Journal articles on the topic 'Security, International – Government policy – European Union countries'
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1
M.M, Murtalibova. "Specificity of Turkey’s Security Relations with Neighboring Countries." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 5, no. 12 (December 5, 2022): 569–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v5i12.865.
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The article analyzes the historical dynamics of cooperation and differences in conceptual understanding of approaches of Turkey’s international security and terrorism cooperation with the European Union and the United States in countermeasures. In the 2000s in spite of successful cooperation in the fight against international terrorism, these disagreements did not allow Turkey to fully unite to the system of international security in the Middle East, which is being built by the West. With the largest army in the Middle East and the second largest in the NATO bloc, a dynamic economy and a significant foreign policy weight (not to mention the ambitious leaders in charge), Turkey is playing an increasing role in regional and world politics. In recent years, Turkey’s foreign policy has undergone repeated, sometimes drastic changes, and its relations with a number of countries, from hostility to cooperation and vice versa, have always been the focus of the governments of the Middle East regional countries and NATO allies.
2
Martynov, Andriy. "THE EVOLUTION OF THE POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION REGARDING THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR (2014–2022)." European Historical Studies, no. 23 (2022): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.2.
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The problems of forming a common foreign policy of the European Union are caused by the difficulties of reconciling national interests and the dynamics of adapting the common policy to the chaos of international relations. In the early 1990s, the common foreign policy of the European Union suffered a fiasco in the Balkans during the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia. Russia expected that the example of the EU’s excessively sluggish reaction to the annexation of Crimea and the start of a «hybrid war» against Ukraine would provide an opportunity to annex the entire territory of Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to study the cause-and-effect relationships that influenced the actual formation of the European Union’s common policy aimed at protecting democracy in Ukraine against Russian aggression. The European Union was critical of the annexation of Crimea and the start of Russia’s «hybrid war» against Ukraine. But at that time, the conviction of the European elites prevailed that it was possible to appease the Russian Federation, even at the cost of concessions to Ukraine and at the expense of Ukrainian sovereignty and territorial integrity. The so-called “Minsk Agreements” worked for this. Even Russian interference in the 2016 US presidential election and the information campaign for the British referendum on leaving the EU in 2016 could not convince European elites of the opposite. The Russian Federation consistently crossed «red lines» until it made the mistake of deciding that the EU was «ripe» for a Russian attempt to change the government in Ukraine and deprive it of its sovereignty. The Kremlin was counting on its «fifth column» in the countries of the European Union. Only Hungary fulfilled these expectations. But in the matter of assistance for the defence of Ukraine, the European Union refused the principle of veto. This does not prevent Hungary from blocking the allocation of EU macro-financial assistance to Ukraine at the time of writing this article. The most radical supporters of Ukraine in the EU remain the Baltic countries, the countries of the «Visegrad bloc» with the exception of Hungary. Russian aggression helped Sweden and Finland to reconsider their traditional neutral policy and to get as close as possible to joining NATO. In October 2022, again without the participation of Hungary, the European Union launched a military training mission for the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Russian aggression against Ukraine, instead of splitting the European Union, contributed to the consolidation of the common foreign and security policies of the European Union. But this does not mean that the Russian Federation will stop putting pressure on the «weak links» in the European Union system.
3
Alwy, Fauna. "Indonesian Fisheries Policy Reform: Compliance with Stringent Food Safety Requirement Of Importing Countries." FIAT JUSTISIA:Jurnal Ilmu Hukum 11, no. 2 (January 4, 2018): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.25041/fiatjustisia.v11no2.984.
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The main objective of this research is to discover the idea of innovation of Indonesia's legislation system on food security/seafood which has been heavily influenced by trade relations between Indonesia and the European Union as a group of major importing countries. This is a case study that largely examines and presents trade disputes between Indonesia and some major importing countries, especially with the EU countries as a major group of country importers of fishery products and seafood from Indonesia. The various disputes and complaints found in this case study demonstrate the fact that the marine fisheries sector as one of Indonesia's mainstay sectors has a very potential economic value for the country's foreign exchange earnings. There is a very close relationship between the fisheries sector with the fulfillment of people's living needs as well as the development of the economic sector in general, including food safety aspects. This should be addressed appropriately and efficiently by the government by adjusting and even updating laws and regulations in this sector by the international food standard/food security; given the numerous demands and rejection of most of Indonesia's trading partner countries in this sector. Keyword: Indonesian Fisheries, Policy Reform, Compliance, Food Safety Requirements, Importing Countries.
4
MARCHENKO, Sergii. "Strategic public finance governance: European integration course, international trends, national peculiarities." Fìnansi Ukraïni 2022, no. 1 (May 9, 2022): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.33763/finukr2022.01.007.
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The experience of public finance management in the EU in the framework of tightly controlled coordination of medium-term fiscal policy and the single monetary policy of the European Monetary Union (EMU) indicates that Strategic Public Finance Governance (SPFG) should be distinguished from the strategy for reforming the public finance management system within the established approaches of Public Finance Management (PFM) as general from special. The Strategic Public Finance Governance Mission (SPFG) is seen as enhancing the government’s financial capacity to respond in a timely and adequate manner to global challenges and threats through coordinated and targeted participation in relevant international activities and programs that correlate with the solution of certain global problems. The mission also includes expanding the fiscal space for public financial support of national sustainable development priorities that meet national interests, the criteria of national security in general and economic, financial, fiscal in particular. This involves the use of both domestic and borrowed (from other countries, international organizations, etc.) financial resources. Nowadays, the PFM approach covers mainly the general government sector. Strategic Public Finance Governance (SPFG) should cover the public sector as a whole. In our opinion, this is the main direction of further European integration reform of the public finance management system in Ukraine.
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Turchak, O. V., and M. S. Nadraga. "Legal principles of international cooperation between Ukraine and the North Atlantic alliance." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 65 (October 25, 2021): 385–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2021.65.69.
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The article analyzes the legal principles of Ukraine’s international cooperation with NATO and the European Union.The Resolution of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of 1993 «Main Directions of Ukraine’s Foreign Policy» was one of the first documents that established the basic principles of Ukraine’s foreign policy towards the Alliance. The defining feature of the foreign policy is the establishment of partnership relations with Western countries, mutually beneficial cooperation, participation in the North Atlantic Cooperation Council and the North Atlantic Assembly.The Partnership for Peace Framework Document stipulates that the signatory state will develop an individual partnership program. Participation in the Program involves cooperation with NATO in the military, military-techni-cal, military-political spheres, in the field of science, ecology, defense economy, etc.On 14 September 1995, the NATO-Ukraine North Atlantic Council approved an Individual Partnership Program, marking the beginning of an “expanded and deepened” relationship.The signing of a Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of Ukraine and NATO on the estab-lishment of a NATO Information and Documentation Center in Ukraine with the aim of disseminating the informa-tion about NATO was of great importance.The decisive factor was the adoption the Charter on a Special Partnership between NATO and Ukraine, a basic political document, on July 9, 1997.The subsequent legal regulations laid the grounds for a stable relationship between Ukraine, NATO and European Union member states. These are, in particular: the NATO-Ukraine Action Plan, the Law of Ukraine “On Fundamentals of National Security of Ukraine”, “Military Doctrine of Ukraine”, Laws of Ukraine “On Amendments to Certain Laws of Ukraine on Ukraine’s Refusal to Implement a Non-Aligned Policy”, “On Amendments to Some Laws of Ukraine on the Foreign Policy of Ukraine” and “On Amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine (on the strategic course of the state to gain full membership of Ukraine in the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization)”.Thus, the political and legal measures to form the foundation for significant rapprochement with NATO and the European Union are implemented.
6
Greenstock, Jeremy. "Reorienting Foreign Policy." National Institute Economic Review 250 (November 2019): R34—R39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795011925000115.
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Executive SummaryAfter Brexit, the UK must show that it has a voice. It will need to re-earn international respect, and in particular establish the concept of a ‘global Britain’ on the basis of performance, not rhetoric. That means re-establishing a strong network of relationships around the world in support of its security and economic health, but also continuing to play a leading role in support of the international rules-based order. For example, it should make the most of its continuing status as a Permanent Member of the UN Security Council to act as a problem-solver and system-enhancer in the collective interest.An early, first-order priority will be establishing a new, mutually beneficial partnership with the European Union, which continues to form our economic and political neighbourhood. Reconstructing a modern relationship with the United States is not secondary to that, but cannot substitute for it and must be undertaken in recognition of the differing interests and instincts of the two sides. A further challenge is building the right relationship with China based on mutual interest in trade, peace, and international respect and on confronting expansionist or opportunistic practices. With Russia, too, it is possible to design a predictable set of behaviours on either side, and with both countries good communication channels will need to be maintained.Brexit gives the UK the scope to construct a more deliberate diplomatic approach to the rest of the English-speaking world than was explicitly possible as an EU member – notably in working with Canada, Australia and New Zealand to promote the international rules-based order. But this should be complemented by more effective outreach to non-English-speaking countries, notably in support of trade and investment opportunities with emerging nations. But with them as with all the UK's interlocutors, the need to earn its place, and to show that it realises that, will be vital.In defence and security, the UK will continue in its commitment to the strength of NATO as its essential alliance under US leadership, while also liaising carefully with EU Member States as they seek to improve their own capacities to contribute to European security. But it cannot simply rely on old institutional structures. It needs to lead, for example by playing a stronger role in the control of non-military forms of aggression, such as cyber warfare, economic sanctions, rivalry in space, and commercial espionage.A strategy for realising the UK's interests in the international arena will require the Prime Minister's constant attention, but also a specific mandate for a very senior minister to supervise the interlinked policy areas of foreign affairs, international development, and international trade within a single government department.
7
Veebel, Viljar, and Raul Markus. "Europe´s Refugee Crisis in 2015 and Security Threats from the Baltic Perspective." Journal of Politics and Law 8, no. 4 (November 29, 2015): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v8n4p254.
