Relevant bibliographies by topics / Security, International – Government policy – European Union countries

Academic literature on the topic 'Security, International – Government policy – European Union countries'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Security, International – Government policy – European Union countries"

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M.M, Murtalibova. "Specificity of Turkey’s Security Relations with Neighboring Countries." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 5, no. 12 (December 5, 2022): 569–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v5i12.865.

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The article analyzes the historical dynamics of cooperation and differences in conceptual understanding of approaches of Turkey’s international security and terrorism cooperation with the European Union and the United States in countermeasures. In the 2000s in spite of successful cooperation in the fight against international terrorism, these disagreements did not allow Turkey to fully unite to the system of international security in the Middle East, which is being built by the West. With the largest army in the Middle East and the second largest in the NATO bloc, a dynamic economy and a significant foreign policy weight (not to mention the ambitious leaders in charge), Turkey is playing an increasing role in regional and world politics. In recent years, Turkey’s foreign policy has undergone repeated, sometimes drastic changes, and its relations with a number of countries, from hostility to cooperation and vice versa, have always been the focus of the governments of the Middle East regional countries and NATO allies.
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Martynov, Andriy. "THE EVOLUTION OF THE POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION REGARDING THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR (2014–2022)." European Historical Studies, no. 23 (2022): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.2.

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The problems of forming a common foreign policy of the European Union are caused by the difficulties of reconciling national interests and the dynamics of adapting the common policy to the chaos of international relations. In the early 1990s, the common foreign policy of the European Union suffered a fiasco in the Balkans during the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia. Russia expected that the example of the EU’s excessively sluggish reaction to the annexation of Crimea and the start of a «hybrid war» against Ukraine would provide an opportunity to annex the entire territory of Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to study the cause-and-effect relationships that influenced the actual formation of the European Union’s common policy aimed at protecting democracy in Ukraine against Russian aggression. The European Union was critical of the annexation of Crimea and the start of Russia’s «hybrid war» against Ukraine. But at that time, the conviction of the European elites prevailed that it was possible to appease the Russian Federation, even at the cost of concessions to Ukraine and at the expense of Ukrainian sovereignty and territorial integrity. The so-called “Minsk Agreements” worked for this. Even Russian interference in the 2016 US presidential election and the information campaign for the British referendum on leaving the EU in 2016 could not convince European elites of the opposite. The Russian Federation consistently crossed «red lines» until it made the mistake of deciding that the EU was «ripe» for a Russian attempt to change the government in Ukraine and deprive it of its sovereignty. The Kremlin was counting on its «fifth column» in the countries of the European Union. Only Hungary fulfilled these expectations. But in the matter of assistance for the defence of Ukraine, the European Union refused the principle of veto. This does not prevent Hungary from blocking the allocation of EU macro-financial assistance to Ukraine at the time of writing this article. The most radical supporters of Ukraine in the EU remain the Baltic countries, the countries of the «Visegrad bloc» with the exception of Hungary. Russian aggression helped Sweden and Finland to reconsider their traditional neutral policy and to get as close as possible to joining NATO. In October 2022, again without the participation of Hungary, the European Union launched a military training mission for the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Russian aggression against Ukraine, instead of splitting the European Union, contributed to the consolidation of the common foreign and security policies of the European Union. But this does not mean that the Russian Federation will stop putting pressure on the «weak links» in the European Union system.
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Alwy, Fauna. "Indonesian Fisheries Policy Reform: Compliance with Stringent Food Safety Requirement Of Importing Countries." FIAT JUSTISIA:Jurnal Ilmu Hukum 11, no. 2 (January 4, 2018): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.25041/fiatjustisia.v11no2.984.

