Academic literature on the topic 'Segregationist groups'
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Journal articles on the topic "Segregationist groups"
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Driscoll, E. Rosie. ""Without The Least Provision": Black and Desegregationist Resistance to Systemic Racial Discrimination in Private and Public Housing in Trenton, New Jersey, 1938-1965." New Jersey Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 5, no. 1 (January 24, 2019): 228. http://dx.doi.org/10.14713/njs.v5i1.154.
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Most historical scholarship on race and housing in the 20th-century United States examines public housing and private housing separately or focuses on large metropoles. This study seeks to understand the relationship between public and private housing discrimination, segregated residential patterns, and desegregationist advocacy in mid-20<sup>th</sup> Century Trenton, New Jersey. To do so, it utilizes archived documents of local civil rights organizations, correspondence between activist groups and local public officials, and local newspaper articles along with secondary literature on race and housing. This thesis argues that the introduction of federal public housing programs in the 1930s, intended to increase quality housing access, allowed Trenton’s government officials to place black residents in segregated projects, thereby reinforcing existing segregated residential patterns. Simultaneously, financial institutions and realtors infringed upon black Trentonians’ agency in the private market through discriminatory lending and realty practices that discouraged integration. City leaders’ segregationist attitudes furthered systemic racial discrimination, confining black Trentonians of all socio-economic classes to poor quality, overcrowded housing. Black and segregationist activists resisted segregationist practices by asserting their right to fair representation as taxpayers through letters, community meetings, and public demonstrations. By the 1960s, they gained an ally in Trenton’s mayor, but the mass exodus of white Trentonians in the postwar period prevented integration efforts from coming to full fruition. These findings suggest that racial discrimination in private and public markets coalesced to systemically limit black families’ ability to access decent and sufficient housing conditions throughout the country.
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Fonju, Dr Njuafac Kenedy. "The Challenges of Afro-Caribbean and African American Diasporas within the Celebrated Lynching Mechanisms in the New Status as Sub-Set of Human Beings 19th and 20th Centuries." Scholars Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 9, no. 11 (November 9, 2021): 553–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.36347/sjahss.2021.v09i11.002.
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The present paper brings out clear evidence of what constitute the essential challenges of Afro-Caribbean and African American challenges and popular slogans from the late 19th to the mid- 20th Centuries which actually de-humanised the Black race whose ancestors were harshly used as slaves in the opening and development of the Americas plantations between 1619 and 1850. In spite of their long efforts in the struggle for racial equality and granting of full civil rights, different secret societies were formed alongside open police actions to frequently terrorised other races in the American Continent. The phenomenon became wide spread across the 20th Century which also suffered from the aftermaths of the two world Wars while prominent African Americans also kept American authorities busy in their struggle to end segregationist practices of the Century. Our findings show that police kill African Americans more than twice as often as the general population. Across all racial groups, 65.3 percent of those killed possessed a firearm at the time of their death. In addition, Millions of African Americans live in communities that lack access to good jobs and good schools and suffer from high crime rates. African American adults are about twice as likely to be unemployed as whites, black students lag their white peers in educational attainment and achievement, and African American communities tend to have higher than average crime rates. These issues have been persistent problems. A bronze statue called ‘Raise Up’, part of the display at the National Memorial for Peace and Justice, a memorial to honor thousands of people killed in lynchings, in Montgomery, Alabama. Therefore, the scrutiny of specialized sources and other related documentations enable us to use historical analytical methods to bring out evidences as changed of status from slavery to Afro-Caribbean and African America path the way forward to legalized segregationist system.
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Bloodworth, Aryn. "Educational (de)segregation in North Macedonia: The intersection of policies, schools, and individuals." European Educational Research Journal 19, no. 4 (February 26, 2020): 310–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474904120907723.
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North Macedonia’s two main ethnic groups, the Albanians and Macedonians, have experienced increasing segregation in education, though recent political shifts have made social cohesion a priority, which could replace decades of segregationist policies and break down a damaging cycle of segregation. Using a qualitative approach, I examine the complex relationship between policies, schools, and individuals through analysing 18 years of education policies, interviews/focus groups with 30 participants, and four years living and working in segregated communities. To explore how educational policies, institutions, and practices perpetuate ethnic segregation in North Macedonia, and how growing up in a divided society shapes individuals’ conceptions of themselves and other predominant ethnic groups, I employ contact theory and critical policy analysis. I find that as students grow up in divided schools and communities, their conceptions of the self and of people from other ethnic groups are constituted by these experiences of segregation. While the nation’s education policies currently include more initiatives for integrated education, these have yet to be implemented satisfactorily, meaning that public schools could teach inclusion and serve as a mechanism for dispelling negative stereotypes, but to do so requires a reconceptualization of ethnic difference and a cohesive vision of national identity.