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Recent developments in Europe starting with the Russia-Ukraine conflict and ending with the economic and political instability in Greece have given rise to instability in the European Union. Yet, none of the previous crises could be compared with the crisis concerning the current massive influx of refugees into the EU that challenges both solidarity and responsibility of the member states. In this context, it is extremely important to understand the actual security threats related to the refugee crisis, particularly for the Baltic countries that have linked their security with European Union and the NATO. Particularly in Estonia and in Latvia, the refugee crisis has been presented as a high security matter as possible rejection of the EU-migrant could lead to the country’s isolation from the international community, the loss of the NATO security network and its exposure to the security threats from Russia. Alternative decision to accept the refugee quotas could on the other hand create challenges for internal security in terms of legitimacy of national governments and public support to refugee policy. In the light of recent terrorist attacks in France these questions seem even growingly important.
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Burda, Mikhail, Irina Gerasimova, and Margarita Ochacha. "Migration Policy as Instrument of Ensuring National State Security." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 12 (December 31, 2019): 183–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2019.1.12.
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In the article, the authors analyse the relationship of political processes, migration policy and national security of the state. The methodological basis of the research is dialectical, comparative and institutional methods. The dialectical method revealed the dynamics, current regularities and contradictions in the formation of the state migration policy. The comparative method contributed to identify characteristic features of the migration policy formation of some EU countries and Russia, taking into account the transformation of political systems. The institutional method allowed exploring the interaction of public authorities with other institutions of civil society. In order to process the empirical evidence, quantitative and qualitative research methods were used. The factors of the migration attractiveness of the state, the stages of the migration process and migration risks are considered. In this regard, special attention is paid to the migration crisis in modern Europe. It also analyses the growth factors of the popularity of right-populist parties and the idea of the sovereign migration policy of individual member states of the European Union. Special attention is paid to the description of the implementation plan for the “Prague Process” mechanisms on the example of the integration mechanisms of migrants to Austria and the Czech Republic, the participation of government bodies and civil society institutions in these mechanisms. Some features of the migration system of the Russian Federation are also considered in the context of ensuring national security. The research presents and analyses some statistical data on migration in Russia and global migration in the world.
9
Kočanová, Denisa, Viliam Kováč, Vitaliy Serzhanov, and Ján Buleca. "DIFFERENCES AND SIMILARITIES IN PATTERNS OF AGEING SOCIETY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION." E+M Ekonomie a Management 26, no. 1 (March 2023): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15240/tul/001/2023-1-003.
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Population ageing is a demographic issue that emphasises the need to be interested in the lives of the most vulnerable population group: the elderly population. The paper investigates the ageing process and their relations among the European Union member countries from 2009 to 2019. These countries are assessed and dispersed to the appropriate clusters according to several indicators related to the areas that affect the lives of the elderly population: namely, the health status, the labour market conditions, and financial security. The focus is on the age group 55 years and over as it is a disadvantaged age group in the job application process regarding ageing society. It is a significant aspect of public finance system. The European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions, the Labour Force Survey, and the European System of Integrated Social Protection Statistics data are involved. The quantitative approaches are applied in the cluster analysis and followed by the panel data linear regression analysis. The dendrograms visualise the three clusters representing the mutual relations and the ageing patterns among the explored countries. The heat maps are created to prove the potential relations among the observed countries. The panel regression model demonstrates that the three variables – part-time employment, the income inequality, and the material and social deprivation – are statistically significant in all the regression models for the whole area and the three clusters. The analytical outcome could be applied as a valuable resource to government and national representatives. It can help identify the objectionable determinants for a custom policy and implement appropriate measures to improve the situation of the elderly population.
10
Biletska, G., N. Кovtunovych, and N. Shkurenko. "Foreign experience of providing communication in state agencies." Legal horizons, no. 23 (2020): 102–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2020.i23.p102.
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The article is devoted to practical aspects of implementation of communication strategies by the state agencies of foreign countries. The emphasized that current globalization processes in the information area, which take place in the international arena, actualize the introduction of effective communications, which play an important role in the internal and external interaction of state agencies with the public. In the article was emphasized that in order to systematically and clearly cover the activities of state agencies, as well as the objective perception and understanding of the population of the processes implemented in the field of public policy, informing the public about planned government initiatives, communication strategies are actively implemented. Also noted that in the countries of the European Union (hereinafter – the EU) communications are considered by the national institutions as a tool for foreign and security policy, international cooperation in the format of strategic partnership with a leading international target audience and regional cooperation with European countries. The authors determined the main tasks of realization of external and internal communications of state institutions. In particular, the ways of realization of communications by the state agencies in Norway, Great Britain and Estonia. The preference of modern advanced information communications in ensuring the interaction of state agencies and the public are outlined. As today society exists in the world of global communication, which includes not only traditional media, periodicals or television, but also social networks, information and communication interaction is becoming more important. Most foreign countries use popular social networks, such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, YouTube and others. It is concluded that the establishment of comprehensive, clear and strategic communication of state authorities of Ukraine with the international and national community, taking into account foreign experience and basic principles of government communication, is important for building a democratic state.
11
Kirpenko, Pavlo. "International Situation in Europe and USSR’S Foreign Policy prior to and after the Outbreak of World War II." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXI (2020): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-6.
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The article is devoted to the international situation in Europe and USSR’s foreign policy before and after the outbreak of World War II. The author states that from the very begin¬ning the fascist regime in Germany was favourably received by Stalin’s USSR. Hitler also claimed that the German government was ready to develop friendly relations with the Soviet Union. However, such a situation in the bilateral relations was short-lived. Seeking benevolence from Western European countries, Hitler assumed the role of an anti-communist crusader. With a view to strengthening the country’s security, countering Germany and fascism, Stalin gave up his ideological dogmas in line with the situation. Moscow came to vigorously support all politi¬cal forces, which were advocating closer relations with the USSR against fascism. After Germany attacked the Soviet Union, Stalin’s foreign policy suffered a total collapse, which was a devastating blow to the myth of his brilliance and sagacity. The glorification of fascism and the policy of its befriending came at a cost. Nearly 50 million Soviet citizens per¬ished in the war against the fascist Germany, of which 10 million were Ukrainian nationals. In Russia, both public officials and scholars still avoid the truth about the foreign policy activity of the Soviet leadership in 1939 and 1940s. In this regard, the Ukrainian histo¬rian and specialist in international relations, professor at Kyiv Pedagogical University Anatolii Trubaichuk was the first in the Soviet Union to tell the truth in his writings and lectures about the essence of the Soviet foreign policy before and after the beginning of World War II based on his profound scientific research. The author stresses that the search for full truth is to be continued. To that end, it is neces¬sary that all the archives in Russia be opened and access to documents relating to the period of World War II be provided. Keywords: World War II, foreign policy, Soviet Union, Stalin, Germany.
12
Prokhorenko, I. L. "The strategy of Spain in the United Nations." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-2-9-18.
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The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.
13
Prokhorenko, I. L. "The strategy of Spain in the United Nations." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-2-9-18.
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The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.
14
Prokhorenko, I. L. "The strategy of Spain in the United Nations." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-2-9-18.
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The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.
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Zaritskii, B. "Development Assistance in German Foreign Policy." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 4 (2022): 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-4-63-74.
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The article discusses the conceptual approaches and policies of Germany in the field of official development assistance (ODA). The FRG is the second largest donor country in terms of the absolute amount of financial resources that the government donates as ODA. However, there is an obvious gap between the official rhetoric and the actual practices of the German ODA policy. Development assistance has been actively used by Berlin to promote its political and economic interests and to address its security policy problems. Germany’s ODA policy is built primarily on a bilateral basis, the belief being that this form of cooperation allows a better control of financial resources and enables the donor country to more effectively articulate its interests. The fate of the most needy countries is of much less concern to the German authorities. The FRG, as well as the European Union, are trying to make their own priorities a platform for building cooperation with partners. The entry of the “Alliance 90/Greens” into a governmental coalition after the 2021 parliamentary elections will further shift the focus of Germany’s ODA policy towards combating climate change. However, the “Greens” are careful to avoid discussing what energy resources should become the basis of industrial development in least developed countries. Berlin is interested in maintaining its place among the world’s largest donors. In the arsenal of Germany’s foreign policy tools, development assistance serves to counter from afar new threats and challenges – terrorism, conflicts and illegal migration. It can be adapted to strengthen the position of the donor in the markets, political and public life of the recipient countries. With Germany having a significant influence on the formation and financing of the EU coordinating mechanisms, the FRG’s ODA policy can, when necessary, rely on the latter. However, the Germany’s ODA policy is not without vulnerabilities. Berlin often looks like a mentor who knows what to do and how to do it, although the reality almost always turns out to be more complicated than the speculative recipes. The main weakness of this policy lies in that its conceptual framework has been built according to European patterns and so is largely out of touch with the real needs of developing countries.
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Bouget, Denis. "Social policy in the EMU area: between a dream and a nightmare." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 4, no. 1 (February 1998): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425899800400109.
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The creation of Economic and Monetary Union is an essential stage in the construction of a European economic entity. Its introduction is inherent in a general rationale of the development of trade and markets but the economic growth which EMU sets out to guarantee is frustrated by the increase in unemployment in several European countries. The traditional boundary between the economic policy sphere and the political sphere is fading. One of the fundamental drawbacks of the creation of EMU is that virtually all possibility of economic adjustment becomes confined to the labour market and social protection. The benefits of social protection are regarded exclusively from the standpoint of costs which have to be reduced, no account being taken of the long-term economic and social effects of such a policy. Protection of the nation states (i.e. the principle of subsidiarity) and the international logic of the market block European political integration at a pre-federalist stage and curtail its social dimension. The shortcomings associated with such political choices have now become obvious and politically unacceptable, compelling governments to embark on new national and/or European employment polices and to reconsider the instruments currently used by the EU in the social policy field (subsidiarity principle, coordination of social security systems, convergence of targets).
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Lazuto, Yurii. "Some Aspects of Working Practices at the Department of State Protocol of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXI (2020): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-7.
