Journal articles on the topic 'Segregation white flight'

Residential segregation by race grew sharply during the early twentieth century as black migrants from the South arrived in northern cities. Using newly assembled neighborhood-level data, we provide the first systematic evidence on the impact of prewar population dynamics within cities on the emergence of the American ghetto. Leveraging exogenous changes in neighborhood racial composition, we show that white flight in response to black arrivals was quantitatively large and accelerated between 1900 and 1930. A key implication of our findings is that segregation could have arisen solely from the flight behavior of whites.

<p align="center"><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>‘White flight’ has largely come to mean exit from or avoidance of racially mixed public schools in urban neighborhoods. But the ‘new’ white flight is complicated by the fact that more whites who are often more affluent remain or relocate to desirable urban areas that are close to jobs and attractive city amenities. This paper describes how white flight can now happen without housing relocation with support from state-wide and municipal school choice policies resulting in the further re-segregation of regional schools. Using the Milwaukee Public School system’s Open Enrollment program as a case study, the authors demonstrate that this seemingly politically neutral school choice program supports the new white flight, enabling the children of white families to attend – and subsidize – the region’s suburban schools with declining enrollment, while further undermining the financial base of urban public schools. This study confirms earlier research indicating white students comprise the majority of participants in Open Enrollment programs, but with more non-white students participating in the Milwaukee program in the last five years. Extensive qualitative analysis of historical documents served as the primary research method for this study. Implications for other regions are discussed.</p>

The paper aims to show how and to what extent the system of compulsory education in Milan is affected by social and ethnic segregation. We argue that, despite being guided by the general criteria of universal access and equality of treatment, not only do Milan’s schools fail to counter socio-economic inequalities and differentiation along ethnic lines in an effective manner, but they actually tend to amplify and entrench them. We begin with a theoretical discussion of the main factors contributing to school segregation and a general overview of Italy’s compulsory education system. This is followed by a presentation of the empirical case of Milan, analysing social and ethnic segregation of children of primary school age (i.e. 6–10 years) by place of residence and school of enrolment. As a clear gap emerges between the ‘natural’ and the ‘actual’ school composition, our analytical focus then shifts to home-to-school mobility as an expression of parental choice. We show that 56% of all students in Milan do not enrol at local state schools and this is due to two main phenomena: families choosing private schools and families moving within the state school system. The analysis of these movements makes it possible to identify avoidance dynamics (i.e., in which disadvantaged or ethnic areas are avoided), as well as incoming mobility towards private schools and state schools located in affluent areas or with a lower intake of pupils of non-Italian ethnic backgrounds.

Exploiting complete census manuscript files, we derive a new segregation measure using the racial similarity of next-door neighbors. The fineness of our measure reveals new facts not captured by traditional segregation indices. First, segregation doubled nationally from 1880 to 1940. Second, contrary to prior estimates, Southern urban areas were the most segregated in the country and remained so over time. Third, increasing segregation in the twentieth century was not strictly driven by urbanization, black migration, or white flight: it resulted from increasing racial sorting at the household level. In all areas—North and South, urban and rural—segregation increased dramatically.

The assertions of links between school segregation and segregation in housing are evaluated in a case study of housing patterns and school integration in part of the Los Angeles metropolitan region. The indices of separation/segregation show that although schools in many instances were integrated with voluntary and then mandatory pupil assignments, the housing patterns changed little. However, there was a substantial increase in private school enrollment. This latter response is consistent with the residential choice literature which indicates significant white flight when there is intervention in school systems.

Using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics and three U.S. censuses, we examine how the composition of extralocal areas—areas surrounding a householder's neighborhood of residence—shapes the likelihood that Whites will move out of their neighborhoods. Net of local neighborhood conditions and other predictors of residential mobility, high concentrations of minorities in surrounding neighborhoods reduce the likelihood that Whites will move, presumably by reducing the attractiveness of nearby residential alternatives. Notably, this effect also suppresses the influence of the racial composition of the immediate neighborhood on White out-migration. Recent growth in the size of an extralocal minority population increases the likelihood of White outmigration and accounts for much of the influence previously attributed to racial changes in the local neighborhood. High levels of minority concentration in surrounding neighborhoods also exacerbate the positive effect of local minority concentration on White out-migration. These results highlight the importance of looking beyond reactions to local racial conditions to understand mobility decisions and resulting patterns of segregation.

From the early 1960s onward, battles over school desegregation took on an increasingly metropolitan orientation, one all but destroyed by the Supreme Court’s 1974 decision in Milliken v. Bradley. In Boston, Detroit, and Philadelphia, segregationist urbanites, when faced with a legal challenge either created or made possible by black civil rights advocates, reversed course and trumpeted the advantages of metropolitan desegregation. These tactical metropolitanists recognized that a larger desegregation area reaching into the predominantly white suburbs would mean that white children would continue attending majority-white schools and they understood that stoking suburban opposition to desegregation could defeat integrationist legislation. Despite their segregationist motives, tactical metropolitanists offered a potentially productive solution capable of mitigating white flight, providing lasting integration, and aligning with the efforts of integrationist civil rights advocates in court. Uncovering tactical metropolitanism complicates our understandings of urban segregation and the sources of metropolitan reform. It suggests the need for a metropolitan history of civil rights that centers the importance of municipal boundaries in perpetuating inequality.

Abstract:Many teaching hospitals in the United States were founded on philanthropic principles and aimed to aid the urban poor and underserved. However, as times have changed, there has been a divide created between the urban poor and teaching hospitals. There is a plethora of reasons why this is the case. This paper will specifically focus on the histories of ten hospitals and medical schools and the effect that white flight, segregation, elitism, and marginalization had on healthcare institutions all over the United States. It will call for a reexamination of the values of Ivy League and Ivy Plus teaching hospitals and medical schools and for them to take an intentional look into their communities.

Abstract Neglected in the many studies of Dallas, Bishop Thomas K. Gorman and Catholic religious orders that staffed schools and churches in the Diocese of Dallas led the way in desegregation and achieved peaceful change ahead of secular institutions. Gorman and religious orders formulated, supported, and implemented desegregation policies without fanfare or publicity that might divide Catholics and arouse segregationist opposition from within and/or outside the Church's ranks. Black Catholics were far from quiescent and made important contributions to secular desegregation. In September 1955, two African American Catholics enrolled in Jesuit High, a boys’ school, making it the only desegregated school in Dallas. George Allen, the father of one of the boys, subsequently worked behind the scenes to negotiate desegregation of the city's buses and other public accommodations. Another African American lay Catholic, Clarence A. Laws, organized and led civil rights protests in the city as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People's Southwest regional director. White sisters also contributed to racial change. Even before the US Supreme Court ruled public school segregation unconstitutional in Brown v. Board of Education in May 1954, the Sisters of St. Mary of Namur, without publicity, admitted African Americans to a white girls’ school, Our Lady of Victory, in Fort Worth, making it the first desegregated school in the city. However, residential segregation and white flight limited integration of Catholic schools and churches, and Catholic school desegregation largely involved the closure of black schools.