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The main objective of this research is to discover the idea of innovation of Indonesia's legislation system on food security/seafood which has been heavily influenced by trade relations between Indonesia and the European Union as a group of major importing countries. This is a case study that largely examines and presents trade disputes between Indonesia and some major importing countries, especially with the EU countries as a major group of country importers of fishery products and seafood from Indonesia. The various disputes and complaints found in this case study demonstrate the fact that the marine fisheries sector as one of Indonesia's mainstay sectors has a very potential economic value for the country's foreign exchange earnings. There is a very close relationship between the fisheries sector with the fulfillment of people's living needs as well as the development of the economic sector in general, including food safety aspects. This should be addressed appropriately and efficiently by the government by adjusting and even updating laws and regulations in this sector by the international food standard/food security; given the numerous demands and rejection of most of Indonesia's trading partner countries in this sector. Keyword: Indonesian Fisheries, Policy Reform, Compliance, Food Safety Requirements, Importing Countries.
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MARCHENKO, Sergii. "Strategic public finance governance: European integration course, international trends, national peculiarities." Fìnansi Ukraïni 2022, no. 1 (May 9, 2022): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.33763/finukr2022.01.007.

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The experience of public finance management in the EU in the framework of tightly controlled coordination of medium-term fiscal policy and the single monetary policy of the European Monetary Union (EMU) indicates that Strategic Public Finance Governance (SPFG) should be distinguished from the strategy for reforming the public finance management system within the established approaches of Public Finance Management (PFM) as general from special. The Strategic Public Finance Governance Mission (SPFG) is seen as enhancing the government’s financial capacity to respond in a timely and adequate manner to global challenges and threats through coordinated and targeted participation in relevant international activities and programs that correlate with the solution of certain global problems. The mission also includes expanding the fiscal space for public financial support of national sustainable development priorities that meet national interests, the criteria of national security in general and economic, financial, fiscal in particular. This involves the use of both domestic and borrowed (from other countries, international organizations, etc.) financial resources. Nowadays, the PFM approach covers mainly the general government sector. Strategic Public Finance Governance (SPFG) should cover the public sector as a whole. In our opinion, this is the main direction of further European integration reform of the public finance management system in Ukraine.
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Turchak, O. V., and M. S. Nadraga. "Legal principles of international cooperation between Ukraine and the North Atlantic alliance." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 65 (October 25, 2021): 385–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2021.65.69.

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The article analyzes the legal principles of Ukraine’s international cooperation with NATO and the European Union.The Resolution of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of 1993 «Main Directions of Ukraine’s Foreign Policy» was one of the first documents that established the basic principles of Ukraine’s foreign policy towards the Alliance. The defining feature of the foreign policy is the establishment of partnership relations with Western countries, mutually beneficial cooperation, participation in the North Atlantic Cooperation Council and the North Atlantic Assembly.The Partnership for Peace Framework Document stipulates that the signatory state will develop an individual partnership program. Participation in the Program involves cooperation with NATO in the military, military-techni-cal, military-political spheres, in the field of science, ecology, defense economy, etc.On 14 September 1995, the NATO-Ukraine North Atlantic Council approved an Individual Partnership Program, marking the beginning of an “expanded and deepened” relationship.The signing of a Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of Ukraine and NATO on the estab-lishment of a NATO Information and Documentation Center in Ukraine with the aim of disseminating the informa-tion about NATO was of great importance.The decisive factor was the adoption the Charter on a Special Partnership between NATO and Ukraine, a basic political document, on July 9, 1997.The subsequent legal regulations laid the grounds for a stable relationship between Ukraine, NATO and European Union member states. These are, in particular: the NATO-Ukraine Action Plan, the Law of Ukraine “On Fundamentals of National Security of Ukraine”, “Military Doctrine of Ukraine”, Laws of Ukraine “On Amendments to Certain Laws of Ukraine on Ukraine’s Refusal to Implement a Non-Aligned Policy”, “On Amendments to Some Laws of Ukraine on the Foreign Policy of Ukraine” and “On Amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine (on the strategic course of the state to gain full membership of Ukraine in the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization)”.Thus, the political and legal measures to form the foundation for significant rapprochement with NATO and the European Union are implemented.
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Greenstock, Jeremy. "Reorienting Foreign Policy." National Institute Economic Review 250 (November 2019): R34—R39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795011925000115.

