responds to a contemporary global conundrum of great political and theoretical significance—how to negotiate and govern the relations between multiculturalism, religion, gender, sexual freedom, and democracy. Specifically this event speaks to how multicultural democracy in the public sphere negotiates the public presence and expression of different cultural and religious frameworks related to gender and sexuality. This is demanding political stuff. Situated in the messy political and theoretical terrains of the relation between public space and the public sphere, this local moment called for political judgement about how cultural differences should be allowed to manifest in and through public space, giving consideration to the potential effects of these decisions on an inclusive multicultural democracy. The local authorities in Dandenong engaged in an admirable process of democratic labour as they puzzled over how to make decisions that were responsible and equitable, in the absence of a rulebook or precedents for success. Ultimately however this mode of experimental decision-making, which will become increasingly necessary to manage such predicaments in the future, was foreclosed by unwarranted and unhelpful media outrage. "Foreclosed" here stresses the preemptive nature of the loss; a lost opportunity for trialing approaches to governing cultural diversity that may fail, but might then be modified. It was condemned in advance of either success or failure. The role of the media rather than the discomfort of the local publics has been decisive in this event.This Multicultural SuburbDandenong is approximately 30 kilometres southeast of central Melbourne. Originally home to the Bunorong People of the Kulin nation, it was settled by pastoralists by the 1800s, heavily industrialised during the twentieth century, and now combines cultural diversity with significant social disadvantage. The City of Greater Dandenong is proud of its reputation as the most culturally and linguistically diverse municipality in Australia. Its population of approximately 138,000 comprises residents from 156 different language groups. More than half (56%) of its population was born overseas, with 51% from nations where English is not the main spoken language. These include Vietnam, Cambodia, Sri Lanka, India, China, Italy, Greece, Bosnia and Afghanistan. It is also a place of significant religious diversity with residents identifying as Buddhist (15 per cent) Muslim (8 per cent), Hindu (2 per cent) and Christian (52 per cent) [CGD]. Its city logo, “Great Place, Great People” evokes its twin pride in the placemaking power of its diverse population. It is also a brazen act of civic branding to counter its reputation as a derelict and dangerous suburb. In his recent book The Bogan Delusion, David Nichols cites a "bogan" website that names Dandenong as one of Victoria’s two most bogan areas. The other was Moe. (p72). The Sunday Age newspaper had already depicted Dandenong as one of two excessively dangerous suburbs “where locals fear to tread” (Elder and Pierik). The other suburb of peril was identified as Footscray.Central Dandenong is currently the site of Australia’s largest ever state sponsored Urban Revitalisation program with a budget of more than $290 million to upgrade infrastructure, that aims to attract $1billion in private investment to provide housing and future employment.The Cover UpIn September 2010, the Victorian and Civil and Administrative Appeals Tribunal (VCAT) granted the YMCA an exemption from the Equal Opportunity Act to allow a dress code for the Ramadan event at the Oasis swimming pool that it manages. The "Y" sees the event as “an opportunity for the broader community to learn more about Ramadan and the Muslim faith, and encourages all members of Dandenong’s diverse community to participate” (YMCA Ramadan). While pool management and the municipal council refer to the event as an "opening up" of the closed swimming session, the media offer a different reading of the VCAT decision. The trope of the "the cover up" has framed most reports and commentaries (Murphy; Szego). The major focus of the commentaries has not been the event per se, but the call to dress "appropriately." Dress codes however are a cultural familiar. They exist for workplaces, schools, nightclubs, weddings, racing and sporting clubs and restaurants, to name but a few. While some of these codes or restrictions are normatively imposed rather than legally required, they are not alien to cultural life in Australia. Moreover, there are laws that prohibit people from being meagerly dressed or naked in public, including at beaches, swimming pools and so on. The dress code for this particular swimming pool event was, however, perceived to be unusual and, in a short space of time, "unusual" converted to "social threat."Responses to media polls about the dress code reveal concerns related