Since the 2001 race riots in Bradford, Burnley, and Oldham and the terror attacks of 11 September 2001, British Muslims have been subjected to increased levels of suspicion and hostility. In particular, the spotlight has shone on working-class South Asian Muslim communities in the north of England, which have been accused of “self-segregation” and constructed as alienated from and posing a threat to “Britishness”. Racial divisions and tensions have been problematically blamed on the “failure” of multiculturalism; commentators from the left and right of the political spectrum have claimed multiculturalist practice and policies have encouraged too much diversity, thereby obstructing integration, while social factors such as poverty, disenfranchisement, racism, and “white flight” have been obscured or at best downplayed.1 As news stories of young British Muslim men joining extremist organizations at home or abroad continue to circulate, the communities’ male youth remain particularly susceptible to Islamophobic stereotyping and profiling. In this interview, performance poet and playwright Avaes Mohammad discusses the ways his work engages with this fraught political context. Our conversation begins by considering his experience of growing up in a racially divided northern English town in the 1980s and 1990s, before turning to the impact of the events of 2001 on his life and art. We discuss the role art can play in politics, and the part faith can play in art, before focusing on specific representations in his plays of young British Muslims held at Guantánamo Bay, divided working-class communities in the north of England, and young men — both Muslim and white — drawn to different kinds of extremism. Finally, we explore the racial and social exclusions of the creative arts, and the reception of Mohammad’s work.

This article explores the twisting and complicated history of school desegregation in Kansas City, Missouri, as an example of how illusive meaningful racial integration was and still is in urban America. The goal of desegregation was difficult to achieve from the beginning, when the school district adopted its initial desegregation plan based on neighborhood schools. This article examines the impact of that plan and its many shortcomings, particularly the provision permitting students to transfer between schools and the manner in which massive demographic change in the city undermined desegregation. The role of the U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW) is also examined in detail, especially the department's part in pressuring school officials in Kansas City to reform the original plan in the early 1970s. By the late 1960s and early 1970s, the Kansas City school district, like a great many other urban school districts, had experienced massive white and middle-class flight that left it with a smaller tax base and significant fiscal difficulties. Consequently, the Kansas City Public Schools grew increasingly reliant on federal funding. In compelling Kansas City to make changes to its desegregation plan, HEW officials used a “carrot and stick” approach. On one hand, HEW offered incentives to the school district in the form of large grants; on the other hand, HEW coerced the school district into making reforms by threatening to terminate the school district's federal funding. Ultimately, the desegregation that was accomplished in Kansas City was far too little and came far too late, after the school district had lost most of its white students to the predominantly white suburbs beyond. This historical analysis of school desegregation in Kansas City is important because it illustrates how race, inequality, and segregation profoundly affected an urban school district's willingness and ability to implement Brown, with or without federal funding. Similar stories echo through urban school districts across the United States.

AbstractThe present-day location of public parks should be understood in the proper social and historical context of residential segregation and urban development. In Los Angeles, discriminatory practices such as restrictive covenants were used not only for housing, but also to maintain segregated recreational spaces. In addition, the economic changes that came as a result of White flight, suburbanization, and inner city job loss brought with it a reduction in local government resources, including funds for public parks. These changes to the urban landscape disproportionately impacted low-income immigrant communities, including Latino neighborhoods. Health disparities researchers are concerned with the inequitable distribution of parks and recreation facilities because it may contribute to disparities in physical inactivity and obesity, health risks that disproportionately impact Latinos. However, much of the literature investigating disparities in the built environment fails to include a racial analysis. The current study uses a Critical Race Theory framework to examine disparities in park availability in Los Angeles. We used a unique park dataset created in ArcGIS to carry out a county-wide assessment of the availability of park features at the neighborhood level. Data come from two sources, the Los Angeles County Location Management System, which includes information on specific park features (e.g., swimming pools, parks and gardens, recreation centers) and the American Community Survey, which includes neighborhood-level sociodemographic information. A zero-inflated negative binomial regression model was used to test whether Latino immigrant neighborhood characteristics are associated with the availability of park features in Los Angeles. Results indicate that Latino immigrant neighborhoods have limited park availability. The discussion situates these findings of inequitable distribution of park resources in the appropriate social and historical context of Latinos living in Los Angeles.

Abstract Between-school ability tracking—the assignment of students to different school types based on their prior achievement—is usually associated with increased ethnic segregation across schools. This article argues that stronger between-school ability tracking is not only associated with stronger ethnic sorting into school types, thus increasing segregation. At the same time, it hampers majority flight, majority members’ avoidance of exposure to minority members, thus decreasing segregation. To identify the two-fold effect of tracking the article exploits a unique feature of the German secondary school system: regional variation in the strength of between-school ability tracking. Analyses rely on administrative data entailing geocoded information on all secondary schools in Germany in 2008/2009. Results corroborate expectations of a two-fold effect: there is indication that between-school ability tracking increases segregation via more sorting into tracks while at the same time decreasing it via less school sorting within each track and via less spatial sorting. This suggests that school reforms changing tracked school systems into more comprehensive school systems may have a weaker desegregating impact than expected.

For preparing high-performance electrospun fibers with functional molecules that cannot cross-entangle themselves, such as conductive polymers, promoting the aggregation of functional molecules on the surface by surface segregation is a promising approach. In the present study, electrospun polymethyl methacrylate/polyaniline (PMMA/PANI) fibers were prepared under various conditions, including solution composition, applied voltage, tip-to-collector distance, temperature, humidity, and gas-phase solvent concentration, to examine the effects of the parameters on fiber morphology and surface segregation. The changes in fiber morphology and variations in the intensity of PANI and PMMA’s characteristic bands were investigated with scanning electron microscopy (SEM) and Raman spectroscopy. The results demonstrated that by changing the saturation difference and the viscosity, the amount of PMMA and PANI added significantly influenced whether surface segregation could occur. The effect of other investigated parameters on surface segregation was concluded to alter the molecular migratable time by affecting the jet flight time and the solvent volatilization rate. Among them, increasing the solvent concentration could significantly promote surface segregation without sacrificing morphological advantages. When the solvent concentration increased from 1.4 to 158 mg/m3, the Raman peak intensity ratio of PANI and PMMA increased from 2.91 to 5.05, while the fiber diameter remained essentially constant.