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Abstract. The article is devoted to the international situation in Europe and USSR’s foreign policy before and after the outbreak of World War II. The author states that from the very beginning the fascist regime in Germany was favourably received by Stalin’s USSR. Hitler also claimed that the German government was ready to develop friendly relations with the Soviet Union. However, such a situation in the bilateral relations was short-lived. Seeking benevolence from Western European countries, Hitler assumed the role of an anti-communist crusader. With a view to strengthening the country’s security, countering Germany and fascism, Stalin gave up his ideological dogmas in line with the situation. Moscow came to vigorously support all political forces, which were advocating closer relations with the USSR against fascism. After Germany attacked the Soviet Union, Stalin’s foreign policy suffered a total collapse, which was a devastating blow to the myth of his brilliance and sagacity. The glorification of fascism and the policy of its befriending came at a cost. Nearly 50 million Soviet citizens perished in the war against the fascist Germany, of which 10 million were Ukrainian nationals. In Russia, both public officials and scholars still avoid the truth about the foreign policy activity of the Soviet leadership in 1939 and 1940s. In this regard, the Ukrainian historian and specialist in international relations, professor at Kyiv Pedagogical University Anatolii Trubaichuk was the first in the Soviet Union to tell the truth in his writings and lectures about the essence of the Soviet foreign policy before and after the beginning of World War II based on his profound scientific research. The author stresses that the search for full truth is to be continued. To that end, it is necessary that all the archives in Russia be opened and access to documents relating to the period of World War II be provided. Keywords: World War II, foreign policy, Soviet Union, Stalin, Germany.
18
Blitz, Brad. "Another Story: What Public Opinion Data Tell Us about Refugee and Humanitarian Policy." Journal on Migration and Human Security 5, no. 2 (June 2017): 379–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241700500208.
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The global reaction to US President Donald Trump's executive order, “Protecting the Nation from Foreign Terrorist Entry into the United States” of January 27, 2017,1 revealed great public sympathy for the fate of refugees and the principle of refugee protection. In the case of Europe, such sympathy has, however, been dismissed by politicians who have read concerns regarding security and integration as reason for introducing restrictive policies on asylum and humanitarian assistance. These policies are at odds with public sentiment. Drawing upon public opinion surveys conducted by Amnesty International, the European Social Survey (ESS), and Pew Global Attitudes Survey across the European Union and neighboring states, this article records a marked divide between public attitudes towards the treatment of refugees and asylum seekers and official policies regarding asylum and humanitarian assistance, and seeks to understand why this is the case. The article suggests that post-9/11 there has been a reconfiguration of refugee policy and a reconnecting of humanitarian and security interests which has enabled a discourse antithetical to the universal right to asylum. It offers five possible explanations for this trend: i) fears over cultural antagonism in host countries; ii) the conflation of refugees and immigrants, both those deemed economically advantageous as well as those labelled as “illegal”; iii) dominance of human capital thinking; iv) foreign policy justification; and v) the normalization of border controls. The main conclusion is that in a post-post-Cold War era characterized in part by the reconnecting of security and humanitarian policy, European governments have developed restrictive policies despite public sympathy. Support for the admission of refugees is not, however, unqualified, and most states and European populations prefer skilled populations that can be easily assimilated. In order to achieve greater protection and more open policies, this article recommends human rights actors work with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and its partners to challenge the above discourse through media campaigns and grassroots messaging. Further recommendations include: • Challenging efforts to normalize and drawing attention to the extreme and unprecedented activities of illegal and inhumane practices, e.g., detention, offshore processing, and the separation of families through the courts as part of a coordinated information campaign to present a counter moral argument. • Identifying how restrictive asylum policies fail to advance foreign policy interests and are contrary to international law. • Evidencing persecution by sharing information with the press and government agencies on the nature of claims by those currently considered ineligible for refugee protection as part of a wider campaign of information and inclusion. • Engaging with minority, and in particular Muslim, communities to redress public concerns regarding the possibility of cultural integration in the host country. • Clarifying the rights of refugees and migrants in line with the UNHCR and International Organization for Migration (IOM) guidelines and European and national law in order to hold governments to account and to ensure that all — irrespective of their skills, status, nationality or religion — are given the opportunity to seek asylum. • Identifying and promoting leadership among states and regional bodies to advance the rights of refugees.
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Ferrari, Giuseppe Franco. "La complessitŕ dei mercati energetici e la necessitŕ di una regolazione multilivello." ECONOMICS AND POLICY OF ENERGY AND THE ENVIRONMENT, no. 3 (July 2009): 121–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/efe2008-003006.
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- The energy markets are very complex, because, on the one hand, they imply several different activities and, on the other hand, they involve various levels of govern- 183 ment. The energy market is divided indeed in different segments: supply (generation or purchasing), transmission, distribution and sale, which are allocated at different levels of government, from the international and European level (with reference to the security of energy supply), to the local level (with specific regard to the distribution and sale). This complexity makes the energy sector particularly critical, under the pressure of political interests and economical needs. Another sensitive point is linked with the environmental protection, since the consumption of energy is one of the most polluting human activities, and the demand of energy is growing up together with the economical growth of the developing Countries. This problem is increasingly discussed at the international level, with reference to the climate change issue, in order to plan a sustainable development for the whole globe: because of it, the Kyoto Protocol was issued within the United Nation Framework Convention on Climate Change. It establishes legally binding commitments for the reduction of four greenhouse gases for all the 183 ratifying Countries, according the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities, and provides for the promotion of renewable energy. The European Union ratified the Protocol implementing the relative obligations through, for instance, the creation of the EU Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS). The European Union most of all addressed the competitive issue, since the 70s, in order to achieve the result to create a free energy market in Europe. The last results of the European energy policy were the directives on electricity and natural gas in 2004, that imposed the complete opening of the energy markets in almost all the European Countries (with few exceptions). The implementation of the European directives requires the intervention of the national level, since each Country has to modify its own regulatory framework, in order to comply with the directives. Everywhere in Europe, this process faces with several difficulties, but it is particularly hard in Italy, since the energy sector is traditionally public owned. Indeed, in our Country, the privatization and liberalization processes are strictly linked to another trend: the decentralization of legislative and administrative powers from the State to the Regions and Local Communities. Thus it is evident that the global governance of the energy sector, for its complexity and its sensibility, can only derive from a network of interventions by several levels of government, and different international, national and local actors, which realize a typical case of multilevel governance.Key words: Energy markets, competition, sustainable development, multilevel governance.JEL classifications: K21, K23.Parole chiave: Mercato energetico, concorrenza, sviluppo sostenibile, multilevel Governance.
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Andreeva, T. "The Problem of the UK Energy Security Before the Referendum on Brexit." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 4 (2022): 24–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-4-24-34.
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The article is devoted to the problem of ensuring the UK energy security since the 90s of the 20th century to the date (June 23, 2016) of referendum on the UK exit from the European Union (Brexit). The problem is considered in its evolution: from the moment of its emergence during the conservative government of John Major, via the attempts to define the different aspects of the problem and to outline ways to solve it by labour cabinets of Tony Blair (1997–2007) and Gordon Brown (2007–2010), and up to formulating the notion of ‘energy security’ and making concrete steps to strengthen the UK energy security during David Cameron – Nick Clegg coalition cabinet (2010–2015) and the conservative cabinet of David Cameron (2015–2016). The problem is scrutinized with the help of vast number of the official documents and White Papers on energy policy of British governments, the UK Ministry of Energy and Climate Change and the Foreign Office. The article shows that the problem of reducing greenhouse gases emissions as an important part of the international efforts for containment of global climate changes is one of the main challenges for the UK energy security and the key driving force behind diversification of the British energy sector. The author considers the rising dependence of the UK economic development, the prosperity of British consumers and industry on the guaranteed, affordable, secure supply of fossil fuels from the unstable countries of the world as the second important challenge in strengthening the UK energy security. The transition of the United Kingdom’s energy balance towards rapid implementation of the low-carbon technologies (the nuclear power and the renewable energy sources [RES]) is seen in the article as the way to meet two above-mentioned challenges and to strengthen the UK energy security.
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Mashkara-Choknadiy, Viktoriya, and Yuriy Mayboroda. "TRADE POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA UNDER THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC." Three Seas Economic Journal 2, no. 1 (April 26, 2021): 53–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2661-5150/2021-1-9.
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The pandemic of COVID-19 has influenced all sectors of social life, including the global economy and trade relations. The year of 2020 was marked with significant changes in internal and foreign economic policy of almost all nations. The purpose of the paper is to study the measures taken by the EU and the USA as the world's leading economies to regulate their foreign trade in the global crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. The tasks of the study are to show the influence of the crisis on changes of global trade policy in front of the threat to national security. Methodology. The study is based on the results of statistical analysis of data provided the WTO and the UNCTAD. The authors show an analytical assessment of the foreign trade indicators of the EU and the USA. Methods of comparison and generalization were used to formulate conclusions on regulatory trends in foreign trade of the US and the EU. Results allowed identifying specific features and changes in the regulation of foreign trade of the EU and the US, assessing the impact of the pandemic on their foreign trade. It was found that both mentioned players of the world economy have actively introduced both deterrent and liberalization measures during 2020, which were aimed at providing the domestic market with scarce COVID-related goods. The study shows the transition from export restricting to import liberalizing measures in foreign trade policies from the start of pandemic to the late 2020. Practical implications. Understanding and predicting the possible actions of partners (the US and the EU in this case) in the field of foreign trade regulation is an important practical aspect, which has to be taken into account when developing Ukraine's foreign trade policy. Value/originality. The study of foreign trade policy of the world's leading countries allows us to understand the behavior of governments of the countries that are largely dependent on participation in international trade in their development, to draw conclusions about the most common instruments of foreign trade policy in the time of humanitarian and economic crises.
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V. V., Novitskyi. "Political and legal mechanisms for the protection of human rights through the lens of the European Union countries." Almanac of law: The role of legal doctrine in ensuring of human rights 11, no. 11 (August 2020): 180–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/2524-017x-2020-11-32.