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Executive SummaryAfter Brexit, the UK must show that it has a voice. It will need to re-earn international respect, and in particular establish the concept of a ‘global Britain’ on the basis of performance, not rhetoric. That means re-establishing a strong network of relationships around the world in support of its security and economic health, but also continuing to play a leading role in support of the international rules-based order. For example, it should make the most of its continuing status as a Permanent Member of the UN Security Council to act as a problem-solver and system-enhancer in the collective interest.An early, first-order priority will be establishing a new, mutually beneficial partnership with the European Union, which continues to form our economic and political neighbourhood. Reconstructing a modern relationship with the United States is not secondary to that, but cannot substitute for it and must be undertaken in recognition of the differing interests and instincts of the two sides. A further challenge is building the right relationship with China based on mutual interest in trade, peace, and international respect and on confronting expansionist or opportunistic practices. With Russia, too, it is possible to design a predictable set of behaviours on either side, and with both countries good communication channels will need to be maintained.Brexit gives the UK the scope to construct a more deliberate diplomatic approach to the rest of the English-speaking world than was explicitly possible as an EU member – notably in working with Canada, Australia and New Zealand to promote the international rules-based order. But this should be complemented by more effective outreach to non-English-speaking countries, notably in support of trade and investment opportunities with emerging nations. But with them as with all the UK's interlocutors, the need to earn its place, and to show that it realises that, will be vital.In defence and security, the UK will continue in its commitment to the strength of NATO as its essential alliance under US leadership, while also liaising carefully with EU Member States as they seek to improve their own capacities to contribute to European security. But it cannot simply rely on old institutional structures. It needs to lead, for example by playing a stronger role in the control of non-military forms of aggression, such as cyber warfare, economic sanctions, rivalry in space, and commercial espionage.A strategy for realising the UK's interests in the international arena will require the Prime Minister's constant attention, but also a specific mandate for a very senior minister to supervise the interlinked policy areas of foreign affairs, international development, and international trade within a single government department.
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Veebel, Viljar, and Raul Markus. "Europe´s Refugee Crisis in 2015 and Security Threats from the Baltic Perspective." Journal of Politics and Law 8, no. 4 (November 29, 2015): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v8n4p254.

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Recent developments in Europe starting with the Russia-Ukraine conflict and ending with the economic and political instability in Greece have given rise to instability in the European Union. Yet, none of the previous crises could be compared with the crisis concerning the current massive influx of refugees into the EU that challenges both solidarity and responsibility of the member states. In this context, it is extremely important to understand the actual security threats related to the refugee crisis, particularly for the Baltic countries that have linked their security with European Union and the NATO. Particularly in Estonia and in Latvia, the refugee crisis has been presented as a high security matter as possible rejection of the EU-migrant could lead to the country’s isolation from the international community, the loss of the NATO security network and its exposure to the security threats from Russia. Alternative decision to accept the refugee quotas could on the other hand create challenges for internal security in terms of legitimacy of national governments and public support to refugee policy. In the light of recent terrorist attacks in France these questions seem even growingly important.
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Burda, Mikhail, Irina Gerasimova, and Margarita Ochacha. "Migration Policy as Instrument of Ensuring National State Security." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 12 (December 31, 2019): 183–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2019.1.12.