Abstract Northern saw-whet owls (Aegolius acadicus) are nocturnal predators that are able to acoustically localize prey with great accuracy; an ability that is attributed to their unique asymmetrical ear structure. While a great deal of research has focused on open loop sound localization prior to flight in owls (primarily barn owls), directional sensitivity of the ears may also be important in locating moving prey on the wing. Furthermore, directionally sensitive ears may also reduce the effects of masking noise, either from the owls’ wings during flight or environmental noise (e.g., wind and leaf rustling), by enhancing spatial segregation of target sounds and noise sources. Here, we investigated auditory processing of Northern saw-whet owls in three-dimensional space using auditory evoked potentials (AEPs). We simultaneously evoked auditory responses in two channels (right and left ear) with broadband clicks from a sound source that could be manipulated in space. Responses were evoked from 66 spatial locations, separated by 30° increments in both azimuth and elevation. We found that Northern saw-whet owls had increased sensitivity to sound sources directly in front of and above their beaks and decreased sensitivity to sound sources below and behind their heads. The spatial region of highest sensitivity extends from the lower beak to the crown of the head and 30° left or right of the median plane, dropping off beyond those margins. Directional sensitivity is undoubtedly useful during foraging and predator evasion, and may also reduce the effect of masking noise from the wings during flight due to the spatial segregation of the noise and targets of interest.

Temporal variation in activity of dung and carrion beetles in tropical forest is considered as a mechanism of ecological segregation between potentially competing species. We describe the diel flight activity of Scarabaeidae collected with baited pitfall traps at Les Nouragues field station in French Guiana. A total of 2663 individuals of 63 species was recorded, from the subfamilies Coprinae, Scarabaeinae and Aphodinae. Temporal guilds of diurnal, nocturnal and crepuscular species were identified. Diurnal species were about twice as numerous and abundant as either nocturnal or crepuscular species. Two main activity patterns characterize the diurnal species while nocturnal and crepuscular species show overlapping activity. The association of activity rhythm with the other niche variables, food selection, functional group, body size and relative abundance, was analysed using multiple correspondence analysis. Small diurnal coprophagous species were opposed to large crepuscular necrophagous species. Species packing is suggested but further analysis showed that the variables were independent of one another. The temporal differentiation of species combined with separation along multiple niche dimensions and resource gradients may facilitate the coexistence of species assumed to be strongly affected by interspecific competition.

The effect of Fe doping on SrTiO3 single crystals was investigated in terms of crystal and electronic structure over a wide temperature range in both oxidizing and reducing conditions. The electrical properties were thoroughly studied with a special focus on the resistive switching phenomenon. Contrary to the undoped SrTiO3 crystals, where isolated filaments are responsible for resistive switching, the iron-doped crystals showed stripe-like conducting regions at the nanoscale. The results showed a non-uniform Fe distribution of as-received crystals and the formation of new phases in the surface layer of reduced/oxidized samples. The oxidation procedure led to a separation of Ti(Fe) and Sr, while the reduction resulted in the tendency of Fe to agglomerate and migrate away from the surface as seen from the time of flight mass spectroscopy measurements. Moreover, a clear presence of Fe-rich nano-filament in the reduced sample was found.

While scholars argue that redevelopment and gentrification result in large part from the unique preferences of middle–class residents moving to neighborhoods after decades of flight, almost all of this evidence is extrapolated from the behavior of residents already living in redeveloped neighborhoods. I argue that understanding the consequences of redevelopment, particularly urban policies advocating redevelopment, requires measuring the preferences for redeveloped neighborhoods among the broader metropolitan population. Using data from a representative sample of Chicago metropolitan area adults, I find that homeowners and renters differ in their patterns of preferences for redeveloped neighborhoods: city or suburban residence is more important for homeowners while race is a much stronger factor among renters. This reassessment of preference patterns highlights the potential for redevelopment policies to fall short of intended goals to attract investment and alleviate racial segregation.

Abstract. Subarctic environmental changes are expected to affect the foraging ecology of marine top predators, but the response to such changes may vary among species if they use food resources differently. We examined the characteristics of foraging behavior of two sympatric congeneric diving seabird: common (Uria aalge: hereafter COMUs) and thick-billed (U. lomvia: hereafter TBMUs) murres breeding on St. George Island, located in the seasonal sea-ice region of the Bering Sea. We investigated their foraging trip and flight durations, diel patterns of dive depth, and underwater wing strokes, along with wing morphology and blood stable isotope signatures and stress hormones. Acceleration–temperature–depth loggers were attached to chick-guarding birds, and data were obtained from 7 COMUs and 12 TBMUs. Both species showed similar mean trip duration (13.2 h for COMUs and 10.5 h for TBMUs) and similar diurnal patterns of diving (frequent dives to various depths in the daytime and less frequent dives to shallow depths in the nighttime). During the daytime, the dive depths of COMUs had two peaks in shallow (18.1 m) and deep (74.2 m) depths, while those of TBMUs were 20.2 m and 59.7 m. COMUs showed more frequent wing strokes during the bottom phase of dives (1.90 s−1) than TBMUs (1.66 s−1). Fish occurred more frequently in the bill loads of COMUs (85 %) than those of TBMUs (56 %). The δ15N value of blood was significantly higher in COMUs (14.5 ‰) than in TBMUs (13.1 ‰). The relatively small wing area (0.053 m2) of COMUs compared to TBMUs (0.067 m2) may facilitate their increased agility while foraging and allow them to capture more mobile prey such as larger fishes that inhabit deeper depths. These differences in food resource use may lead to the differential responses of the two murre species to marine environmental changes in the Bering Sea.

The II-VI semiconductor mercury cadmium telluride, composed of 80 mole percent HgTe and 20 mole percent CdTe, has been grown on Earth and aboard two NASA Space Shuttle flights in order to study the solidification of a solid solution semiconductor having a wide separation between liquidus and solidus. Segregation during solidification, high volatility of mercury, and strain fields associated with large temperature gradients make the growth of homogeneous, high-quality, bulk crystals extremely difficult. The traditional growth methods yield crystals with axial and radial compositional variations and secondary precipitates of tellurium, probably caused by gravityinduced, thermosolutally-driven flows just ahead of the growth interface. The purpose of growing these crystals in microgravity is to reduce gravity-induced convection. This should be advantageous for minimizing the density of crystal defects while also minimizing compositional variation transverse to the crystal growth direction.The ground based experiments consisted of growing crystals in several different configurations of heat pipe furnaces and NASA’s Advanced Automated Directional Solidification Furnace (AADSF).