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The author of the article, first of all, draws attention to the current problems of protection and protection of human rights, which unfortunately are traced within the territorial jurisdiction of the European Union. Such problem is quite well demonstrated by Berbel Koffler, as the Commissioner of the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany on human rights and humanitarian aid policy. Indeed, the Ombudsman of Germany has raised a number of deep dilemmas: violence against human rights defenders on the grounds of their professional activity, the relation of human rights institutions with public security and economic development. In fact, these questions, in varying percentages, are equally relevant to many countries in the world. In the outlined context, the case of the European Court of Human Rights “Gabriel Weber and Caesar Richard Saravia v. Germany” of 29.06.06 was analyzed. Actually, this case covers directly the issues of human rights and national security of Germany. Grounds for initiating this case have arisen in connection with the legislative provisions of the Law of Germany on the Restriction of the Secret of Correspondence, Mail and Telecommunications of 13.08.68., ("Law G-10"), taking into account changes made under the Anti-Crime Act of 28.10.94, which extend the powers of the Federal Intelligence Service, within the so-called strategic monitoring. It is about collecting information by listening to telephone conversations in order to identify and prevent serious threats to the Federal Republic of Germany, such as: armed attacks on its territory, international terrorist attacks, other serious crimes. According to the applicants who worked as journalists, strategic monitoring can be used against individuals to prevent effective journalistic investigations. In view of these suspicions, the applicants argued that they had violated the human rights guaranteed by the Convention, such as the right to privacy and correspondence, the violation of press freedom, and the right to an effective remedy. The ECHR Judges, having examined the circumstances of the case, concluded that there were no grounds to satisfy the complaints on the basis of the following arguments: 2) German legislation, as part of strategic monitoring, is endowed with adequate and effective safeguards against abuse by authorized entities. In addition, the article analyzes the multi-vector issue of banning citizens of some European Union countries from wearing hats that completely or partially hide their faces. The fact is that, under such restrictions, in particular, the traditional clothing of women adherents of Islam has fallen. It is a “burqa” and a “niqab”. The presented study is mainly based on the legislative practice of France, Belgium, which provides for administrative as well as criminal penalties for non-compliance with the stated prohibition. In such cases as S.А.С. France, Belkacemi and Oussar v. Belgium, Dakir v. Belgium, the applicants, alleged that they had violated the human rights guaranteed by the Convention, including: the right to respect for their private life; the right to freedom of expression of one's religion or belief; the right to freedom of expression; the right to freedom of association; humiliating treatment and discrimination against the enjoyment of the abovementioned human rights. According to most ECHR judges, who have dealt with the said cases, the disputed prohibition is not necessary in a "democratic society for public safety" but its main task is to preserve the conditions of "cohabitation" as an element of "protection of the rights and freedoms of others." In the context of this debate, attention was paid indirectly to such EU Member States as: Austria, Bulgaria, Croatia, Germany, Latvia, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain, Denmark, Switzerland. Keywords: human rights, legal guarantees, security, privacy.
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Potapov, D. "The European Union and China Foreign Direct Investment Cooperation in the Context of the Belt and Road Initiative." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 4 (2020): 76–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2020-4-76-93.
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The article analyses the foreign direct investment cooperation between the European Union and the People’s Republic of China under the Belt and Road Initiative. The initiative is proposed by China and is aimed at developing cross-regional transport and logistics infrastructure connecting China with South-East, South and Central Asia, the Middle East, East Africa and Europe. The author examines the history of the initiative and its assessments by international organizations (e.g. the World Bank and the ESCAP UN) and investigates the structure and statistics of the EU-China investment relations, basing on the examples of the most important China’s investment partners (including France, Italy, Germany and the Vishegrad Group countries). The discrepancy between the conditions for the EU and the Chinese investors is highlighted. The author defines and characterizes the major models of the Belt and Road projects’ development, which are used by China in cooperation with the EU Member States. The EU investors in China face restrictions imposed by the national regulation of foreign investments. In particular, the external investors do not have access to the sectors crucially important for national interest and security (e.g. high-tech sectors and mass media). At the same time, Chinese investors’ access to the EU financial markets is not limited, allowing them to become important shareholders in the EU companies and to transfer technologies. It raises concerns within national governments and the European Union itself. The national governments are establishing and adopting screening mechanisms for foreign direct investments and additional regulations to control important sectors and enterprises. At the same time, the EU Member States are developing a common view on the prospects and mechanisms of cooperation with China under the Belt and Road initiative. The EU countries have not yet reached a consensus upon the Belt and Road initiative and the prospects of the EU participation in it, so the author focuses on the strategies of the examined countries. Germany is calling for a common position for all the EU member states and advocates for using the EU-based mechanisms and platforms for cooperation with China. Such demands are also connected with the promotion of a common EU investment screening mechanism in order to protect the Member States’ interests and security. Italy is deepening its cooperation with China through bilateral mechanisms, mainly based on a memorandum of understanding with China on the Belt and Road initiative. France, on the one hand, shares the common interest with Germany regarding the need for the common EU policy towards the Chinese initiative, but on the other hand, the country is deploying new projects with China. The Visegrad Group states are forging their ties with China through bilateral and multilateral cooperation mechanisms and they are interested in the growth of Chinese investment inflows. This undermines the unanimity of policy towards China and the Belt and Road.
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Predmestnikov, Oleh, and Vitaliy Gumenyuk. "HARMONIZATION OF ECONOMIC AND LEGAL MECHANISMS FOR DEEPENING EU-UKRAINIAN RELATIONS." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 5, no. 1 (March 22, 2019): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2019-5-1-174-181.
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The policy of Ukraine for the establishment and development of relations with the European Union began in 1993, was carried out all the years of Ukraine’s existence, and received intensive deepening with the beginning of the formation of an international treaty – the Association Agreement, which includes a list of legal, social, economic, and technical regulations, and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA), in 2014 and its final signing in 2017. Political and economic objectives of the Agreement are of fundamental importance to the future of both Ukraine and the whole European region. The political goal is to implement European standards on the territory of Ukraine. This implies the introduction of fundamental European values, namely democracy, rule of law, respect for human rights and the standards of the European security system. The Agreement does not foresee membership in the European Union, however, does not exclude such an opportunity in the future. The economic goal is to help to modernize the Ukrainian economy by expanding trade volumes with the EU and other countries, as well as reforming economic regulation mechanisms in line with the best European practices. Subject to the improvement of the business climate, Ukraine will become attractive for foreign and domestic investment for further production for export to the EU and other markets of the world. Harmonization of standards and European regulations has become a much more important process than the fulfilment of strictly technical requirements and underlies the introduction of effective governance without corruption. In the process of harmonization of interaction, an adaptive institutional mechanism was formed (the highest level – annual Summits; the key coordinator is the Association Council, consisting of members of the Council of the European Union and members of the European Commission, and members of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine; the level of operational coordination – the Association Parliamentary Committee, which includes members of the European Parliament, representatives of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, and the Civil Society Platform; in order to coordinate processes on the territory of Ukraine, the Ukrainian government has introduced a few supervisory committees and commissions). The harmonization of the economic aspect of the mechanism has been determined in solving issues of openness of markets for duty-free import from Ukraine in April 2014, obtaining a visa-free regime with the EU, abolishing export-import tariffs, implementing European technical standards for food safety, phytosanitary norms, competition policy, service provision, and public procurement policy. The issues of further deepening of relations include a review of the terms for the introduction of regulations and legislative provisions before their actual implementation, stabilization of financial and economic processes in the country, and further development of democratic values and social institutions.
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BROŽIČ, LILIANA. "30 YEARS OF SLOVENIA’S INDEPENDENCE AND ITS SECURITY PERSPECTIVE." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, ISSUE VOLUME 2021/ISSUE 23/1 (May 14, 2021): 11–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.23.1.00.
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Every year, the first issue of Contemporary Military Challenges is published in May. This year, May is particularly important for Slovenia and especially for the Slovenian Armed Forces. Thirty years have passed since the first training of Slovenian military recruits on Slovenian territory. The beginning of this training additionally enraged the then authorities, especially the Yugoslav People's Army, and led to what is today known as the Pekre events. The first victim of the independence process fell, and the tensions due to the events that followed grew. They escalated into an armed conflict and a war, which fortunately did not last long. The independence process, however, began much earlier, before May of 1991, and ended with the departure of the last soldier of the former Yugoslav army from Slovenia in October of the same year. The thirtieth anniversary of Slovenian independence is an important milestone in Slovenian history. Unfortunately, this year it will not be commemorated as it should be as the COVID-19 pandemic has severely restricted us from socializing and celebration. It has also brought new circumstances and insights in many areas, where the resilience of the society and security should be particularly emphasized. The understanding and functioning of our national security system has been greatly influenced by the European migrant crisis in 2015, illegal migration, which is still underway, and the pandemic that has no end in sight. In the second semester of this year, Slovenia will hold the Presidency of the Council of the European Union. All of the above brings challenges as well as opportunities. We have learned a lot from the above, one of the most important findings being that self-sufficiency and the ability to take care of oneself are good. In a situation where all countries, not just EU members, are facing problems, it is very useful to be autonomous and independent of others. The various mechanisms of the European Union, NATO and some other international security organizations operate on the principles of solidarity, assistance and burden-sharing. However, it is very hard to share when everybody is lacking in something. The challenge for the future is certainly to anticipate trends, especially in security, to prepare accordingly, to own as much of what you need for yourself and for the functioning of your country, and, if possible, help other countries as well. It is the Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union that requires more investment in the security and defence of countries, as well as in strengthening our common resilience. This has been included in several directives and other documents of the European Union, continually pointed out by its representatives; yet, according to the facts there is still a steady decline in this area. Perhaps Slovenia's Presidency of the Council of the European Union is the right opportunity to pay more attention to this topic. This year, May is also important for the Contemporary Military Challenges. Following last year’s indexing of the publication in the Crossref database, all articles that are available from the Digital Library of the Ministry of Defence of the Republic of Slovenia will, as of May 2021, also be available from the Military and Government Collection of the EBSCO database and in Air University Library Index in Military Periodicals. This will enable a greater exchange of views, opinions and ideas between Slovenian and foreign authors in the security, defence and military domains. In the Slovenian Armed Forces, a Military Strategy of the Republic of Slovenia is being drafted, and the now retired Brigadier General Branimir Furlan is writing a book on military strategy. Hence, there will be more than enough opportunities for interesting military-related reading. The issues of our publication will contribute to this as well. In this issue, Pavel Vuk writes about the Evolution of the concept of strategy and its relating with the politics. He begins by explaining the historical aspect, when military leaders still consider the combat strategy to be a necessary concept, and gradually moves into the strategy as a way of shaping the public policy and reflecting the political will of the ruling elite. More on how successful countries are in implementing their strategies can be found in the article. Valerija Bernik writes about the Perspectives and challenges of Slovenian military education system. In her article, we learn a lot about the latest changes in the Slovenian Armed Forces in this regard. The author participated in the process of establishing the Higher Military Vocational School (NCO College) and acts as its Head. However, the establishment of the school is not the end, but the beginning of a new path and new opportunities for military education. In her article Activities of the Slovenian Armed Forces during the COVID-19 epidemic, Tanja Kremžar Kovač writes about the experiences of the Slovenian Armed Forces in these exceptional circumstances. The mission of international operations and missions continues despite the epidemic and the various restrictions on movement and travel bans. The armed forces must remain active and effective regardless of the various obstacles. Her article describes in detail how the Slovenian Armed Forces have managed to achieve this. Marjan Horvat focused on an ever-topical issue. Leadership in the Slovenian Armed Forces touches upon some new, as well as some already known topics. Leadership is an area that has never been sufficiently researched and which, despite continuous training and many years of practice, can never be mastered enough. Therefore, every effort dedicated to making progress in leadership is a good investment in every organization, especially in the Slovenian Armed Forces. The COVID-19 epidemic prevents us from properly commemorating the 30th anniversary of our country's independence this year, so we may do so on some other occasion. However, remembering important events and personalities is essential for a nation’s consciousness and patriotism. Jerica Pavšič and Zvezdan Markovič write about this in their article Forms of collective remembrance of General Maister, where they establish how we have been remembering this important figure, his actions and consequences that mainly reflect in the territorial integrity of our country.