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In the article, the authors analyse the relationship of political processes, migration policy and national security of the state. The methodological basis of the research is dialectical, comparative and institutional methods. The dialectical method revealed the dynamics, current regularities and contradictions in the formation of the state migration policy. The comparative method contributed to identify characteristic features of the migration policy formation of some EU countries and Russia, taking into account the transformation of political systems. The institutional method allowed exploring the interaction of public authorities with other institutions of civil society. In order to process the empirical evidence, quantitative and qualitative research methods were used. The factors of the migration attractiveness of the state, the stages of the migration process and migration risks are considered. In this regard, special attention is paid to the migration crisis in modern Europe. It also analyses the growth factors of the popularity of right-populist parties and the idea of the sovereign migration policy of individual member states of the European Union. Special attention is paid to the description of the implementation plan for the “Prague Process” mechanisms on the example of the integration mechanisms of migrants to Austria and the Czech Republic, the participation of government bodies and civil society institutions in these mechanisms. Some features of the migration system of the Russian Federation are also considered in the context of ensuring national security. The research presents and analyses some statistical data on migration in Russia and global migration in the world.
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Kočanová, Denisa, Viliam Kováč, Vitaliy Serzhanov, and Ján Buleca. "DIFFERENCES AND SIMILARITIES IN PATTERNS OF AGEING SOCIETY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION." E+M Ekonomie a Management 26, no. 1 (March 2023): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15240/tul/001/2023-1-003.

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Population ageing is a demographic issue that emphasises the need to be interested in the lives of the most vulnerable population group: the elderly population. The paper investigates the ageing process and their relations among the European Union member countries from 2009 to 2019. These countries are assessed and dispersed to the appropriate clusters according to several indicators related to the areas that affect the lives of the elderly population: namely, the health status, the labour market conditions, and financial security. The focus is on the age group 55 years and over as it is a disadvantaged age group in the job application process regarding ageing society. It is a significant aspect of public finance system. The European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions, the Labour Force Survey, and the European System of Integrated Social Protection Statistics data are involved. The quantitative approaches are applied in the cluster analysis and followed by the panel data linear regression analysis. The dendrograms visualise the three clusters representing the mutual relations and the ageing patterns among the explored countries. The heat maps are created to prove the potential relations among the observed countries. The panel regression model demonstrates that the three variables – part-time employment, the income inequality, and the material and social deprivation – are statistically significant in all the regression models for the whole area and the three clusters. The analytical outcome could be applied as a valuable resource to government and national representatives. It can help identify the objectionable determinants for a custom policy and implement appropriate measures to improve the situation of the elderly population.
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Biletska, G., N. Кovtunovych, and N. Shkurenko. "Foreign experience of providing communication in state agencies." Legal horizons, no. 23 (2020): 102–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2020.i23.p102.

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The article is devoted to practical aspects of implementation of communication strategies by the state agencies of foreign countries. The emphasized that current globalization processes in the information area, which take place in the international arena, actualize the introduction of effective communications, which play an important role in the internal and external interaction of state agencies with the public. In the article was emphasized that in order to systematically and clearly cover the activities of state agencies, as well as the objective perception and understanding of the population of the processes implemented in the field of public policy, informing the public about planned government initiatives, communication strategies are actively implemented. Also noted that in the countries of the European Union (hereinafter – the EU) communications are considered by the national institutions as a tool for foreign and security policy, international cooperation in the format of strategic partnership with a leading international target audience and regional cooperation with European countries. The authors determined the main tasks of realization of external and internal communications of state institutions. In particular, the ways of realization of communications by the state agencies in Norway, Great Britain and Estonia. The preference of modern advanced information communications in ensuring the interaction of state agencies and the public are outlined. As today society exists in the world of global communication, which includes not only traditional media, periodicals or television, but also social networks, information and communication interaction is becoming more important. Most foreign countries use popular social networks, such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, YouTube and others. It is concluded that the establishment of comprehensive, clear and strategic communication of state authorities of Ukraine with the international and national community, taking into account foreign experience and basic principles of government communication, is important for building a democratic state.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Security, International – Government policy – European Union countries"

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Neacsa, Vasile I. "The black sea economic cooperation as an element of regional stability and security." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211093.