to the symbolic dimensions of the code. The vast majority of those who opposed the Equal Opportunity exemption saw it as the thin edge of the multicultural wedge, a privatisation of public facilities, or a denial of the public’s right to choose how to dress. Tabloid newspapers reported on growing fears of Islamisation, while the more temperate opposition situated the decision as a crisis of human rights associated with tolerating illiberal cultural practices. Julie Szego reflects this view in an opinion piece in The Age newspaper:the Dandenong pool episode is neither trivial nor insignificant. It is but one example of human rights laws producing outcomes that restrict rights. It raises tough questions about how far public authorities ought to go in accommodating cultural practices that sit uneasily with mainstream Western values. (Szego)Without enquiring into the women’s request and in the absence of the women’s views about what meaning the event held for them, most media commentators and their electronically wired audiences treated the announcement as yet another alarming piece of evidence of multicultural failure and the potential Islamisation of Australia. The event raised specific concerns about the double intrusion of cultural difference and religion. While the Murdoch tabloid Herald Sun focused on the event as “a plan to force families to cover up to avoid offending Muslims at a public event” (Murphy) the liberal Age newspaper took a more circumspect approach, reporting on its small vox pop at the Dandenong pool. Some people here referred to the need to respect religions and seemed unfazed by the exemption and the event. Those who disagreed thought it was important not to enforce these (dress) practices on other people (Carey).It is, I believe, significant that several employees of the local council informed me that most of the opposition has come from the media, people outside of Dandenong and international groups who oppose the incursion of Islam into non-Islamic settings. Opposition to the event did not appear to derive from local concern or opposition.The overwhelming majority of Herald Sun comments expressed emphatic opposition to the dress code, citing it variously as unAustralian, segregationist, arrogant, intolerant and sexist. The Herald Sun polled readers (in a self-selecting and of course highly unrepresentative on-line poll) asking them to vote on whether or not they agreed with the VCAT exemption. While 5.52 per cent (512 voters) agreed with the ruling, 94.48 per cent (8,760) recorded disagreement. In addition, the local council has, for the first time in memory, received a stream of hate-mail from international anti-Islam groups. Muslim women’s groups, feminists, the Equal Opportunity Commissioner and academics have also weighed in. According to local reports, Professor of Islamic Studies at the University of Melbourne, Shahram Akbarzadeh, considered the exemption was “nonsense” and would “backfire and the people who will pay for it will be the Muslim community themselves” (Haberfield). He repudiated it as an example of inclusion and tolerance, labeling it “an effort of imposing a value system (sic)” (Haberfield). He went so far as to suggest that, “If Tony Abbott wanted to participate in his swimwear he wouldn’t be allowed in. That’s wrong.” Tasneem Chopra, chairwoman of the Islamic Women’s Welfare Council and Sherene Hassan from the Islamic Council of Victoria, both expressed sensitivity to the group’s attempt to establish an inclusive event but would have preferred the dress code to be a matter of choice rather coercion (Haberfield, "Mayor Defends Dandenong Pool Cover Up Order"). Helen Szoke, the Commissioner of the Victorian Equal Opportunity and Human Rights Commission, defended the pool’s exemption from the Law that she oversees. “Matters such as this are not easy to resolve and require a balance to be achieved between competing rights and obligations. Dress codes are not uncommon: e.g., singlets, jeans, thongs etc in pubs/hotels” (in Murphy). The civil liberties organisation, Liberty Victoria, supported the ban because the event was to be held after hours (Murphy). With astonishing speed this single event not only transformed the suburban swimming pool to a theatre of extra-local disputes about who and what is entitled to make claims on public space and publically funded facilities, but also fed into charged debates about the future of multiculturalism and the vulnerability of the nation to the corrosive effects of cultural and religious difference. In this sense suburbs like Dandenong are presented as sites that not only generate fear about physical safety but whose suburban sensitivities to its culturally diverse population represent a threat to the safety of the nation. Thus the event both reflects and produces an antipathy to cultural difference and to the place where difference resides. This aversion is triggered