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Huertas Bailén, Amparo. "Islam and Mass Media Consumption in Post-Migration Contexts among Women from Northern Africa in Catalonia (Spain)." Societies 8, no. 3 (September 18, 2018): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc8030091.
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This paper explores the influence of religion in cultural hybridization processes linked to migratory experience, taking into account the study of mass media consumption. Our research focused on the analysis of Muslim women from northern Africa living in Catalonia (Spain) over a 5-year period. The final sample was composed of 25 women, from Morocco (22), Tunisia (2) and Algeria (1).The main conclusions of our qualitative research are that the influence of Islam is much more evident as culture than as dogma and, in line with this, the presence of segregationist media consumption is minimal (in 4 of the 25 interviewed). Internet and television consumption is dominant, but there is a significant generation gap. Whereas internet consumption is mostly among the young, television is more present among women over the age of 36. With regards to internet content, there is serious concern about the presence of religious leaders who, under the guise of a modern appearance, spread a vision of Islam in fundamentalist terms. Much of the sample interviewed fears its power of influence. In digital social networks, Muslim women tend to share religious information, but, for safety reasons, they do so within closed groups.
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Marques da Costa, Eduarda, and Ideni Terezinha Antonello. "Urban Planning and Residential Segregation in Brazil—The Failure of the “Special Zone of Social Interest” Instrument in Londrina City (PR)." Sustainability 13, no. 23 (November 30, 2021): 13285. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su132313285.
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The objective of this analysis is linked to the discussion of urban residential segregation marked by the Brazilian urban land structure and perpetuated by urban planning instruments at the municipal level. The spatial focus of the study is the municipality of Londrina (state of Paraná/Brazil). We aimed to analyze the relationship between urban zoning and the dynamics of residential segregation, unfolding two foci: verify to what extent the objectives presented in the municipal instrument translate the objectives of the instrument at the federal level (the City Statute–CE) and the national program “My Home, My Life” aimed to provide housing to socially vulnerable populations; the second focus, aims to assess how the planning instrument—the Special Zone of Social Interest (ZEIS), contemplated in the Land Use and Occupation Law and in the Municipal Master Plan of Londrina (PDPML, 2008)—materializes in practice the objectives of promoting equity in access to housing. The results show that although the objectives defined at the federal level are transposed to the municipal level, demonstrating a theoretical coherence between the instruments, there are flaws in their implementation. The case study results show that the urban zoning of Londrina has as a guideline a segregationist territorial ordering, leading to a residential segregation of the population with low purchasing power. On the other hand, the planning instrument that could change this reality is the ZEIS that, on the contrary, reinforced social housing in the periphery, conditioning the right to the city and perpetuating the social vulnerability of disadvantaged groups, in a process common to other Brazilian cities. Such constraints make relevant the establishment of land reserves for social housing based on clear roles of a social and functional mix, reinforced by the combat of vacant spaces and the definition of minimal housing and infrastructure densities to allow urban occupation.
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Inoue, Hiroyasu. "Analyses of Compound Structures of Groups that Produce Intellectual Property." Journal of Advanced Computational Intelligence and Intelligent Informatics 15, no. 2 (March 20, 2011): 180–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.20965/jaciii.2011.p0180.
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This paper focuses on collaborations between scientists and engineers and investigates their mutual benefits. More concretely, multi-layered networks separated into four scientific/technological areas are investigated. The areas are life sciences (Bio), nanotechnology/materials (Nano), information and telecommunications (IT), and environmental sciences (Env), and they are mentioned in the third science and technology basic plan issued by the Government of Japan. The networks were then analyzed by using p*models to find compound structures. Logistic regression analysis was conducted, and the compound structures were expressed by explanatory variables. In all four areas, joint authorship and joint application tend to overlap. A role interlocking structure is only found in Bio, and itmeans that a gatekeeper exists between scientific knowledge and technical knowledge. A transitivity structuremeans three-person groups emerge such that a central person publishes papers (or patents) with two other people, and the two other people publish the other outcomes, and patents (or papers). It is found that transitivity is generally not reversible. In Bio and Nano, there is no eminent difference in significance of the two different types of transitivity, but in IT and Env, segregations with a joint application expert and joint authorship support emerge more strongly than the other types of segregations.