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Grevi, Giovanni. "The common foreign, security and defence policy of the European Union: ever-closer cooperation, dynamics of regime deepening." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210673.

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“What is Europe's role in this changed world? Does Europe not, now that is finally unified, have a leading role to play in a new world order, that of a power able both to play a stabilising role worldwide and to point the way ahead for many countries and peoples?” These were two of the central questions put by the Laeken Declaration, adopted by the European Council in December 2001. The Declaration offered the beginning of an answer, pointing out the direction for future policy developments, and for the institutional reform underpinning them: “The role it has to play is that of a power resolutely doing battle against all violence, all terror and all fanaticism, but which also does not turn a blind eye to the world's heartrending injustices. In short, a power wanting to change the course of world affairs…A power seeking to set globalisation within a moral framework.” At the same time, the Laeken Declaration pointed out some more specific questions concerning the institutional innovations required to enhance the coherence of European foreign policy and to reinforce the synergy between the High Representative for CFSP and the relevant Commissioners within the RELEX family. With a view to a better distribution of competences between the EU and Member States, on the basis of the principle of subsidiarity, the text mentioned the development of a European foreign and defence policy first, and referred more particularly to the scope for updating the ‘Petersberg’ tasks of crisis management, a policy domain that would take a pivotal place in the consolidation of ESDP and CFSP at large. This Declaration marks the beginning of the process of regime reform that covers the last three years of common foreign and security policy (CFSP) of the European Union. This evolution, and the innovations that it has brought about in institutional and normative terms, are the subjects of this thesis.

The Convention on the future of Europe, set up by the Laeken Declaration, represented an important stage in the pan-European debate on the objectives, values, means and decision-making tools of CFSP. The US-led intervention in Iraq in March 2003 marked a new ‘critical juncture’ in the development of the conceptual and institutional bases of CFSP. As it was the case in the past, following major policy failures in the course of the Balkan wars, Member States sought to mend the rift that divided them in the run up to the Iraq war. In so doing, Member States agreed on a significant degree of institutional reform in the context of the Convention and of the subsequent Inter-Governmental Conference (IGC). The creation of the new position of a double-hatted Foreign Minister, as well as the envisaged rationalisation and consolidation of the instruments at his/her disposal, including a new European External Action Service (EAS), is a primary achievement in this perspective. On the defence side, a new formula of ‘permanent structured cooperation’ among willing and able Member States has been included in the Treaty Establishing the European Constitution (Constitutional Treaty), with a view to them undertaking more binding commitments in the field of defence, and fulfilling more demanding missions. Right at the time when the Iraq crisis was sending shockwaves across the political and institutional structures of the Union, and of CFSP in particular, the first ESDP civilian mission were launched, soon followed by small military operations. The unprecedented deployment of civilian and military personnel under EU flag in as many as 13 missions between 2002 and 2005 could be achieved thanks to the development of a new layer of policy-makign and crisis-management bodies in Brussels. The launch of successive ESDP operations turned out to be a powerful catalyst for the further expansion and consolidation of this bureaucratic framework and of the conceptual dimension of CFSP/ESDP. Most importantly, these and other dimensions of institutional and operational progress should be set in a new, overarching normative and political framework provided by the European Security Strategy (ESS).