Diffuse neutron scattering data have been recorded for the molecular crystald-benzil, C14D10O2, using the time-of-flight Laue technique on the SXD and PRISMA instruments at ISIS. Using SXD it was possible to access a large fraction of the total three-dimensional reciprocal space out to aQvalue of 15 Å−1, using only four individual exposures and by making use of the \bar{3}m Laue symmetry of the crystal. By segregating the scattered data according to the incident neutron energy used, patterns were obtained from those neutrons in the range of ∼20 meV to 150 meV, which showed little sign of inelastic effects and so could be compared with previously analysed X-ray data. For neutron energies of <20 meV, interesting inelastic effects were observed, which have been used to obtain an estimate for the energy of phonons associated with a vibrational mode in which an intramolecular mode couples to a low-energy shearing motion of the hydrogen-bonded network linking neighbouring molecules. The estimated value of 8.95 cm−1(1.11 meV) for this mode is less than the lowest energy mode reported from spectroscopic measurements for hydrogenous benzil (∼16 cm−1). A model previously derived from analysis of X-ray data observed over a limited range ofQhas been used to calculate neutron patterns over the fullQrange. Comparison with the present neutron data has shown that while the model gives a good description of the form of the diffuse patterns, the magnitudes of the atomic displacements are underestimated by a factor of ∼2.25.

Abstract. Sub-arctic environmental changes are expected to affect the ecology of marine top predators. We examined the characteristics of foraging behavior of two sympatric congeneric diving seabirds, common (Uria aalge: hereafter COMU) and thick-billed (U. lomvia: hereafter TBMU) murres breeding on St. George Island located in the seasonal sea-ice region of the Bering Sea. We investigated their flight duration, diel patterns of dive depth, and underwater wing strokes, along with morphology and blood stable isotopes. Acceleration-temperature-depth data loggers were attached to chick-guarding birds, and behavioral data were obtained from 7 COMU and 12 TBMU. Both species showed similar trip duration (13.21 ± 4.79 h for COMU and 10.45 ± 7.09 h for TBMU) and similar diurnal patterns of diving (frequent dives to various depths in the daytime and less frequent dives to shallow depths in the nighttime). During the daytime, dive depths of COMU had two peaks in shallow (18.1 ± 6.0 m) and deep (74.2 ± 8.7 m) depths, while those of TBMU were 20.2 ± 7.4 m and 59.7 ± 7.9 m. COMU showed more frequent wing strokes during the bottom phase of dives (1.90 ± 0.11 s−1) than TBMU (1.66 ± 0.15 s−1). Fishes occurred with higher proportion in the bill-loads brought back to chicks in COMU (85 %) than in TBMU (56 %). δ15N value of blood was significantly higher in COMU (14.47 ± 0.27 ‰) than in TBMU (13.14 ± 0.36 ‰). Relatively small wing area (0.053 ± 0.007 m2) of COMU compared to TBMU (0.067 ± 0.007 m2) may make them more agile underwater and thus enable them to target more mobile prey including larger fishes that inhabit deeper depths. These differences in foraging behavior between COMU and TBMU might explain the differences in their responses to long-term marine environmental changes.

Knowledge of intraspecific variability of a certain species is essential for their long-term survival and for the development of conservation plans. Nowadays, molecular/genetic methods are the most frequently used for this purpose. Although, the Matrix Assisted Laser Desorption Ionization Time of Flight Mass Spectrometry (MALDI-TOF MS) technique has become a promising alternative tool to specify intraspecific variability, there is a lack of information about the limitations of this method, and some methodological issues need to be resolved. Towards this goal, we tested the sensitivity of this method on an intraspecific level, using genetically identified individuals of a cryptic fish species complex collected from five distinct populations. Additionally, some methodologic issues, such as the effect of (1) delayed sample preparation, (2) clove oil anaesthetization, and (3) different tissue types (muscle, and brain) were investigated using the MS analysis results. Our results show that the delayed sample preparation has a fundamental effect on the result of MS analysis, while at the same time the clove oil did not affect the results considerably. Both the brain and muscle samples were usable for cryptic species identification, but in our opinion this method has limited applicability for population-level segregation. The application of MALDI-TOF MS to the exploitable toolkit of phylogenetic and taxonomic researches could be used to broaden conclusions.

We synthetized a new rod-coil block copolymer (BCP) based on the semiconducting polymerpoly({4,8-bis[(2-ethylhexyl)oxy]benzo[1,2-b:4,5-b′]dithiophene-2,6-diyl}{3-fluoro-2-[(2-ethylhexyl)carbonyl]thieno[3,4-b]thiophenediyl}) (PTB7) and poly-4-vinylpyridine (P4VP), tailored to produce water-processable nanoparticles (WPNPs) in blend with phenyl-C71-butyric acid methyl ester (PC71BM). The copolymer PTB7-b-P4VP was completely characterized by means of two-dimensional nuclear magnetic resonance (2D-NMR), matrix-assisted laser desorption/ionization-time of flight (MALDI-TOF) mass spectrometry (MS), size-exclusion chromatography (SEC), and differential scanning calorimetry (DSC) to confirm the molecular structure. The WPNPs were prepared through an adapted miniemulsion approach without any surfactants. Transmission electron microscopy (TEM) images reveal the nano-segregation of two active materials inside the WPNPs. The nanostructures appear spherical with a Janus-like inner morphology. PTB7 segregated to one side of the nanoparticle, while PC71BM segregated to the other side. This morphology was consistent with the value of the surface energy obtained for the two active materials PTB7-b-P4VP and PC71BM. The WPNPs obtained were deposited as an active layer of organic solar cells (OSCs). The films obtained were characterized by UV-Visible Spectroscopy (UV-vis), atomic force microscopy (AFM), and grazing incidence X-ray diffraction (GIXRD). J-V characteristics of the WPNP-based devices were measured by obtaining a power conversion efficiency of 0.85%. Noticeably, the efficiency of the WPNP-based devices was higher than that achieved for the devices fabricated with the PTB7-based BCP dissolved in chlorinated organic solvent.

Gravity effects are more prominent in thermal recovery simulations due to larger densitydifference between phases. Historically, the streamline method has been unable toaccount for gravity effects. This is a result of assuming that the fluid path follows thestreamline path and therefore no communication among streamlines. However with gravity,a fluid pathline is different from a fluid streamline. Each phase can move vertically asa result of the gravity segregation effect in addition to the flow along streamline.Gravity effects are accounted in the streamline method by an operator splitting technique.The idea is to isolate the convective flow from diffusion due to gravity for separatesolutions. The convective part is calculated along the common streamline trajectories andthe diffusion part is determined by the direction of gravity. While this has been done successfullyfor isothermal problems, it is still a challenge to obtain both accuracy and efficiencyfor non-isothermal flow. This paper further examines the mixed streamline methodwith an operator splitting technique for this class of problems. The pressure equation fordefining streamlines was derived by summing up the mass conservation equations. Then,the mass and heat transport equations in terms of the streamline time-of-flight coordinatewere solved for each streamline. A gravity step will be followed by solving the segregationequations over the dimensional grid. For simplification of modeling, heat was assumed totransfer by convection only, of which direction is parallel with the flowing phases and theinfluence of temperature in the simulation model is through changes in fluid viscosity only.The proposed approach was tested through simulation of heavy oil recovery by means ofhot waterflooding. The results were verified with those of a commercial fully implicit thermalsimulator.