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Siptár, Dávid, Róbert Tésits, and Levente Alpek. "Cultural and Regional Characterictics of Poverty Segregations." Eastern European Countryside 22, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 107–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/eec-2016-0006.
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AbstractThe process of segregation is a complex problem affecting both developed and developing states; it is influenced by territorial, historical, demographic and economic impacts. To solve this growing problem, we must know how it is influenced by different factors. In this case, we are able to describe the appropriate strategy. This study examines the characteristics of poverty’s regional segregation in Baranya county, Hungary. It describes and analyses the regularities and correlations at NUTS 3 level and compares four segregated living spaces in different areas of the county. Our theory postulates that segregation has different bases and different attributions according to geographical localisation. Due to the different and well-chosen research areas, this study is able to highlight these aforementioned regional differences and characteristics. According to the results, we create a standardisation system to form the basis for future studies and strategies. After all of the study analyses, the local conditions are categorised based on the previously established standardisation system. The results of this study can help manage the problems of marginalised social groups and territorial segregation and also create a strategy to handle them.
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Gadish, I., and D. Zamir. "Differential zygotic abortion in an interspecific Lycopersicon cross." Genome 29, no. 1 (February 1, 1987): 156–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/g87-026.
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Monogenic segregations of seven isozyme markers were analyzed in F2 and reciprocal backcross progenies of an interspecific hybrid between Lycopersicon esculentum and L. pennellii (LA 716). In the F2 population, four markers, which map to three different chromosomes, deviated significantly from the expected Mendelian ratios and in all cases an excess of the L. pennellii alleles was observed. In the backcrosses all the genes segregated normally. These results and the lack of effect of different gametophytic selection conditions on the deviations indicated that the elimination of L. esculentum alleles in the F2 did not occur at prezygotic stages. Three of the isozymes were assayed in mature F2 seed and revealed similar deviations to those observed in F2 plants. These findings, as well as the lower numbers of seed per fruit observed in the F2 than in the backcross (where the hybrid functioned as female parent), indicate that differential zygotic abortion is the main cause of the unequal segregations. In addition, analysis of two linkage groups in the reciprocal backcrosses revealed higher recombination frequencies on the female side. Key words: Lycopersicon esculentum, L. pennellii, unequal segregations, differential zygotic abortion, recombination.
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Woo, Youngki, Laurie Drapela, Michael Campagna, Mary K. Stohr, Zachary K. Hamilton, Xiaohan Mei, and Elizabeth Thompson Tollefsbol. "Disciplinary Segregation’s Effects on Inmate Behavior: Institutional and Community Outcomes." Criminal Justice Policy Review 31, no. 7 (July 21, 2019): 1036–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0887403419862338.
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Disciplinary segregation (DS) is practiced in a variety of correctional settings and a growing body of research explores its subsequent effects among offenders. The present study contributes to this literature by analyzing the impact of short-term DS on violent infractions and community recidivism among a sample of inmates in Washington State. We assessed the impact of DS on these outcomes from deterrence and stain theory perspectives while controlling for social support variables such as visitations and correctional programming. Mentally ill offenders were excluded, as their abilities to make rational choices may be inconsistent with deterrence theory. Results show DS does not significantly affect post-DS infractions. Social supports significantly reduced inmates’ odds of violent infractions while incarcerated. Community models indicate no substantive differences between the DS and non-DS groups on post-prison convictions 3 years after release. Overall, DS exhibited limited effects on offenders’ institutional or community outcomes.
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Awuma, Kafui, and Mark J. Bassett. "Addition of Genes for Dwarf Seed (ds) and Spindly Branch (sb) to the Linkage Map of Common Bean." Journal of the American Society for Horticultural Science 113, no. 3 (May 1988): 464–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/jashs.113.3.464.