Needless to say, institutional innovations are stalled following the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty in the French and Dutch referenda of May/June 2005. With a view to the evolution of the CFSP regime, however, I argue in this thesis that the institutional reforms envisaged in the Constitutional Treaty are largely consistent with the unfolding normative and bureaucratic features of the regime. As illustrated in the course of my research, the institutional, bureaucratic and normative dimensions of the regime appear to strengthen one another, thereby fostering regime deepening. From this standpoint, therefore, the stalemate of institutional reform does slow down the reform of the international regime of CFSP but does not seem to alter the direction of its evolution and entail its stagnation, or even dismantling. On the contrary, I maintain that the dynamics of regime change that I detect will lead to stronger, endogenous and exogenous demands for institutional reform, whose shapes and priorities are to a large extent already included in the Constitutional treaty. This vantage point paves the way to identifying the trends underlying the evolution of the regime, but does not lead to endorsing a teleological reading of regime reform. As made clear in what follows, CFSP largely remains a matter of international cooperation with a strong (although not exclusive) inter-governmental component. As such, this international regime could still suffer serious, and potentially irreversible, blows, were some EU Member States to openly depart from its normative coordinates and dismiss its institutional or bureaucratic instances. While this scenario cannot be ruled out, I argue in this thesis that this does not seem the way forward. The institutional and normative indicators that I detect and review point consistently towards a ‘deepening’ of the regime, and closer cooperation among Member States. In other words, it is not a matter of excluding the possibility of disruptions in the evolution of the CFSP regime, but to improve the understanding of regime dynamics so as to draw a distinction between long-term trends and conjunctural crises that, so far, have not undermined the incremental consolidation of CFSP/ESDP.

Central to this research is the analysis of the institutional and normative features of the CFSP regime at EU level. The focus lies on the (increasing) difference that institutions and norms make to inter-governmental policy-making under CFSP, in the inter-play with national actors. The purpose of my research is therefore threefold. First, I investigate the functioning and development of the bureaucratic structures underpinning the CFSP regime, since their establishment in 2000/2001 up to 2005. This theoretically informed review will allow me to highlight the distinctive procedural and normative features of CFSP policy-making and, subsequently, to assess their influence on the successive stages of reform. Second, I track and interpret the unprecedented processes by which innovations have been introduced (or envisaged) at the institutional and normative level of the regime, with a focus on the Convention on the future of Europe and on the drafting of the European Security Strategy. Third, I assess the institutional and normative output of this dense stage of reform, with respect both to the ‘internal’ coherence and the deepening of the regime, and to the ‘external’ projection of the EU as an international actor in the making.

On the whole, I assume that a significant, multidimensional transition of the CFSP regime is underway. The bureaucratic framework enabling inter-governmental cooperation encourages patterned behaviour, which progressively generates shared norms and standards of appropriateness, affecting the definition of national interests. In terms of decision-making, debate and deliberation increasingly complement negotiation within Brussels-based CFSP bodies. Looking at the direction of institutional and policy evolution, the logic of ‘sharing’ tasks, decisions and resources across different (European and national) levels of governance prevails, thereby strengthening the relevance of ‘path-dependency’ and of the ‘ratchet effect’ in enhancing inter-governmental cooperation as well as regime reform.


Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Tanrikulu, Osman Goktug. "A Dissatisfied Partner: A Conflict - Integration Analysis of Britain's Membership in the European Union." PDXScholar, 2013. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1064.

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Since 2009, the European Union has faced the worst economic crisis of its history. Due to the devastating impact of the Eurozone crisis on their economies, European countries realized the need to deepen the integration. Without a fiscal union, the Monetary Union would always be prone to economic crises. However, the efforts to reinforce the Union’s economy have been hampered by the UK due to its obsession with national sovereignty and lack of European ideals. In opposing further integration, the UK officials have started to speak out about the probability of leaving the EU. The purpose of this paper is to present benefits and challenges of Britain’s EU membership and to assess the consequences of leaving the Union both for the UK and for the EU. This study utilizes Power Transition theory to analyze British impact on European integration. With the perspective of this theory, the UK is defined as a dissatisfied partner. By applying the conflict– cooperation model of Brian Efird, Jacek Kugler and Gaspare Genna, the effect of the UK’s dissatisfaction is empirically portrayed. The empirical findings of the conflict– integration model clearly show that Britain’s dissatisfaction has a negative impact on European integration and jeopardizes the future of the Union. Power Transitions analysis indicates that the UK would become an insignificant actor in the international system and lose the opportunity for the Union’s leadership if it leaves the EU. On the other hand, although Britain’s departure would be a significant loss in terms of capability, economic coherence is more important for the EU. Without enough commitment for the Union, increasing the level of integration with the UK would raise the probability of conflict with the integration process in the future.
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Corbett, Johannes Kruger. "The EU-SA free trade agreement : implications for selected agricultural products." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51976.