In 1954, when Brown vs. Board of Education (Brown) ruled that segregation was illegal, Dallas, like most southern cities, was very residentially segregated and not eager to welcome black children into white schools as mandated. The city dragged its feet far longer than others, and in 1961 it was the very last large school district in the country to allow black students to attend white schools (SMU Law 1). Busing for integration was implemented even farther behind other cities, but white flight out of the school district occurred in Dallas to a greater degree than most other metropolitan areas. Currently, according to the National Center for Education Statistics, the Dallas school district has the second lowest percentage of white students, only behind Detroit (“Status and Trends”). There is no question that residential segregation in Dallas was happening long before segregated schools became illegal, leaving uncertainty about the true causes of the wholesale abandoning of the Dallas Independent School District (DISD) by whites. Some researchers believe that the fear of integration doomed the process before it started, while others believe that the flawed implementation is responsible for its failure. I believe that the racial and political atmosphere in Dallas at the time supports a combination of both explanations, as the resisted, prolonged roll-out facilitated a level of fear that the actual implementation could never overcome.

White flight refers to a phenomenon whereby native middle class residents avoidor move away from areas with immigrant concentrations thereby contributing toethnic and residential segregation. The recent increase in immigration into Finlandhas spurred public debates suggesting that white flight - in connection with schoolchoices - might also be happening in Finland. In this article, the phenomenon isscrutinized and unravelled conceptually. The discussion draws on a recent qualitativestudy undertaken in Turku. The study involved 31 in-depth interviews with nativeFinnish parents of primary- and preschool aged children. The results indicate thatneither the schools nor immigration determined families housing decisions that were,ultimately, multifaceted and situated within specific life courses and circumstances.Mainly thematic but also discourse and life course analysis methods were employedto tease out nuances around talk and action, also helping to further understand thedynamics of attitudes in this context.