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Abstract Linkage detection and estimation procedures based on deviation from expected F2 segregation ratios in common bean (Phaseolus vulgaris L.) were used to localize two genes. The product ratio method of estimation was used with four-class segregations, and the maximum likelihood method was used with three-class segregations and for combining multiple sets of data. A tight linkage of 1.6 ± 1.5 map units (m.u.) was found between dwarf seed (ds) and dark green savoy leaf (dgs), two genes in linkage group VII. A third gene in linkage group VII, stipelless lanceolate leaf (sl), was found to be 18.7 ± 1.6 m.u. from ds. The distance between dgs and sl was found to be 21.2 ± 1.0 m.u., thus establishing that ds is located between dgs and sl. This location of ds supports the contention that ds and tenuis (te), a gene described by Lamprecht, are the same gene. In linkage group IX, an estimate of 4.6 ± 1.5 m.u. was obtained for the linkage between diamond leaf (dia) and progressive chlorosis (prc). Spindly branch (sb) was found to be 15.4 ± 0.7 m.u. from prc and 11.4 ± 1.1 m.u. from dia. Thus, dia is located between sb and prc. The independence of linkage groups VII and IX is demonstrated by the independence of representatives of the two groups.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Segregationist groups"
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Hyman, Zoe Laura. "American segregationist ideology and white Southern Africa, 1948-1975." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/39449/.
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This thesis examines the relationship between segregationist organisations, publications and individuals in the United States and their pro-apartheid counterparts in southern Africa. It uncovers a sustained and extensive foreign policy of segregationists that has hitherto been overlooked and a relationship between the countries that goes beyond existing analyses of Cold War cooperation or comparative studies of the countries' racial systems. When the civil rights movement began, steadfast segregationists in the American South looked further afield for support, inspiration and ideological affirmation of their belief in white supremacy. They found this in South Africa and its apartheid policies as well as in other right-wing organisations and individuals outside the American South. Through the archives of segregationist organisations, civil rights organisations, anti-communist groups, individuals, governmental records and newspapers, this thesis charts the journey southern segregationists took from the creation of massive resistance in 1954 – a movement focused on regional problems – to a dramatically less isolationist standpoint one decade later. By 1965, white southern Africa had really captured the imagination of segregationists, alliances had been forged and when massive resistance failed, segregationists did not retreat from their international agenda. Although South Africa was a focal point of segregationists' attention during massive resistance, they also became committed to white rule in Rhodesia after 1965. This thesis examines the groups across America that supported the isolated bastions of white supremacy in southern Africa and demonstrates that the Cold War alliance between U.S. and southern African governments inadvertently helped to maintain and conceal the racism that drove segregationists to form fruitful links in southern Africa. The tangible and ideological links segregationists made abroad internationalised a concept of white supremacy in which race trumped nationality. This global white supremacy has endured and reveals that segregationists were not insignificant reactionaries with a short lived movement but people who affected race relations in the long term.
Books on the topic "Segregationist groups"
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McRae, Elizabeth Gillespie. The New National Face of Segregation. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190271718.003.0010.
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The conclusion addresses the urban North, exposing the political similarities between the most committed segregationists and those white women who protested busing in the 1970s. It argues that anti-busing activists should be considered segregationists and that massive resistance should be extended into anti-busing protests. Most Americans, including supporters of Brown, resisted this government intrusion into parental authority, property values, and school choice. As southern segregationists had predicted, when racial integration threatened to reorder the daily lives of northern white communities, they would react much like the South’s segregationists. Women’s organizations in Boston looked south for models of resistance and worked for various iterations of racially separated schools. Boston’s Louise Day Hicks and ROAR reacted much like white mothers in the South. Across the nation, law made busing a reality, while white women’s opposition on the ground eroded the power of its implementation and solidified the rise of the New Right.
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Massey, Douglas S., and Brandon Wagner. Segregation, Stigma, and Stratification: A Biosocial Model. Edited by Brenda Major, John F. Dovidio, and Bruce G. Link. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190243470.013.14.
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This chapter reviews research on segregation’s effect in generating concentrated poverty and stigma, and it explores the biological consequences of exposure to these conditions for health and socioeconomic status. High levels of segregation interact with high levels of poverty to produce concentrated poverty for African Americans and Hispanics in many metropolitan areas. In addition to objective circumstances of deprivation, the concentration of poverty also brings about the stigmatization of the segregated group. The differential exposure of Blacks and Hispanics to concentrated neighborhood disadvantage and its correlates, in turn, functions to shorten telomeres, increase allostatic load, and alter gene expression in deleterious ways. In so doing, it compromises health and cognitive ability, the two critical components of human capital formation, thus systematically undermining the socioeconomic prospects of African Americans and Hispanics in today’s post-industrial, information economy.