by and mediated in this case through the figure, rather than the (corpo)reality, of the Muslim woman. In this imagining, the figure of the Muslim woman is assigned the curious symbolic role of "cultural creep." The debates around the pool event is not about the wellbeing or interests of the Muslim women themselves, nor are broader debates about the perceived, culturally-derived restrictions imposed on Muslim women living in Australia or other western countries. The figure of the Muslim woman is, I would argue, simply the ground on which the debates are held. The first debate relates to social and public space, access to which is considered fundamental to freedom and participatory democracy, and in current times is addressed in terms of promoting inclusion, preventing exclusion and finding opportunities for cross cultural encounters. The second relates not to public space per se, but to the public sphere or the “sphere of private people coming together as a public” for political deliberation (Habermas 21). The literature and discussions dealing with these two terrains have remained relatively disconnected (Low and Smith) with public space referring largely to activities and opportunities in the socio-cultural domain and the public sphere addressing issues of politics, rights and democracy. This moment in Dandenong offers some modest leeway for situating "the suburb" as an ideal site for coalescing these disparate discussions. In this regard I consider Iveson’s provocative and productive question about whether some forms of exclusions from suburban public space may actually deepen the democratic ideals of the public sphere. Exclusions may in such cases be “consistent with visions of a democratically inclusive city” (216). He makes his case in relation to a dispute about the exclusion of men exclusion from a women’s only swimming pool in the Sydney suburb of Coogee. The Dandenong case is similarly exclusive with an added sense of exclusion generated by an "inclusion with restrictions."Diversity, Difference, Public Space and the Public SphereAs a prelude to this discussion of exclusion as democracy, I return to the question that opened this article: how did it come to this? How is it that Australia has moved from its renowned celebration and pride in its multiculturalism so much in evidence at the suburban level through what Ghassan Hage calls an “unproblematic” multiculturalism (233) and what others have termed “everyday multiculturalism” (Wise and Velayutham). Local cosmopolitanisms are often evinced through the daily rituals of people enjoying the ethnic cuisines of their co-residents’ pasts, and via moments of intercultural encounter. People uneventfully rub up against and greet each other or engage in everyday acts of kindness that typify life in multicultural suburbs, generating "reservoirs of hope" for democratic and cosmopolitan cities (Thrift 147). In today’s suburbs, however, the “Imperilled Muslim women” who need protection from “dangerous Muslim men” (Razack 129) have a higher discursive profile than ethnic cuisine as the exemplar of multiculturalism. Have we moved from pleasure to hostility or was the suburban pleasure in racial difference always about a kind of “eating the other” (bell hooks 378). That is to ask whether our capacity to experience diversity positively has been based on consumption, consuming the other for our own enrichment, whereas living with difference entails a commitment not to consumption but to democracy. This democratic multicultural commitment is a form of labour rather than pleasure, and its outcome is not enrichment but transformation (although this labour can be pleasurable and transformation might be enriching). Dandenong’s prized cultural precincts, "Little India" and the "Afghan bazaar" are showcases of food, artefacts and the diversity of the suburb. They are centres of pleasurable and exotic consumption. The pool session, however, requires one to confront difference. In simple terms we can think about ethnic food, festivals and handicrafts as cultural diversity, and the Muslim woman as cultural difference.This distinction between diversity and difference is useful for thinking through the relation between multiculturalism in public space and multicultural democracy of the public sphere. According to the anthropologist Thomas Hylland Eriksen, while a neoliberal sensibility supports cultural diversity in the public space, cultural difference is seen as a major cause of social problems associated with immigrants, and has a diminishing effect on the public sphere (14). According to Eriksen, diversity is understood as aesthetic, or politically and morally neutral expressions of culture that are enriching (Hage 118) or digestible. Difference, however, refers to morally objectionable cultural practices. In short, diversity is enriching. Difference is corrosive. Eriksen argues that differences that