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Yakovleva, Anna. "Cybersecurity and its Legal Regulation (Foreign and Russian Experience)." Sociopolitical Sciences 11, no. 4 (August 28, 2021): 70–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2021-11-4-70-81.
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Unmanageable and not well regulated nature of cyberspace, both on the national and the international level, is a serious problem for all governments of the world, therefore, the issue of ensuring cybersecurity in the cyberspace comes to the fore, and there is a need for regulatory documents to govern it. In this article, using the example of regulations of the European Union (the EU Cybersecurity Strategy, announced by the EU Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on 16 December 2020), the USA (the National Cybersecurity Strategy of the United States of America, 2018), the Republic of Kazakhstan (Concept of Cybersecurity (“Cyber Shield Kazakhstan”), 2017) and the Russian Federation (Draft Concept of the Cybersecurity Strategy of the Russian Federation, 2014) the main characteristics of legal regulation of cybersecurity issues are examined. The analysis of the main documents in the field of cybersecurity of the EU, the USA and the Republic of Kazakhstan showed that their emergence and significant modifications are caused by the fact that the entire world is undergoing a transition to a digital economy. In Russia, the implementation of the national project “Digital Economy” (2019) has also begun. However, within its framework, the federal project “Information Security” is being promoted. This is explained by the fact that Russia adopts a broader approach to “information security”, while other countries use the term cybersecurity in their regulations. The paper suggests that the national understanding of cybersecurity and its key priorities differ significantly, but the issues that they treat are common: building a state level management system in the field of cybersecurity; determination of the necessary cybersecurity policy and establishing the corresponding mechanism regarding the problems of ensuring the cybersecurity of national information infrastructures and a clear definition of the roles in its implementation. The divergence in various cybersecurity visions is one of the main reasons that lead to a deadlock that prevents productive discussion of cybersecurity and the setting of norms at the international level.
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Baluk, Walenty. "Ukraine as a Country of Focus for the Government of Canada in the Context of Russia’s Aggression." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 44 (December 15, 2021): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.11-26.
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The central thesis of this paper is that Canadian-Ukrainian relations have fostered certain peculiarities due to the fact that in Canada (the Land of Maple Leaf), a hefty percentage of citizens are of the Ukrainian origin. Social mobility of the Canadian Ukrainians is traditionally forcing top-level authorities to have their focus resolve around the Ukrainians’ needs and expectations. Noteworthy, since the World War II, Canada has been a pivotal role in constant efforts to strengthen Ukraine’s democracy. While ardently supporting Ukraine’s will for gaining its independence, after dissolution of the Soviet Union, Canada’s government acted in compliance with the international law. Particularly, the Soviet Union’s collapse put Ukraine on the map of the international political landscape and made it known to become independent from the Russian Federation. It should be articulated, Poland was first country to recognize the independence of Ukraine on December 2, 1991. Canada was the second world state to have acknowledged Ukraine to be a sovereign state. In the 30-year-long-run Ukraine gained worldwide recognition. Undoubtedly, Ukraine- Canada relationship has laid its crucial fundamentals for the global acknowledgment. The author of the article estimates that both countries have signed more than 50 documents, which are handling their relationship. According to the author, sovereign Ukraine is an especially important factor for European security, which is facilitated by the present-day Canada-Ukraine relations. The author of the article emphasizes on Canada-Ukraine relations to be recognized as a unique and genuine partnership. To be more precise, the scholar discloses the significant value of the Joint Declaration on Special Partnership signed in 1994, which was extended twice - in 2001 and 2008. Remarkably, the paper analyzes Canadian-Ukrainian relations from the beginning till 2018. It highlights two stages f the relations establishment - before 2014 and after the Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. Furthermore, the author stresses on his personal contribution in the scientific research on Canada’s policy in terms of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine over the years. Provisions of the article are proved by the relevant Canadian-Ukrainian documents. In addition to the mentioned Declaration, there is an Agreement on Friendship and Cooperation between Ukraine and Canada, dated 1994. Document reaffirmed both sides’ commitment to the democratic values and the principles of market economy. It also defined development in the political, security, economic, social and cultural areas of Ukraine-Canada relations. Since the article is devoted to bilateral relations between the two countries in extremely difficult time for Ukraine, related to Russian aggression, article says a lot about the aggression itself, about the support for Ukraine to overcome it, about the reaction of the world society. To confirm it, author involved a bilateral document Defence Cooperation Arrangement, dated April 3, 2017. The body of the article goes on to emphasize Canada’s bolstering democratic and market reforms in Ukraine. However, the author draws attention that the current trade and mutual investments capacity leaves much to be desired. Nevertheless, the Canada government and the pro-Ukrainian Canadians provided significant support to Ukraine during the Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity. Authorities in Ottawa denounced Russia’s aggression against Ukraine by joining the sanctions imposing policy of the Western countries. Ottawa has clearly spoken out against Russia’s annexation of Crimea and destabilization in Donbas and supported sale of the lethal weapons to Ukraine. First of all, Canada supports Ukraine through diplomatic policy, as well as in Ukraine’s efforts in implementing economic reforms and strengthening the state security system.
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Becker, Jordan. "Rusty guns and buttery soldiers: unemployment and the domestic origins of defense spending." European Political Science Review 13, no. 3 (March 30, 2021): 307–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773921000102.
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AbstractScholars and practitioners continue to debate transatlantic burden sharing, which has implications for broader questions of collective action and international organizations. Little research, however, has analyzed domestic and institutional drivers of burden-sharing behavior; even less has disaggregated defense spending to measure burden sharing more precisely. This paper enhances understanding of the relationship between national political economies and burden shifting, operationalizing burden shifting as the extent to which a country limits or decreases defense expenditures, while at the same time favoring personnel over equipment modernization and readiness in the composition of defense budgets. Why do countries choose to allocate defense resources to personnel, rather than equipment modernization? I find that governments slightly decrease top-line defense spending in response to unemployment while shifting much more substantial amounts within defense budgets from equipment expenditures into personnel. This research highlights the intimate connection between Europe’s economic fortunes, transatlantic security, and burden sharing in North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union – of particular interest as a pandemic buffets the transatlantic economy. It also points policy analysts toward factors more amenable to political decisions than the structural variables generally associated with burden sharing, bridging significant gaps between defense economics, security studies, and comparative political economy.
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Iankova, Elena A., and Atanas G. Tzenev. "Determinants of Sovereign Investment Protectionism: the Case of Bulgaria’s Nuclear Energy Sector." Organizations and Markets in Emerging Economies 6, no. 2 (December 31, 2015): 35–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/omee.2015.6.2.14221.
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Foreign direct investment (FDI) by entities controlled by foreign governments (especially state-owned enterprises) is a new global phenomenon that is most often linked to the rise of emerging markets such as China and Russia. Host governments have struggled to properly react to this type of investment activity especially in key strategic sectors and critical infrastructure that ultimately raise questions of national security. Academic research on sovereign investment as a factor contributing to the new global protectionist trend is very limited, and predominantly focused on sovereign investors from China. This study explores the specifics of Russian sovereign investment in the former Soviet Bloc countries, now members of the European Union, especially in strategic sectors such as energy. We use the case of Bulgaria’s nuclear energy sector and the involvement of Russia’s state-owned company Rosatom in the halted Belene nuclear power plant project to analyze the dynamics of policy and politics, political-economic ideologies and historical legacies in the formation of national stances towards Russia as a sovereign investor. Our research contributes to the emerging literature on FDI protectionism and sovereign investment by emphasizing the significance of political-ideological divides and the heritage of the past as determinants of sovereign investment protectionism.