We take as our subject what many would deem a waste of good celluloid: the degraded cultural form of the stoner film. Stoner films plot the experiences of the wasted (those intoxicated on marijuana) as they exhibit wastefulness—excessiveness, improvidence, decay—on a number of fronts. Stoners waste time in constantly hunting for pot and in failing to pursue more productive activity whilst wasted. Stoners waste their minds, both literally, if we believe contested studies that indicate marijuana smoking kills brains cells, and figuratively, in rendering themselves cognitively impaired. Stoners waste their bodies through the dangerous practice of smoking and through the tendency toward physical inertia. Stoners waste money on marijuana firstly, but also on such sophomoric accoutrements as the stoner film itself. Stoners lay waste to convention in excessively seeking pleasure and in dressing and acting outrageously. And stoners, if the scatological humour of so many stoner films is any index, are preoccupied with bodily waste. Stoners, we argue here, waste whiteness as well. As the likes of Jesse and Chester (Dude, Where’s My Car?), Wayne and Garth (Wayne’s World), Bill and Ted (Bill and Ted’s Excellent Adventure) and Jay and Silent Bob (Jay and Silent Bob Strike Back) make clear, whiteness looms large in stoner films. Yet the genre, we argue, disavows its own whiteness, in favour of a post-white hybridity that lavishly squanders white privilege. For all its focus on whiteness, filmic wastedness has always been an ethnically diverse and ambiguous category. The genre’s origins in the work of Cheech Marin, a Chicano, and Tommy Chong, a Chinese-European Canadian, have been buttressed in this regard by many African American contributions to the stoner oeuvre, including How High, Half Baked and Friday, as well as by Harold and Kumar Go to White Castle, and its Korean-American and Indian-American protagonists. Cheech and Chong initiated the genre with the release of Up in Smoke in 1978. A host of films have followed featuring protagonists who spend much of their time smoking and seeking marijuana (or—in the case of stoner films such as Dude, Where’s My Car? released during the height of the War on Drugs—acting stoned without ever being seen to get stoned). Inspired in part by the 1938 anti-marijuana film Reefer Madness, and the unintended humour such propaganda films begat amongst marijuana smokers, stoner films are comedies that satirise both marijuana culture and its prohibition. Self-consciously slapstick, the stoner genre excludes more serious films about drugs, from Easy Rider to Shaft, as well as films such as The Wizard of Oz, Yellow Submarine, the Muppet movies, and others popular amongst marijuana smokers because of surreal content. Likewise, a host of films that include secondary stoner characters, such as Jeff Spicoli in Fast Times at Ridgemont High and Wooderson in Dazed and Confused, are commonly excluded from the genre on the grounds that the stoner film, first and foremost, celebrates stonerism, that is “serious commitment to smoking and acquiring marijuana as a lifestyle choice.” (Meltzer). Often taking the form of the “buddy film,” stoner flicks generally feature male leads and frequently exhibit a decidedly masculinist orientation, with women, for the most part reduced to little more than the object of the white male gaze.The plot, such as it is, of the typical stoner film concerns the search for marijuana (or an accessory, such as junk food) and the improbable misadventures that ensue. While frequently represented as resourceful and energetic in their quest for marijuana, filmic stoners otherwise exhibit ambivalent attitudes toward enterprise that involves significant effort. Typically represented as happy and peaceable, filmic stoners rarely engage in conflict beyond regular clashes with authority figures determined to enforce anti-drug laws, and other measures that stoners take to be infringements upon happiness. While Hollywood’s stoners thus share a sense of entitlement to pleasure, they do not otherwise exhibit a coherent ideological orthodoxy beyond a certain libertarian and relativistic open-mindedness. More likely to take inspiration from comic book heroes than Aldous Huxley or Timothy Leary, stoners are most often portrayed as ‘dazed and confused,’ and could be said to waste the intellectual tradition of mind expansion that Leary represents. That stoner films are, at times, misunderstood to be quintessentially white is hardly suprising. As a social construct that creates, maintains and legitimates white domination, whiteness manifests, as one of its most defining features, an ability to swallow up difference and to insist upon, at critical junctures, a universal subjectivity that disallows for difference (hooks 167). Such universalising not only sanctions co-optation of ethnic cultural expression, it also functions to mask whiteness’s existence, thus reinforcing its very power. Whiteness, as Richard Dyer argues, is simultaneously everywhere and nowhere. It obfuscates itself and its relationship to the particular traits it is said to embody—disinterest, prudence, temperance, rationality, bodily restraint, industriousness (3). Whiteness is thus constructed as neither an ethnic nor racial particularity, but rather the transcendence of such positionality (Wiegman 139). While non-whites are raced, to be white is to be “just human” and thus to possess the power to “claim to speak for the commonality of humanity” whilst denying the accrual of any particular racial privilege (Dyer 2). In refuting its own advantages—which are so wide ranging (from preferential treatment in housing loans, to the freedom to fail without fear of reflecting badly on other whites) that they are, like whiteness itself, both assumed and unproblematic—whiteness instantiates individualism, allowing whites to believe that their successes are in no way the outcome of systematic racial advantage, but rather the product of individual toil (McIntosh; Lipsitz). An examination of the 1978 stoner film Up in Smoke suggests that whatever the ethnic ambiguity of the figure of the stoner, the genre of the stoner film is all about the wasting of whiteness. Up in Smoke opens with two alternating domestic scenes. We first encounter Pedro De Pacas (Cheech Marin) in a cluttered and shadowy room as his siblings romp affectionately upon his back, waking him from his slumber on the couch. Pedro rises, stepping into a bowl of cereal on the floor. He stumbles to the bathroom, where, sleepy and disoriented, he urinates into the laundry hamper. The chaos of Pedro’s disrupted sleep is followed in the film by a more metaphoric awakening as Anthony Stoner (Tommy Chong) determines to leave home. The scene takes place in a far more orderly, light and lavish room. The space’s overpowering whiteness is breached only by the figure of Anthony and his unruly black hair, bushy black beard, and loud Hawaiian shirt, which vibrates with colour against the white walls, white furnishings and white curtains. We watch as Anthony, behind an elaborate bar, prepares a banana protein shake, impassively ignoring his parents, both clothed in all-white, as they clutch martini glasses and berate their son for his lack of ambition. Arnold Stoner [father]: Son, your mother and me would like for you to cozy up to the Finkelstein boy. He's a bright kid, and, uh... he's going to military school, and remember, he was an Eagle Scout. Tempest Stoner [mother]: Arnold…Arnold Stoner: [shouts over/to his wife] Will you shut up? We’re not going to have a family brawl!Tempest Stoner: [continues talking as her husband shouts]…. Retard.Arnold Stoner: [to Anthony] We've put up with a hell of a lot.[Anthony starts blender] Can this wait? ... Build your goddamn muscles, huh? You know, you could build your muscles picking strawberries.You know, bend and scoop... like the Mexicans. Shit, maybe I could get you a job with United Fruit. I got a buddy with United Fruit. ... Get you started. Start with strawberries, you might work your way up to these goddamn bananas! When, boy? When...are you going to get your act together?Anthony: [Burps]Tempest Stoner: Gross.Arnold Stoner: Oh, good God Almighty me. I think he's the Antichrist. Anthony, I want to talk to you. [Anthony gathers his smoothie supplements and begins to walk out of the room.] Now, listen! Don't walk away from me when I'm talking to you! You get a goddamn job before sundown, or we're shipping you off to military school with that goddamn Finkelstein shit kid! Son of a bitch!The whiteness of Anthony’s parents is signified so pervasively and so strikingly in this scene—in their improbable white outfits and in the room’s insufferably white décor—that we come to understand it as causative. The rage and racism of Mr. Stoner’s tirade, the scene suggests, is a product of whiteness itself. Given that whiteness achieves and maintains its domination via both ubiquity and invisibility, what Up in Smoke accomplishes in this scene is notable. Arnold Stoner’s tortured syntax (“that goddamn Finkelstein shit kid”) works to “mak[e] whiteness strange” (Dyer 4), while the scene’s exaggerated staging delineates whiteness as “a particular – even peculiar – identity, rather than a presumed norm” (Roediger, Colored White 21). The belligerence of the senior Stoners toward not only their son and each other, but the world at large, in turn, functions to render whiteness intrinsically ruthless and destructive. Anthony’s parents, in all their whiteness, enact David Roediger’s assertion that “it is not merely that ‘Whiteness’s is oppressive and false; it is that ‘Whiteness’s is nothing but oppressive and false” (Toward the Abolition 13).Anthony speaks not a word during the scene. He communicates only by