emerge from distinct cultural ideas and practices are deemed to create conflicts with majority cultures, weaken social solidarity and lead to unacceptable violations of human rights in minority groups. The suburban swimming pool exists here at the boundary of diversity and difference, where the "presence" of diverse bodies may enrich, but their different practices deplete and damage existing culture. The imperilled Muslim woman of the suburbs carries a heavy symbolic load. She stands for major global contests at the border of difference and diversity in three significant domains, multiculturalism, religion and feminism. These three areas are positioned simultaneously in public space and of the public sphere and she embodies a specific version of each in this suburban setting. First, there a global retreat from multiculturalism evidenced in contemporary narratives that describe multiculturalism (both as official policy and unofficial sensibility) as failed and increasingly ineffective at accommodating or otherwise dealing with religious, cultural and ethnic differences (Cantle; Goodhart; Joppke; Poynting and Mason). In the UK, Europe, the US and Australia, popular media sources and political discourses speak of "parallel lives,"immigrant enclaves, ghettoes, a lack of integration, the clash of values, and illiberal cultural practices. The covered body of the Muslim woman, and more particularly the Muslim veil, are now read as visual signs of this clash of values and of the refusal to integrate. Second, religion has re-emerged in the public domain, with religious groups and individuals making particular claims on public space both on the basis of their religious identity and in accord with secular society’s respect for religious freedom. This is most evident in controversies in France, Belgium and Netherlands associated with banning niqab in public and other religious symbols in schools, and in Australia in court. In this sense the covered Muslim woman raises concerns and indignation about the rightful place of religion in the public sphere and in social space. Third, feminism is increasingly invoked as the ground from which claims about the imperilled Muslim woman are made, particularly those about protecting women from their dangerous men. The infiltration of the Muslim presence into public space is seen as a threat to the hard won gains of women’s freedom enjoyed by the majority population. This newfound feminism of the public sphere, posited by those who might otherwise disavow feminism, requires some serious consideration. This public discourse rarely addresses the discrimination, violation and lack of freedom experienced systematically on an everyday basis by women of majority cultural backgrounds in western societies (such as Australia). However, the sexism of racially and religiously different men is readily identified and decried. This represents a significant shift to a dubious feminist register of the public sphere such that: “[w]omen of foreign origin, ...more specifically Muslim women…have replaced the traditional housewife as the symbol of female subservience” (Tissot 41–42).The three issues—multiculturalism, religion and feminism—are, in the Dandenong pool context, contests about human rights, democracy and the proper use of public space. Szego’s opinion piece sees the Dandenong pool "cover up" as an example of the conundrum of how human rights for some may curtail the human rights of others and lead us into a problematic entanglement of universal "rights," with claims of difference. In her view the combination of human rights and multiculturalism in the case of the Dandenong Pool accommodates illiberal practices that put the rights of "the general public" at risk, or as she puts it, on a “slippery slope” that results in a “watering down of our human rights.” Ideas that entail women making a claim for private time in public space are ultimately not good for "us."Such ideas run counter to the West's more than 500-year struggle for individual freedom—including both freedom of religion and freedom from religion—and for gender equality. Our public authorities ought to be pushing back hardest when these values are under threat. Yet this is precisely where they've been buckling under pressure (Szego)But a different reading of the relation between public and private space, human rights, democracy and gender freedom is readily identifiable in the Dandenong event—if one looks for it. Living with difference, I have already suggested, is a problem of democracy and the public sphere and does not so easily correspond to consuming diversity, as it demands engagement with cultural difference. In what remains, I explore how multicultural democracy in the public sphere and women’s rights in public and private realms relate, firstly, to the burgeoning promise of democracy and civility that might emerge in public space through encounter and exchange. I