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Bayiley, Yitbarek Takele, and Getachew Kahsay Teklu. "Success factors and criteria in the management of international development projects." International Journal of Managing Projects in Business 9, no. 3 (June 6, 2016): 562–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijmpb-06-2015-0046.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyze the results of a survey that aims to explore and identify the European Union (EU) Development Cooperation project success factors and criteria and explain the relationship between the critical success factors (CSFs) and project success as perceived by the project managers and team members of the organizations participated in the survey. Design/methodology/approach – The research followed interpretive research philosophy, abductive approach, survey as a strategy, a cross-sectional time horizon and questionnaire as data collection instrument. It also employed exploratory design to identify CSFs and explanatory design to explain relationships between success factors and project success. Both primary and secondary data were used to gather data. Unstructured interviews were conducted with the project team members of EU delegation to Ethiopia, government organizations and NGOs while the secondary sources of data included extensive review of literature. Findings – Using principal component analysis the study identified a specific set of four CSFs for projects funded by EU: intellectual capital, sound project case, key manpower competency and effective stakeholder engagement. Moreover, the descriptive statistics of the survey highlighted five critical success variables: clear policy of donors and recipient government, strong local ownership of project, effective consultation during planning, high motivation and interest, and compatible rules and procedures. The study ranked relevance, impact, effectiveness, sustainability, and efficiency according to their level of importance by the participants of the survey. Research limitations/implications – The research is temporally, spatially, and contextually delimited to EU funded projects from the period 2010 to 2014 that are completed and still ongoing. Moreover, the current study focusses only on aid projects funded by EU in Ethiopia which might limit its generalizability into ID projects in developing countries funded by bodies other than EU such as World bank, United Nations and its different bodies, African Union, Japanese government to mention some. Social implications – The current study has clearly identified intellectual capital which covers social capital as the most important success factor for projects funded by EU in Ethiopia. Accordingly, the study underscored the importance of securing continuous support from all stakeholders and holding effective consultations of stakeholders during planning, implementation and closing phases of EU funded projects. Originality/value – The study identified new CSFs specific to projects funded by EU and the incompatibility in the perceived importance of project success criteria among different stakeholders implicating differences in the priority they set.
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Berthold, Norbert. "Das Bündnis für Arbeit – Ein Weg aus der institutionellen Verflechtungsfalle?" Perspektiven der Wirtschaftspolitik 2, no. 4 (November 2001): 383–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2516.00063.
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Abstract Persistently high unemployment is still the most urgent problem confronting policymakers in many continental European countries. Policymakers were not idle but their activities often treated the symptoms rather than the real causes of the malaise in labor markets. A prerequisite for solving the unemployment problem is pushing for more competition in all markets, but in particular in the labor market. However, lack of competition allows insiders to capture rents, thus making them opposed to a rigorous competitive policy approach. It is often suggested that corporatism would be an alternative and possibly even superior solution, i.e., tripartist agreements involving unions, employer associations and the government. The paper argues that this is not the case. Rather, corporatism leads to even less competition and opens additional channels for externalizing the burden of adjustment to exogenous shocks on future generations and on taxpayers at large via the social security system. Globalization might in contrast help to overcome the problem because there are fewer rents to be captured by insiders, and more open goods and factor markets make labor demand more elastic, thus enforcing more moderate wage setting and more flexible wage structures.
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Hren, Zoriana. "JOURNALISM OF EDWARD LUCAS IN UKRAINIAN MEDIA." Proceedings of Research and Scientific Institute for Periodicals, no. 11(29) (2021): 211–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0331-2021-11(29)-10.
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The article emphasizes the role of prominent British journalist and writer, expert on Central and Eastern Europe and energy and cyber security Edward Lucas for the formation of the Ukrainian media space and the implementation of world standards of quality journalism. In particular, special attention is paid to the study of his author’s texts published in Ukrainian publications during the 1990s – 2021, in particular in the magazine The Ukrainian Week and the The Day newspaper. The main genre forms of E. Lucas’s journalism are singled out, in particular the article and the author’s column embodied in the genre of commentary, political portrait, version, review, analytical article. The main thematic dominants of publications are identified (international politics and economics, political process in countries that are key players on the world map, US and European foreign policy, collective se curity issues, information wars, Britain’s exit from the EU, growing threat from Russia and China, consequences of the pandemic). The peculiarities of E. Lucas’ stylistics (bright language, expressive and evaluative vocabulary, metaphors, breadth of generalizations) are noted. Personalized content and biographical-memoir elements of texts are singled out. It is emphasized that Lucas’s journalism is based on a deep study of historical and economic processes, mental characteristics, interests of various strata of national societies, political contradictions within the governments of nation states, as well as supranational entities such as the European Union and NATO. The social and journalistic reception of Edward Lucas’s journalism in the Ukrainian media is studied and examples of its influence on the socio-political life of Ukraine are given. Keywords: Edward Lucas, journalism, political journalism, columnism, information warfare.
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Zaritskiy, B. "Germany and China: Partners, Competitors or Systemic Rivals?" World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 2 (2021): 16–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-2-16-28.
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China is currently Germany’s main trade partner. For many German companies, it is an attractive production site and an important link in global value chains. Despite existing disagreements, both sides in their official documents have continued to view their relationship as “comprehensive strategic partnership”. Yet experts and German mass media have increasingly tended to call China a “systemic rival”. Berlin is aware of the fact that it is having to deal not with a competitor but with a real contender for the world’s economic and technological leadership. Moreover, it is feared that the Chinese model based on the combination of state economic dirigism and political authoritarian methods of government may find a sympathetic ear in some countries. The question is how to build relationship with China in this new situation. The quest for a reasonable balance between calls to give a “tough” answer to the Chinese capital expansion, the drain of technologies and restrictions that German companies are facing in China’s market on the one hand and the necessity to continue a constructive dialogue with the new superpower on the other – that is the main task of German politics with respect to China. In view of the absence of a common political stance to be followed by the European Union countries in their dealings with China and the growing U.S. pressure aimed at securing, from its allies, support of the policy of confrontation towards China, the formulation of the German Chinese policy will most likely have to be situational resembling an attempt to solve an equation with many unknowns. The article explores trade and investment aspects of German-Sino relations and existing contradictions in the domain of sсientific and technical cooperation and technology transfer. Analysis is made of German business complaints regarding conditions of doing business in China, as well as of steps taken by the German authorities to limit Chinese investors’ activity in Germany.
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Chobotko, G., L. Raіchuk, I. Shvydenko, M. Kuchma, and M. Vysochanska. "Russian-Ukrainian war as a factor of the world food crisis." Balanced nature using, no. 1 (February 23, 2022): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.33730/2310-4678.1.2022.255224.
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The article aimed to outline the risks to global food security as a result of Russia’s military aggression against Ukraine. The theoretical and informational basis of the study were the works of Ukrainian and European government officials, researchers and public figures in the field of agricultural economy and agriculture, as well as reports of the State Statistics Service of Ukraine, regional state administrations, and open sources of media. The publications of leading Ukrainian and foreign specialized media outlets, as well as theses voiced by representatives of international organizations on the economic consequences of the Russian-Ukrainian war, have been analyzed. The main preconditions for the global food crisis as a result of full-scale Russian aggression against Ukraine have been highlighted. The forecasts for the food stability of our state for the next few years have been analyzed. The dynamics of world prices for grain and oil as a reaction of the world food and energy markets to the course of hostilities in Ukraine have been highlighted. The extremely important role of our country in the world food market has been emphasized and the situation with the food supply of Ukrainian origin to various countries of the European Union, Asia and Africa has been predicted. The regions and countries for which the escalation of the Russian-Ukrainian war will be the most disastrous have been outlined. The results of modelling different scenarios of food production by Ukrainian farmers due to different percentages of availability of sown areas of the state have been presented. The inevitability of a global food crisis has been argued, given the role of Ukraine and Russia in the world food market, as well as its direct dependence on the scale and duration of further hostilities and the outcome of the negotiation process between Ukraine and Russia. Intensification of energy problems and, consequently, environmental ones have been forecasted. Two possible ways of developing the situation for Western Europe and the United States have been outlined: increasing the use of fossil fuels and accelerating the climate crisis, or using the opportunity to « switch» the renewable economy and initiate accelerated development of clean renewable energy. The need to reform the world energy policy to strengthen the energy independence of states and minimize the intensification of the environmental crisis has been emphasized. It has been proposed to intensify the efforts of the world community in the development of renewable economy and clean energy to minimize the use of fossil fuels and ensure the stability of the energy systems of states.
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Wojnicz, Luiza. "Definition and Typology of European Union Missions." Reality of Politics 10, no. 1 (March 31, 2019): 161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201911.
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In view of the contemporary challenges and threats, European Union’s efforts in the area of civil and military capacity building are extremely important. As an international organization having a high impact on third countries, the European Union plays a key role in conflict prevention and crisis response. In external governance EU has two sectoral policies at its disposal: the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP). The CFSP is responsible for resolving conflicts and fostering international understanding using diplomacy and giving respect for international rules. The CSDP is responsible for carrying out civilian and military missions as well as for diffusing rules, which affect, in various respects, the improvement of security management in third countries through their incorporation. By adopting today’s global approach, both military and civilian, to crisis management and continuing to strengthen its capacity for action and analytical tools, the European Union is becoming a major security vector at international level, and its Common Security and Defense Policy expeditionary missions are the tangible proof.
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Hamzaoui, Djaouida. "European Neighborhood Policy." Contemporary Arab Affairs 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2020.13.1.105.
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In 2004, the European Union proposed a project entitled the European Neighborhood Policy as a new strategic option. The project had been adopted by the European Council one year earlier in a proposal to the concerned states. The European Neighborhood Policy proposes the development of the scope of cooperation between the European Union and the southwestern Mediterranean countries through several political, economic, social, and cultural fields. Yet, the sphere of security is set at the top of its priorities. It is based on the principles of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law, as well as on establishing security and stability between the countries on the two shores of the Mediterranean neighboring Europe. This would be based on a common framework and a larger volume of mutual cooperation that is embodied in a genuine partnership that would confront common challenges. The study explores and provides an answer to the following question: To what extent can the European Neighborhood Policy be considered a representation of regionalism and the embodiment of a genuine European desire through which it would be able to build a “security group” in the Mediterranean basin?
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Vibriyanto, Adi, and Tri Angga Sigit. "Modernisasi Penyelesaian Tagihan Kepada Negara dengan Sistem Pembayaran Terjadwal: Sebuah Studi Komparasi." Jurnal Manajemen Perbendaharaan 2, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 123–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33105/jmp.v2i2.373.