belching and giving his parents the finger as he leaves the room and the home. This departure is significant in that it marks the moment when Anthony, hereafter known only as “Man,” flees the world of whiteness. He winds up taking refuge in the multi-hued world of stonerism, as embodied in the scene that follows, which features Pedro emerging from his home to interact with his Chicano neighbours and to lovingly inspect his car. As a lowrider, a customised vehicle that “begin[s] with the abandoned materials of one tradition (that of mainstream America), … [and is] … then transformed and recycled . . . into new and fresh objects of art which are distinctly Chicano,” Pedro’s car serves as a symbol of the cultural hybridisation that Man is about to undergo (quoted in Ondine 141).As Man’s muteness in the presence of his parents suggests, his racial status seems tentative from the start. Within the world of whiteness, Man is the subaltern, silenced and denigrated, finding voice only after he befriends Pedro. Even as the film identifies Man as white through his parental lineage, it renders indeterminate its own assertion, destabilising any such fixed or naturalised schema of identity. When Man is first introduced to Pedro’s band as their newest member, James, the band’s African American bass player, looks at Man, dressed in the uniform of the band, and asks: “Hey Pedro, where’s the white dude you said was playing the drums?” Clearly, from James’s point of view, the room contains no white dudes, just stoners. Man’s presumed whiteness becomes one of the film’s countless gags, the provocative ambiguity of the casting of a Chinese-European to play a white part underscored in the film by the equally implausible matter of age. Man, according to the film’s narrative, is a high school student; Chong was forty when the film was released. Like his age, Man’s whiteness is never a good fit. That Man ultimately winds up sleeping on the very couch upon which we first encounter Pedro suggests how radical and final the break with his dubious white past is. The “Mexicans” whom his father would mock as fit only for abject labour are amongst those whom Man comes to consider his closest companions. In departing his parents’ white world, and embracing Pedro’s dilapidated, barrio-based world of wastedness, Man traces the geographies narrated by George Lipsitz in The Possessive Investment in Whiteness. Historically, Lipsitz argues, the development of affluent white space (the suburbs) was made possible by the disintegration of African American, Chicano and other minority neighbourhoods disadvantaged by federal, state, and corporate housing, employment, health care, urban renewal, and education policies that favoured whites over non-whites. In this sense, Man’s flight from his parents’ home is a retreat from whiteness itself, and from the advantages that whiteness conveys. In choosing the ramshackle, non-white world of stonerism, Man performs an act of racial treachery. Whiteness, Lipsitz contends, has “cash value,” and “is invested in, like property, but it is also a means of accumulating property and keeping it from others,” which allows for “intergenerational transfers of inherited wealth that pass on the spoils of discrimination to succeeding generations” (vii-viii). Man’s disavowal of the privileges of whiteness is a reckless refusal to accept this racial birthright. Whiteness is thus wasted upon Man because Man wastes his whiteness. Given the centrality of prudence and restraint to hegemonic constructions of whiteness, Man’s willingness to squander the “valuable asset” that is his white inheritance is especially treasonous (Harris 1713). Man is the prodigal son of whiteness, a profligate who pours down the drain “the wages of whiteness” that his forbearers have spent generations accruing and protecting (Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness). His waste not only offends the core values which whiteness is said to comprise, it also denigrates whiteness itself by illuminating the excess of white privilege, as well as the unarticulated excess of meanings that hover around whiteness to create the illusion of transcendence and infinite variety. Man’s performance, like all bad performances of whiteness, “disrupt[s] implicit understandings of what it means to be white” (Hartigan 46). The spectre of seeing white domination go ‘up in smoke’—via wasting, as opposed to hoarding, white privilege—amounts to racial treason, and helps not only to explicate why whites in the film find stonerism so menacing, but also to explain the paradox of “pot [making] the people who don’t smoke it even more paranoid than the people who do” (Patterson). While Tommy Chong’s droll assertion that "what makes us so dangerous is that we're harmless" ridicules such paranoia, it ultimately fails to account for the politics of subversive squandering of white privilege that characterise the stoner film (“Biographies”). Stoners in Up in Smoke, as in most other stoner films, are marked as non-white, through association with ethnic Others, through their rejection of mainstream ideas about work and achievement, and/or through their lack of bodily restraint in relentlessly seeking pleasure, in dressing outrageously, and in refusing to abide conventional grooming habits. Significantly, the non-white status of the stoner is both voluntary and deliberate. While stonerism embraces its own non-whiteness, its Otherness is not signified, primarily, through racial cross-dressing of the sort Eric Lott detects in Elvis, but rather through race-mixing. Stoner collectivity practices an inclusivity that defies America’s historic practice of racial and ethnic segregation (Lott 248). Stonerism further reveals its unwillingness to abide constrictive American whiteness in a scene in which Pedro and Man, both US-born Americans, are deported. The pair are rounded up along with Pedro’s extended family in a raid initiated when Pedro’s cousin “narcs” on himself to la migra (the Immigration and Naturalization Service) in order to get free transport for his extended family to his wedding in Tijuana. Pedro and Man return to the US as unwitting tricksters, bringing back to the US more marijuana than has ever crossed the Mexican-US border at one time, fusing the relationship between transnationalism and wastedness. The disrespect that stoners exhibit for pregnable US borders contests presumed Chicano powerlessness in the face of white force and further affronts whiteness, which historically has mobilised itself most virulently at the threat of alien incursion. Transgression here is wilful and playful; stoners intend to offend normative values and taste through their actions, their dress, and non-white associations as part of the project of forging a new hybridised, transnational subjectivity that threatens to lay waste to whiteness’s purity and privilege. Stoners invite the scrutiny of white authority with their outrageous attire and ethnically diverse composition, turning the “inevitability of surveillance” (Borrie 87) into an opportunity to enact their own wastedness—their wasted privilege, their wasted youth, their wasted potential—before a gaze that is ultimately confounded and threatened by the chaotic hybridity with which it is faced (Hebdige 26). By perpetually displaying his/her wasted Otherness, the stoner makes of him/herself a “freak,” a label cops use derisively throughout Up in Smoke to denote the wasted without realising that stoners define themselves in precisely such terms, and, by doing so, obstruct whiteness’s assertion of universal subjectivity. Pedro’s cousin Strawberry (Tom Skerritt), a pot dealer, enacts freakishness by exhibiting a large facial birthmark and by suffering from Vietnam-induced Post Traumatic Stress disorder. A freak in every sense of the word, Strawberry is denied white status by virtue of physical and mental defect. But Strawberry, as a stoner, ultimately wants whiteness even less than it wants him. The defects that deny him membership in the exclusive “club” that is whiteness prove less significant than the choice he makes to defect from the ranks of whiteness and join with Man in the decision to waste his whiteness wantonly (“Editorial”). Stoner masculinity is represented as similarly freakish and defective. While white authority forcefully frustrates the attempts of Pedro and Man to “score” marijuana, the duo’s efforts to “score” sexually are thwarted by their own in/action. More often than not, wastedness produces impotence in Up in Smoke, either literally or figuratively, wherein the confusion and misadventures that attend pot-smoking interrupt foreplay. The film’s only ostensible sex scene is unconsummated, a wasted opportunity for whiteness to reproduce itself when Man sleeps through his girlfriend’s frenzied discussion of sex. During the course of Up in Smoke, Man dresses as a woman while hitchhiking, Pedro mistakes Man for a woman, Man sits on Pedro’s lap when they scramble to change seats whilst being pulled over by the police, Man suggests that Pedro has a “small dick,” Pedro reports liking “manly breasts,” and Pedro—unable to urinate in the presence of Sgt. Stedenko—tells his penis that if it does not perform, he will “put [it] back in the closet.” Such attenuations of the lead characters’ masculinity climax in the penultimate scene, in which Pedro, backed by his band, performs “Earache My Eye,” a song he has just composed backstage, whilst adorned in pink tutu, garter belt, tassle pasties, sequined opera mask and Mickey Mouse ears: My momma talkin’ to me tryin’ to tell me how to liveBut I don't listen to her cause my head is like a sieveMy daddy he disowned me cause I wear my sister's clothesHe caught me in the bathroom with a pair of pantyhoseMy basketball coach he done