Book chapters on the topic "Segregationist groups"
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Girardi, Marisa, Fabio Mardirossian, Marino Mezzetti, and Enrico Rigoni. "Morphology and Luminosity Segregations in Galaxy Groups." In Galaxy Evolution in Groups and Clusters, 31–35. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-010-0107-6_4.
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Krochmal, Max. "Prologue." In Blue Texas. University of North Carolina Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469626758.003.0001.
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On August 28, 1963, while much of America nervously watched the March on Washington, nearly one thousand demonstrators gathered in the all-black neighborhood of East Austin, Texas, to march toward the state capitol in 102-degree heat. Their two-mile route wound its way down crumbling streets, passed run-down houses and segregated schools, and finally crossed over into the white section of town, with its gleaming, pink granite capitol and lily-white Governor’s Mansion. Veteran activists of all colors from across the state flanked several hundred local black teen agers, while groups of white college students and Mexican American activists joined the procession. Picket signs calling for “Freedom Now” competed with a dizzying array of homemade placards. One linked Texas governor John Connally to the infamous segregationist George Wallace of Alabama. Others carried slogans that connected civil rights to labor: “No more 50¢ per hour,” read one, and “Segregation is a new form of slavery.” Still another praised the president while adding some Spanish flair: “Kennedy ...
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Folwell, Emma J. "From Civil Rights to Economic Empowerment." In The War on Poverty in Mississippi, 26–49. University Press of Mississippi, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496827395.003.0002.
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Chapter one traces the development of President Lyndon Johnson’s war on poverty. It explores how the nation’s first anti-poverty program—the Child Development Group of Mississippi—formed a central part in the fight for African Americans’ economic empowerment, building on the state’s long tradition of community organizing. White Mississippi launched a renewed massive resistance campaign against the Group, led by Senator John Stennis and the Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission. While the campaign was only partially successful, it was hugely significant in shaping the state’s war on poverty. White segregationists drew on a color-blind language that Senator Stennis had been using to oppose civil rights advances for years, calling for “local responsible people” to take control of the war on poverty. Their calls were little more than a thinly veiled request for whites to enact a “defensive localism” that enabled whites to re-establish their control over African American advancement.
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Folwell, Emma J. "Epilogue." In The War on Poverty in Mississippi, 212–21. University Press of Mississippi, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496827395.003.0010.
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The final section of this book reflects on the social, economic, and political changes that transformed Mississippi over the years of the war on poverty. It exposes the changes in the war against the war on poverty over time. The mechanisms utilized by Senator Stennis in his opposition to the Child Development Group in 1965 were far removed from the Klan violence unleashed in 1967. Different again were the methods of white Jacksonians as they participated in biracial antipoverty programs in order to shore up white supremacy. Perhaps the most significant facet of the fight against the war on poverty was the color-blind language used by white segregationists that encouraged “local responsible people” to join the boards of antipoverty programs. The chapter also looks forward to the visit of Ronald Reagan to the Neshoba County Fair to announce his candidacy for the Republican presidential nomination.
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"Potomac Fever." In Thunder from the Right, edited by Newell G. Bringhurst, 97–123. University of Illinois Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252042256.003.0005.
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Ezra Taft Benson, as President Eisenhower's secretary of agriculture from 1953 to 1961, emerged as a leading spokesman for political conservatism on matters dealing with farming. After leaving that post in 1961, Benson felt compelled to expand his conservative agenda to other matters during the turbulent 1960s, specifically the threat of communism and the fledgling civil rights movement. A by-product of Benson's unrelenting concern with these issues was his willingness to entertain the possibility of national political office, culminating in two efforts in 1968. The first was an attempt by the so-called “Committee of 1976”--a John Birch front group to draft Benson as its third-party presidential candidate, along with South Carolina Senator Strom Thurmond as a vice-presidential running mate. When this effort failed, George Wallace, Alabama's pro-segregationist governor, actively sought Benson as his vice-presidential running mate on his self-styled American Independent Party ticket. This essay considers the following questions: Why did Benson feel compelled to thrust himself into the national political arena in a controversial, confrontational manner? What role did Benson's Mormonism play in this effort? How did Mormon leaders and the rank-and-file members react to Benson's presidential ambitions?