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In an ideal economic activity, all invoices will be paid according to the contract terms agreed by the contracting parties. The terms are fully determined by both parties without placing either party in second place. Likewise, it should be for government transactions. Based on Government Regulation Number 50 of 2018, it is stipulated that the settlement of claims to the government must be completed no later than 30 calendar days after the bill was complete. In reality, there are still many complaints regarding the late payment of government transactions. Such conditions are not ideal and can disrupt the function of government spending in stimulating economic growth. Delays in settling invoices for government spending will also have an impact on the difficulty of predicting cash flows that will come out of the treasury. Hence, accurate cash projections and the management of government liquidity not optimal. It is important to develop a payment system that can encourage efficiency, security and transparency in its implementation. The systems governing the payment policy should be able to provide certainty for the parties concerned, provide certainty for the beneficiaries and provide certainty of cash flow for the treasury. This study compares the implementation of Scheduled Payment policy in four countries, namely the European Union (Austria, Belgium, France), United Kingdom (UK), the Dominican Republic and Indonesia by concluding, first, in terms of time. Establishment of the payment schedule is common in the international practice with payment periods varying from 11 to 60 calendar days; second, in terms of coverage, ideally all government spending transactions are included in the payment scheme on a scheduled basis so that the preparation of government spending plans will be very accurate; third, in terms of classification, the arrangement of expenditure transactions in some criteria will facilitate the implementation of a scheduled payment policy to be implemented in Indonesia; and fourth, in terms of information technology, it is necessary to develop an adequate application system so that the implementation of the scheduled payment system can run optimally.
Abstrak
Dalam sebuah aktivitas ekonomi yang ideal, semua tagihan akan dibayarkan sesuai dengan termin kontrak yang disetujui oleh para pihak yang berkontrak. Termin tersebut sepenuhnya ditentukan oleh kedua belah pihak tanpa menempatkan salah satu pihak pada posisi yang kurang menguntungkan. Begitu juga seharusnya untuk penyelesaian tagihan atas transaksi belanja pemerintah. Berdasarkan Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 50 Tahun 2018 telah diatur bahwa penyelesaian tagihan kepada pemerintah wajib diselesaikan paling lambat dalam 30 hari kalender sejak bukti tagihan diterima secara lengkap. Namun dalam realitanya masih banyak keluhan terkait keterlambatan penyelesaian tagihan oleh supplier kepada pemerintah. Kondisi seperti ini tentu tidak ideal dan dapat mengganggu fungsi belanja pemerintah dalam memberikan stimulus dan mendorong pertumbuhan ekonomi. Keterlambatan dalam penyelesaian tagihan atas belanja pemerintah juga akan berdampak pada sulitnya memprediksi arus kas yang akan keluar dari kas negara sehingga menyebabkan penyusunan proyeksi kas yang akurat dan pengelolaan likuditas pemerintah menjadi tidak maksimal. Pengembangan sistem terkait dengan penyelesaian tagihan kepada negara yang dapat mendorong efisiensi, keamanan, dan transparansi dalam pelaksanaanya menjadi sangat penting untuk dilakukan. Perbaikan atas regulasi dan sistem yang mengatur penyelesaian tagihan negara hendaknya mampu menghadirkan kepastian bagi para pihak terkait, memberikan kepastian diterimanya pembayaran bagi penyedia barang/jasa (beneficiaries) dan memberikan kepastian aliran kas bagi pemerintah. Penelitian ini membandingkan implementasi penyelesaian tagihan kepada negara melalui Sistem Pembayaran Terjadwal (Scheduled Payment System) pada tiga negara yaitu Uni Eropa, United Kingdom (UK) dan Republik Dominika dibandingkan dengan sistem pembayaran eksisting di Indonesia dengan menarik kesimpulan yaitu pertama, dari segi time frame praktik penyelesaian tagihan secara terjadwal sudah lazim di dunia internasional dengan waktu penyelesaian tagihan bervariasi dari 11 sampai dengan 60 hari kalender; kedua, dari segi coverage, idealnya semua transaksi belanja pemerintah masuk dalam skema pembayaran secara terjadwal sehingga penyusunan perencanaan belanja pemerintah akan menjadi sangat akurat; ketiga, dari segi classification, pengaturan transaksi belanja dalam kriteria by system dan by input akan mempermudah implementasi kebijakan pembayaran secara terjadwal untuk diimplementasikan di Indonesia; dan keempat, dari segi information technology, diperlukan adanya pengembangan sistem aplikasi yang memadai sehingga implementasi sistem pembayaran terjadwal dapat berjalan secara maksimal.
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Lopandic, Dusko. "European Union in the new international surroundings." Medjunarodni problemi 60, no. 2-3 (2008): 199–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0803199l.
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The author analyses the development of EU in the new international surroundings during the last decade, also exploring the development of the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). The first part treats the changes in international relations, the role of USA and the NATO evolution. With the changes in international relations that are characterized by the relative weakening of USA, the rise of the powers such as China and Russia as well as the process of globalization within the multipolar frameworks, the European Union and its members states are facing the problem of adjusting to the new conditions. The second part of the article overviews the EU development, its geostrategic priorities as well as the development of ESDP. In the last dozen of years, the Common Foreign and Security Policy and the ESDP development have gone through a dynamic evolution. The attempts of the EU countries to emancipate from USA and become a serious factor in international relations imply that it should strengthen its international identity, and the political and military components, in particular.
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Đukanović, Dragan. "The Process of Institutionalization of the EU’s CFSP in the Western Balkan Countries during the Ukraine Crisis." Croatian International Relations Review 21, no. 72 (February 1, 2015): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0003.
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Abstract This paper analyses the Western Balkan countries’ relationship towards the instrument of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union in the context of the measures undertaken by Brussels against the Russian Federation due to its involvement in the Ukrainian crisis. In this regard, the author first points out to what extent the countries of the Western Balkans over the past few years, that is, after the signing of the Stabilization and Association Agreement, harmonized their foreign policies with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. Certainly, the most important foreign policy challenges for the Western Balkan countries in 2014 are imposing sanctions against the Russian Federation. Some Western Balkan countries (above all, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia), according to the author’s assessment, are stretched between their intentions to join the EU and thus harmonize their foreign policy with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union on one hand, and on the other, to avoid disruption of existing relations with the Russian Federation
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Szkurłat, Izabela. "Migration as a Threat to International Security." Security Dimensions 32, no. 32 (December 23, 2019): 64–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.0987.
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The article presents migration as a threat to international security in the 21st century. The first part presents the problem of people migrating to Europe, including third-country nationals. It is shown that uncontrolled mass migration has forced European countries to provide budget, shelter and counselling for migrants. Furthermore, there were many cases when migration met with disapproval of indigenous people and fear of the impossibility of integrating different cultures and customs. European Union has introduced financial tools to support member countries in financing migration-related problems including the Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund; and the Internal Security Fund. The article also mentions the European immigration policy adopted in 1999. The second part of the article refers to negative effects of migration: trafficking in human beings and forced labour. It is shown that they are widely practiced. To eliminate illegal activities, actions, which the author describes, are being taken within Europe. Polish people have also experienced trafficking in human beings and forced labour abroad. Such crimes have been reported within Poland as well. Finally the author states that the security of the European Union is threatened not only by external migrants, but also by citizens who migrate internally.
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Yeskov, Serge, Oleksandr Zaiets, and Yurii Kononenko. "STRATEGIC ANALYSIS OF INFORMATION IN ENSURING ECONOMIC ECURITY OF EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." Scientific works of National Aviation University. Series: Law Journal "Air and Space Law" 4, no. 61 (December 30, 2021): 81–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18372/2307-9061.61.16353.
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The purpose of the article is to study the essence and stages of strategic analysis in ensuring economic security. Research methods: the use of system-structural method and the method of generalization allowed to analyze the general trends in the use of methods of strategic analysis. Using the dialectical method of scientific knowledge, as well as methods of analysis, synthesis and abstraction, the content and purpose of the research problem are clarified, its main features and structure, as well as the relationship with systems analysis are determined. Results: these methods of strategic analysis significantly increase the efficiency of forecasting the development of situations in the field of economic security due to the possibility of compiling a SWOT-analysis, PEST-analysis, etc. Discussion: in order to improve the system of strategic analysis, it is necessary to involve certain independent think tanks. Such think tanks should work closely with the authorities and be partially funded by the Government of Ukraine to obtain any necessary analytical information from them. Thus, the key issues of economic security are: the system of forecasting management activities; the process of research and analytical examinations; development of information and analytical products and their distribution; professional activity of specialists, professionals, analysts. Given the above, we conclude that the strategic analysis of public administration in the field of economic security is aimed at providing quality information to public authorities, and its improvement is impossible without studying the methodological principles of its formation. Analytical centers provide a link between government and civil society; represent and protect public interests; evaluate power and its decisions and formulate alternative policy proposals. Analytical centers are involved in the formation of European policy, promote better public understanding of EU regulations and decisions. The establishment of a domestic network of think tanks according to EU standards, which will be actively integrated into Euro-Atlantic networks of think tanks, will help find additional reserves to improve the mechanisms of strategic analysis in the field of economic security and state policy on effective forecasting and analytical support.
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Nešković, Slobodan, and Lazar Šoškić. "Geopolitical context of South East Europe and the security concept of the European Union." Ekonomija: teorija i praksa 14, no. 2 (2021): 54–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/etp2101054n.
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The authors discuss the complex issues of the geopolitical position of Southeast Europe and the application of the security concept of the European Union. Permanent anomalies are present in all spheres. The subject of the research is the geographical, political and security features of the countries of the observed area with the possibilities of implementing the concept of the Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. The hypotheses are: The geopolitical context of Southeast Europe is the scene of constant interests of great powers and conflicts in the countries of the region, where the adopted concept of security of the European Union is applied. The area of Southeast Europe as a link between the West and the East is of great international importance. The countries of the region are burdened with numerous contradictions and centuries-old confrontations. The European Union is promoting an indigenous security policy project in the process of integrating countries and strengthening its own position in the region. The aim of the research is a comprehensive overview of the complex topic of the geopolitical position of the countries of Southeast Europe and the security strategy of the European Union in the context of resolving the manifested anomalies. Methods of analysis, synthesis and others will be applied. The achieved results have cognitive features, they refer to the explained important aspects of the geopolitics of the given space and the security initiatives of the EU, and they also mark the real segments of the social development of the countries. We conclude that Southeast Europe is a territory of essential geopolitical significance and interest of world hegemons. The European Union is also promoting the security strategy contained in official documents in that area.