also point out how this moment in Dandenong might be read as a singular contribution to dealing with this global problematic of living with difference; of democracy in the public sphere. Public urban space has become a focus for speculation among geographers and sociologists in particular, about the prospects for an enhanced civic appreciation of living with difference through encountering strangers. Random and repetitious encounters with people from all cultures typify contemporary urban life. It remains an open question however as to whether these encounters open up or close down possibilities for conviviality and understanding, and whether they undo or harden peoples’ fears and prejudices. There is, however, at least in some academic and urban planning circles, some hope that the "throwntogetherness" (Massey) and the "doing" of togetherness (Laurier and Philo) found in the multicultural city may generate some lessons and opportunities for developing a civic culture and political commitment to living with difference. Alongside the optimism of those who celebrate the city, the suburb, and public spaces as forging new ways of living with difference, there are those such as Gill Valentine who wonder how this might be achieved in practice (324). Ash Amin similarly notes that city or suburban public spaces are not necessarily “the natural servants of multicultural engagement” (Ethnicity 967). Amin and Valentine point to the limited or fleeting opportunities for real engagement in these spaces. Moreover Valentine‘s research in the UK revealed that the spatial proximity found in multicultural spaces did not so much give rise to greater mutual respect and engagement, but to a frustrated “white self-segregation in the suburbs.” She suggests therefore that civility and polite exchange should not be mistaken for respect (324). Amin contends that it is the “micro-publics” of social encounters found in workplaces, schools, gardens, sports clubs [and perhaps swimming pools] rather than the fleeting encounters of the street or park, that offer better opportunities for meaningful intercultural exchange. The Ramadan celebration at the pool, with its dress code and all, might be seen more fruitfully as a purposeful event engaging a micro-public in which people are able to “break out of fixed relations and fixed notions” and “learn to become different” (Amin, Ethnicity 970) without that generating discord and resentment.Micropublics, Subaltern Publics and a Democracy of (Temporary) ExclusionsIs this as an opportunity to bring the global and local together in an experiment of forging new democratic spaces for gender, sexuality, culture and for living with difference? More provocatively, can we see exclusion and an invitation to share in this exclusion as a precursor to and measure of, actually existing democracy? Painter and Philo have argued that democratic citizenship is questionable if “people cannot be present in public spaces (streets, squares, parks, cinemas, churches, town halls) without feeling uncomfortable, victimized and basically ‘out of place’…" (Iveson 216). Feminists have long argued that distinctions between public and private space are neither straightforward nor gender neutral. For Nancy Fraser the terms are “cultural classifications and rhetorical labels” that are powerful because they are “frequently deployed to delegitimate some interests, views and topics and to valorize others” (73). In relation to women and other subordinated minorities, the "rhetoric of privacy" has been historically used to restrict the domain of legitimate public contestation. In fact the notion of what is public and particularly notions of the "public interest" and the "public good" solidify forms of subordination. Fraser suggests the concept of "subaltern counterpublics" as an alternative to notions of "the public." These are discursive spaces where groups articulate their needs, and demands are circulated formulating their own public sphere. This challenges the very meaning and foundational premises of ‘the public’ rather than simply positing strategies of inclusion or exclusion. The twinning of Amin’s notion of "micro-publics" and Fraser’s "counterpublics" is, I suggest, a fruitful approach to interpreting the Dandenong pool issue. It invites a reading of this singular suburban moment as an experiment, a trial of sorts, in newly imaginable ways of living democratically with difference. It enables us to imagine moments when a limited democratic right to exclude might create the sorts of cultural exchanges that give rise to a more authentic and workable recognition of cultural difference. I am drawn to think that this is precisely the kind of democratic experimentation that the YMCA and Dandenong Council embarked upon when they applied for the Equal Opportunity exemption. I suggest that by trialing, rather than fixing forever a "critically exclusive" access