kicked me off the teamFor wearing high heeled sneakers and acting like a queen“Earache My Eye” corroborates the Othered natured of stonerism by marking stoners, already designated as non-white, as non-straight. In a classic iteration of a bad gender performance, the scene rejects both whiteness and its hegemonic partners-in-crime, heterosexuality and normative masculinity (Butler 26). Here stoners waste not only their whiteness, but also their white masculinity. Whiteness, and its dependence upon “intersection … [with] interlocking axes [of power such as] gender … [and] sexuality,” is “outed” in this scene (Shome 368). So, too, is it enfeebled. In rendering masculinity freakish and defective, the film threatens whiteness at its core. For if whiteness can not depend upon normative masculinity for its reproduction, then, like Man’s racial birthright, it is wasted. The stoner’s embodiment of freakishness further works to emphasise wasted whiteness by exposing just how hysterical whiteness’s defense of its own normativity can be. Up in Smoke frequently inflates not only the effects of marijuana, but also the eccentricities of those who smoke it, a strategy which means that much of the film’s humour turns on satirising hegemonic stereotypes of marijuana smokers. Equally, Cheech Marin’s exaggerated “slapstick, one-dimensional [portrayal] of [a] Chicano character” works to render ridiculous the very stereotypes his character incarnates (List 183). While the film deconstructs processes of social construction, it also makes extensive use of counter-stereotyping in its depictions of characters marked as white. The result is that whiteness’s “illusion of [its] own infinite variety” is contested and the lie of whiteness as non-raced is exposed, helping to explain the stoner’s decision to waste his/her whiteness (Dyer 12; 2). In Up in Smoke whiteness is the colour of straightness. Straights, who are willing neither to smoke pot nor to tolerate the smoking of pot by others/Others, are so comprehensively marked as white in the film that whiteness and straightness become isomorphic. As a result, the same stereotypes are mobilised in representing whiteness and straightness: incompetence, belligerence, hypocrisy, meanspiritedness, and paranoia, qualities that are all the more oppressive because virtually all whites/straights in the film occupy positions of authority. Anthony’s spectacularly white parents, as we have seen, are bigoted and dominating. Their whiteness is further impugned by alcohol, which fuels Mr. Stoner’s fury and Mrs. Stoner’s unintelligibility. That the senior Stoners are drunk before noon works, of course, to expose the hypocrisy of those who would indict marijuana use while ignoring the social damage alcohol can produce. Their inebriation (revealed as chronic in the DVD’s outtake scenes) takes on further significance when it is configured as a decidedly white attribute. Throughout the film, only characters marked as white consume alcohol—most notably, the judge who is discovered to be drinking vodka whist adjudicating drug charges against Pedro and Man—therefore dislodging whiteness’s self-construction as temperate, and suggesting just how wasted whiteness is. While stonerism is represented as pacific, drunkenness is of a piece with white/straight bellicosity. In Up in Smoke, whites/straights crave confrontation and discord, especially the angry, uptight, and vainglorious narcotics cop Sgt. Stedenko (Stacey Keech) who inhabits so many of the film’s counter-stereotypes. While a trio of white cops roughly apprehend and search a carload of innocent nuns in a manner that Man describes as “cold blooded,” Stedenko, unawares in the foreground, gives an interview about his plans for what he hopes will be the biggest border drug bust in US history: “[Reporter:] Do you expect to see any violence here today? [Sgt. Stedenko:] I certainly hope so.” Stedenko’s desire to act violently against stoners echoes mythologies of white regeneration in the Old West, wherein whiteness refurbished itself through violent attacks on Native Americans, whose wasteful cultures failed to make “civilised” use of western lands (Slotkin 565).White aggression is relentlessly depicted in the film, with one important exception: the instance of the stoned straight. Perhaps no other trope is as defining of the genre, as is the scene wherein a straight person accidentally becomes stoned. Up in Smoke offers several examples, most notably the scene in which a motorcycle cop pulls over Pedro and Man as they drive a van belonging to Pedro’s Uncle Chuey. In a plot twist requiring a degree of willing suspension of disbelief that even wasted audiences might find a stretch, the exterior shell of the van, unbeknownst to Pedro and Man, is made entirely of marijuana which has started to smoulder around the exhaust pipe. The cop, who becomes intoxicated whilst walking through the fumes, does not hassle Pedro and Man, as expected, but instead asks for a bite of their hot dog and then departs happily, instructing the duo to “have a nice day.” In declining, or perhaps simply forgetting, to exercise his authority, the cop demonstrates the regenerative potential not of violent whiteness but rather of hybrid wastedness. Marijuana here is transformative, morphing straight consciousness into stoner consciousness and, in the process, discharging all the uptight, mean-spirited, unnecessary, and hence wasteful baggage of whiteness along the way. While such a utopian potential for pot is both upheld and satirised in the film, the scene amounts to far more than an inconsequential generic gag, in that it argues for the disavowal of whiteness via the assumption of the voluntary Otherness that is stonerism. Whiteness, the scene suggests, can be cast off, discarded, wasted and thus surmounted. Whites, for want of a better phrase, simply need to ‘just say no’ to whiteness in order to excrete the brutality that is its necessary affliction and inevitable result. While Up in Smoke laudably offers a powerful refusal to horde the assets of whiteness, the film fails to acknowledge that ‘just saying no’ is, indeed, one of whiteness’s exclusive privileges, since whites and only whites possess the liberty to refuse the advantages whiteness bestows. Non-whites possess no analogical ability to jettison the social constructions to which they are subjected, to refuse the power of dominant classes to define their subjectivity. Neither does the film confront the fact that Man nor any other of Up in Smoke’s white freaks are disallowed from re-embracing their whiteness, and its attendant value, at any time. However inchoate the film’s challenge to racial privilege, Up in Smoke’s celebration of the subversive pleasures of wasting whiteness offers a tentative, if bleary, first step toward ‘the abolition of whiteness.’ Its utopian vision of a post-white hybridised subjectivity, however dazed and confused, is worthy of far more serious contemplation than the film, taken at face value, might seem to suggest. Perhaps Up in Smoke is a stoner film that should also be viewed while sober. ReferencesBill and Ted’s Excellent Adventure. Dir. Stephen Herek. Orion Pictures Corporation, 1989.“Biographies”. 10 June 2010 ‹http://www.cheechandchongfans.com/biography.html›. Borrie, Lee. "Wild Ones: Containment Culture and 1950s Youth Rebellion”. Diss. University of Canterbury, 2007.Butler, Judith. "Critically Queer”. GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 1.1 (1993): 17-32.Chavoya, C. Ondine. “Customized Hybrids: The Art of Ruben Ortiz Torres and Lowriding in Southern California”. 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Diabetic nephropathy (DN) is the leading cause of end-stage renal disease, so there is an urgent need to suppress its development at early stage. Shenkang pills (SKP) are a hospital prescription selected and optimized from effective traditional Chinese medicinal formulas for clinical treatment of DN. In the present study, liquid chromatography-quadrupole-time of flight-mass spectrometry (LC-Q-TOF-MS) and total contents qualification were applied to generate a quality control standard of SKP. For verifying the therapeutic effects of SKP, db/db mice were administered intragastrically with SKP at a human-equivalent dose (1.82 g/kg) for 4 weeks. Moreover, the underlying mechanism of SKP were analyzed by the renal RNA sequencing and network pharmacology. LC-Q-TOF-MS identified 46 compounds in SKP. The total polysaccharide and organic acid content in SKP were 4.60 and 0.11 mg/ml, respectively, while the total flavonoid, saponin, and protein content were 0.25, 0.31, and 0.42 mg/ml, respectively. Treatment of SKP significantly reduced fasting blood glucose, improved renal function, and ameliorated glomerulosclerosis and focal foot processes effacement in db/db mice. In addition, SKP protected podocytes from injury by increasing nephrin and podocin expression. Furthermore, transcriptome analyses revealed that 430 and 288 genes were up and down-regulated in mice treated with SKP, relative to untreated controls. Gene ontology enrichment analysis revealed that the differentially expressed genes mainly involved in modulation of cell division and chromosome segregation. Weighted gene co-expression network analysis and network pharmacology analysis indicated that aurora kinase B (AURKB), Rac GTPase activating protein 1 (RacGAP1) and SHC binding, and spindle associated 1 (shcbp1) might be the core targets of SKP. This protein and Ras homolog family member A (RhoA) were found overexpression in db/db mice, but significantly decreased with SKP treatment. We conclude that SKP can effectively treat early-stage DN and improve renal podocyte dysfunction. The mechanism may involve down-regulation of the AURKB/RacGAP1/RhoA pathway.