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Tikhova, VLADLENA V. "DEVELOPMENT OF MILITARY AND POLITICAL COOPERATION OF THE EUROPEAN UNION (1945-1992)." Journal of Law and Administration 17, no. 1 (April 29, 2021): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2021-1-58-3-12.
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Introduction. This paper analyzes the history of development of the European Union’s political and military cooperation. The author gives an in-depth review of the origins of the European integration, its reasons and key political figures who played the crucial role in this process. The author shows that the establishment of cooperation between West European countries right after 1945 dealt with projects that were not implemented. Much attention is paid to the activities of the Western European Union (WEU) that played a considerable role in shaping the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. The article also presentshow different the members of the European Union are, how the views of the European countries vary in many areas and how difficult it is to coordinate the positions of the member-states on important issues concerning the foreign, security and defense policy of the European Union.Materials and methods. Building on the system analysis of the theories of international relations, international integration and the materials of related sciences such as political and conflict resolution studies the author considers the development stages of the European countries’ political and military collaboration from the establishment of the EuropeanDefense Community to the European Political Cooperation.Results. Proceeding from the results of the analysis the author concludes that the activities aimed to build military and political collaboration of the European states had laid a solid foundation to establish the second pillar of the EU - the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) by the time the Maastricht Treaty was signed in 1992.Discussion and conclusions. The materialsof this paper describe the stages and historicalroots of the development of the military and political collaboration of the European countries. Complexities and contradictions that are inherent in this process explain the challenges the EU’s current foreign, security and defense policies have to face.
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Basov, F. "German Policy towards EU Enlargement." World Economy and International Relations, no. 4 (2015): 18–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-4-18-22.
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This article is dedicated to the German policy towards the EU enlargement. Its history as well as the current German policy towards prospective enlargements are analyzed in this paper. The article offers party-political and sociological analysis of Germany`s attitude towards the EU enlargement, also the reasons for it are determined. FRG supported all of the European Community and European Union enlargements. This line is being continued, but nowadays only step to step approach is being supported. Germany‘s motives to the EU enlargement are based on the liberal concept of the common security. The main goals of this policy are the including of European countries into the Western community of developed countries (the EU), the extension of the stability and security area. The economic integration is also very important for Germany. The key priority of the EU enlargement is the Western Balkan region (the so called “Europeanisation” of Western Balkans). This process is being supported by political elites of the region and by the European Union itself. It is recognized, that the Europeanisation of Western Balkans was used as a sample for the Eastern Partnership Program. Without consideration of the Russian factor, though, this strategy towards the post-Soviet countries has many weaknesses. But the EU-membership for the Eastern Partnership members is not excluded.
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Potocki, Łukasz. "Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO): Expanding Defense Cooperation between European Union Countries." Barometr Regionalny. Analizy i Prognozy 18, no. 2 (January 25, 2023): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.56583/br.2051.
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The main objective of the present study is to analyze the European Union defense policy on the example of Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO). It will be possible thanks to a comprehensive analysis of individual PESCO projects, participating countries, determinants and perspectives for the development of defense policy. The main hypothesis of the article is that although the strongest military European Union countries, relying on PESCO, seek to expand defense cooperation, this cooperation has no visible impact on increasing their armed forces. The article contains information about the genesis of the European Union Security and Defense Policy and the legal basis of Permanent Structured Cooperation, as well as a detailed list of all PESCO projects with the countries participating in them. An analysis of the implementation of PESCO projects indicates that they are dependent on external factors. This study uses methods appropriate to the science of international relations. Its research tools include an analysis of the literature on the subject, documents, and statistical data.
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Kavyn, Sviatoslav, Ivan Bratsuk, and Anatoliy Lytvynenko. "Regulatory and Legal Enforcement of Cyber Security in Countries of the European Union: The Experience of Germany and France." Teisė 121 (December 8, 2021): 135–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/teise.2021.121.8.
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This article is devoted to the study of information security in the EU member states, in particular Germany and France, in the context of the analysis of their national legislation, state, national programs and regulations. Particular attention is paid to the study of the features of regulatory and legal security of information security of Germany and France in the context of the study of their national legislation in terms of economic security as an inherent component of national security. In the course of this study the peculiarities of the functioning of the institutional and legal mechanism of cyber defense in the context of the multi-vector system of international security and legal regulation of international cooperation are analyzed. The article substantiates the expediency of developing an integrated, coordinated information policy of the EU member states in order to unify approaches to information security.At the same time, the current realities of European Union policy require comprehensive research in the context of ensuring national interests, developing effective mechanisms for protecting the information space, and legal mechanisms for shaping the economic system as a strategic factor of national security. Accordingly, the approaches to information security adopted in the European Union are currently not unified due to the geopolitical specifics of the EU’s countries. Therefore, the research, evaluation, and implementation of the positive experience of Germany and France in this area, according to the authors, is important in building the information security system of the European Union in the context of reliable protection against cyber threats.
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Ismayilzada, Tofig. "The European Union's Cooperation With Third Countries: Turkey And Libya." Jurnal Kajian Pemerintah: Journal of Government, Social and Politics 8, no. 2 (December 13, 2022): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.25299/jkp.2022.vol8(2).11148.
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The European Union has recently been an attractive destination for asylum seekers and migrants. Despite the deadly migration routes, the migration crisis has proved that asylum seekers and migrants are willing to enter European Union territory. The flow of irregular migration to the European Union peaked in 2015. The intensity of migration movement over such a short period raised concerns about internal and external security. At the same time, due to the migration crisis, the European Union intensified its cooperation with third countries on the migration issue. This article first explores the concept of international cooperation on migration and assesses if the selected case studies have any common characteristics to the concept. Second, the paper studies the effectiveness of the European Union's cooperation with Turkey and Libya, which emerged due to the migration crisis. Additionally, the paper provides data to test the effectiveness of cooperation with third countries. The cooperation with Turkey and Libya was an essential tool for the European Union to control its Mediterranean borders. When the consensus was reached, the number of irregular arrivals significantly decreased.
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Hrubinko, Andriy. "British Policy toward the eastern enlargement of the European Union: historical aspects." European Historical Studies, no. 5 (2016): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.05.20-32.
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The article describes historical features of shaping and implementation of British policy toward the Eastern enlargement of the European Union, its impact on the implementation of the Сommon Foreign and Security Policy in the Central and Eastern Europe region. The author denotes that the history of participation of the UK in implementing Eastern enlargement of the EU not been sufficiently investigated. According to the author’s vision, the policy of the enlargement of the EU is seen as an integral part of united foreign and security policy and as a factor of its implementation in countries of the nearest periphery. The 31 enlargement process is a part of the EU enlargement policy as a geopolitical phenomenon. The United Kingdom became one of the biggest supporters of further enlargement as a permanent phenomenon in its history among countries of the Community, forming their own specific conceptual approaches and strategy. The factors of shaping active and positive positions of the British governments in connection with the enlargement of the EU toward the East have been analyzed. The author came to the conclusion that the Eastern enlargement had questionable effect for the development of the effective CFSP. The UK as one of the leading powers in the EU came to a forefront in this process. The enlargement of the EU has become an integral part of the country’s leadership strategy in the political integration. However, the confrontational European policy of the David Cameron’s government in 2010–2016 has resulted in a loss of the previous governments’ achievements in developing the cooperation and support for the countries of Eastern and Central Europe and escalated the decrease of the country’s original positions in the region.
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Suryani, Desak Sinta Putu, and Abdul Razaq Cangara. "National Identity and Migration Policy Dynamics: Analysing the Effect of Swedish National Identity on Its Granting Asylum Policy to Syrian Refugees in 2013." Hasanuddin Journal of Strategic and International Studies (HJSIS) 1, no. 1 (December 28, 2022): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.20956/hjsis.v1i1.24804.
Full textAbstract:
The Syrian conflict in 2011 has inevitably led to the massive forced migration of asylum seekers and refugees. Most of them fled to neighbouring and several countries in Europe. As a result of the European Union (EU) 's open border policy, their influx into Europe was reckoned a problem for many European countries due to increasing crimes and threats to its members' national security. Some European Union countries chose to be cautious by refusing or only providing financial assistance. Contrastingly, as an EU member state, Sweden received thousands of Syrian refugees until 2013. On October 3, 2013, the Swedish government announced an asylum policy of guaranteed housing provision and the right to bring families to Syrian asylum seekers until they obtain UNHCR refugee status. Such granting asylum policy to Syrian refugees shows differences in the identity of social security construction both in the society and its decision-makers compared to other EU countries. This article exposes the identity influence on the Swedish government's decision to grant asylum to Syrian refugees in 2013. This article employs the "aspirational constructivism" theory by Anne Clunan, arguing that a state's policy is based on a national identity sourced from society's historical reflections and the political elite's future aspirations. This article finds that Swedish society's history experienced cultural homogenization, known as a multicultural country, and the Social-Democracy and folkhemmet ("Home for the People") idea of the political elites resulted in the granting of asylum policy to Syrian refugees in October 2013.
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Medović, Vladimir. "Stabilization and association treaties in the law of the European Union." Glasnik Advokatske komore Vojvodine 76, no. 9 (2004): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/gakv0402003m.
Full textAbstract:
The European Communities did not cease to exist after the foundation of the European Union by the Treaty of Mastricht in 1992. In fact, they act as pillars on which the European Union stands, together with the Police and Judicial Cooperation in Criminal Matters and Common Foreign and Security Policy. The European Union does not have the status of a legal entity or a capacity to enter into treaties with third countries or international organization. In both foreign and domestic proceedings it relies upon the institutions and instruments of the European Communities. The European Communities are autonomous in relation to the European Union and act in accordance with the rules contained in the foundation Treaties, which, however, make a constituent part of the Treaty on European Union. The foundation Treaties of the European Communities provide for a possibility for the Communities to enter into international treaties with third countries or international organizations. Stabilization and Association Treaties belong to the category of Association Treaties defined in Article 310 of the Treaty on European Union. Considering that these treaties regulate certain fields which belong to competence of the member states, the member states are usually parties to these treaties along with the European Communities. International treaties entered into between the European Communities and third countries are binding upon the Community institutions and upon member states. International treaties entered in this way are considered a part of Community law. Member states are bound to recognize such effects to these treaties as are provided in the Community law itself.