to the suburban swimming pool for two hours per year, they were in fact working on the practical problem of how to contribute in small but meaningful ways to a more profoundly free democracy and a reworked public sphere. In relation to the similar but distinct example of the McIver pool for women and children in Coogee, New South Wales, Kurt Iveson makes the point that such spaces of exclusion or withdrawal, “do not necessarily serve simply as spaces where people ‘can be themselves’, or as sites through which reified identities are recognised—in existing conditions of inequality, they can also serve as protected spaces where people can take the risk of exploring who they might become with relative safety from attack and abuse” (226). These are necessary risks to take if we are to avoid entrenching fear of difference in a world where difference is itself deeply, and permanently, entrenched.ReferencesAmin, Ash. “Ethnicity and the Multicultural City: Living with Diversity.” Environment and Planning A 34 (2002): 959–80.———. “The Good City.” Urban Studies 43 (2006): 1009–23.Berlant, Lauren, and Michael Warner. “Sex in Public.” Critical Inquiry 24 (1998): 547–66.Cantle, Ted. Community Cohesion: A Report of the Independent Review Team. London, UK Home Office, 2001.Carey, Adam. “Backing for Pool Cover Up Directive.” The Age 17 Sep. 2010. ‹http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/backing-for-pool-coverup-directive-20100916-15enz.html›.Elder, John, and Jon Pierick. “The Mean Streets: Where the Locals Fear to Tread.” The Sunday Age 10 Jan. 2010. ‹http://www.theage.com.au/national/the-mean-streets-where-the-locals-fear-to-tread-20100109-m00l.html?skin=text-only›.Eriksen, Thomas Hyland. “Diversity versus Difference: Neoliberalism in the Minority Debate." The Making and Unmaking of Difference. Ed. Richard Rottenburg, Burkhard Schnepel, and Shingo Shimada. Bielefeld: Transaction, 2006. 13–36.Fraser, Nancy. “Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy.” Social Text 25/26 (1990): 56–80.Goodhart, David. “Too Diverse.” Prospect 95 (2004): 30-37.Haberfield, Georgie, and Gilbert Gardner. “Mayor Defends Pool Cover-up Order.” Dandenong Leader 16 Sep. 2010 ‹http://dandenong-leader.whereilive.com.au/news/story/dandenong-oasis-tells-swimmers-to-cover-up/›.Habermas, Jürgen. The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society. Cambridge, MA: MIT P, 2001.Hage, Ghassan. White Nation: Fantasies of White Supremacy in a Multicultural Society. Sydney: Pluto, 1998.hooks, bell. "Eating the Other: Desire and Resistance." Media and Cultural Studies Keyworks. Eds. Meenakshi Gigi and Douglas Kellner. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2001. 366-380.Iveson, Kurt. "Justifying Exclusion: The Politics of Public Space and the Dispute over Access to McIvers Ladies' Baths, Sydney.” Gender, Place and Culture 10.3 (2003): 215–28.Joppke, Christian. “The Retreat of Multiculturalism in the Liberal State: Theory and Policy.” The British Journal of Sociology 55.2 (2004): 237–57.Laurier, Chris, and Eric Philo. “Cold Shoulders and Napkins Handed: Gestures of Responsibility.” Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 31 (2006): 193–207.Low, Setha, and Neil Smith, eds. The Politics of Public Space. London: Routledge, 2006.Massey, Doreen. For Space. London: Sage, 2005.Murphy, Padraic. "Cover Up for Pool Even at Next Year's Ramadan.” Herald Sun 23 Sep. 2010. ‹http://www.heraldsun.com.au/news/victoria/cover-up-for-pool-event-during-next-years-ramadan/story-e6frf7kx-1225924291675›.Nichols, David. The Bogan Delusion. Melbourne: Affirm Press, 2011.Poynting, Scott, and Victoria Mason. "The New Integrationism, the State and Islamophobia: Retreat from Multiculturalism in Australia." International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice 36 (2008): 230–46.Razack, Sherene H. “Imperilled Muslim Women, Dangerous Muslim Men and Civilised Europeans: Legal and Social Responses to Forced Marriages.” Feminist Legal Studies 12.2 (2004): 129–74.Szego, Julie. “Under the Cover Up." The Age 9 Oct. 2010. < http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/under-the-coverup-20101008-16c1v.html >.Thrift, Nigel. “But Malice Afterthought: Cities and the Natural History of Hatred.” Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 30 (2005): 133–50.Tissot, Sylvie. “Excluding Muslim Women: From Hijab to Niqab, from School to Public Space." Public Culture 23.1 (2011): 39–46.Valentine, Gill. “Living with Difference: Reflections on Geographies of Encounter.” Progress in Human Geography 32.3 (2008): 323–37.Wise, Amanda, and Selveraj Velayutham, eds. Everyday Multiculturalism. Houndsmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.YMCA. “VCAT Ruling on Swim Sessions at Dandenong Oasis to Open Up to Community During Ramadan Next Year.” 16 Sep. 2010. ‹http://www.victoria.ymca.org.au/cpa/htm/htm_news_detail.asp?page_id=13&news_id=360›.