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Thesis (MBA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2000.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As the Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) creates competitive challenges and opportunities, labour and capital will seek the highest returns, dri ving out less efficient performances while bolstering more efficient enterprises and industries. This dynamic process of adjustments will continue throughout the implementation of this agreement. The South African government sees the agreement with the European Union as a step towards restructuring the country's economy and making it part of the rapidly changing world economy. This policy view of the South African government will result in those sectors of the economy that are not internationally competitive, receiving no support from government. Consequently these sectors will decrease in time. Of the three agricultural profiles studied, fresh fruit (deciduous fruit) will benefit the most from the TDCA. The most obvious effect the agreement will have on the sector is the saving on customs duties payable on exports to the EU. An estimate on 1997 trade figures revealed that in the short term the deciduous fruit industry will save approximately RI00 million. Over the implementation period of 10 years, the industry will save about Rl billion. After that, savings amounting to approximately R125 million per annum should be possible. The canned fruit sector is an export-driven industry that exports about 90 per cent of its products, 50 per cent of which is exported to the EU. The export tariffs to the EU are very high. As non-EU member, South Africa is the biggest provider of canned fruit to the EU. Some analyses revealed that the total savings in tariffs for the first year of implementation will be R25 million. The industry stands to save approximately R100 million over the implementation period. At the EU's request, South Africa agreed to negotiate a separate Wine and Spirits Agreement. The EU believes that South Africa's continued use of certain "geographical indications" or terms is in breach of Article 23 of the Trade-related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs) agreement. The quotas granted by the EU on wine and sparkling wine cover 79 per cent of South African exports to the EU. South Africa granted the EU a 0.26 million litre quota for sparkling wine and a 1 million-litre quota for bottled wine. SA will phase out the use of the terms "port", "sherry", "grappa", ouzo", "korn" , "jagertee" and "pacharan" over agreed time periods. The issue will be taken to the WTO for a ruling in this regard. The EU has agreed to grant SA a duty-free tariff quota for wine but has suspended the tariff quota until the Wine and Spirits agreement has been signed. The EU will also provide financial assistance of 15 million ECU to help restructure the SA wine and spirits sector. The South African agricultural industry should take note of the constantly changing international marketing environment. The Free Trade Agreement (FTA) signed with the European Union opens up new markets and enhances existing ones that must be exploited. It is imperative that every role player should evaluate the level of competitiveness of his or her enterprise. Thus the message is very clear: Agricultural production with an international trading view is the only sustainable road to follow.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Soos die Handel, Ontwikkelings en Samewerkingsooreenkoms kompeterende geleenthede en uitdagings skep, sal arbeid en kapitaal verskuif na die hoogste opbrengste beskikbaar. In hierdie proses sal daar wegbeweeg word van onvoldoende prestasies en sal effektiewe ondememings en industriee floreer. Hierdie dinarniese proses van herstruktuering sal voortduur regdeur die implementeringsperiode van hierdie handelsooreenkoms. Die Suid Afrikaanse regering beskou die ooreenkoms met die Europese Unie as 'n belangrike stap in die proses om die land se ekonomie te herstrukltureer en so deel te maak van die vinnig veranderende wereld ekonomie. Hierdie regerings beleid sal daartoe lei dat sektore wat nie intemasionaal mededingend is nie, geen ondersteuning vanaf die regering sal ontvang nie. Met tyd sal hierdie sektore verdwyn. Van die drie landbousektore wat bestudeer is, sal vars vrugte (sagte vrugte) die meeste voordeel trek uit die ooreenkoms. Die besparing van aksynsbelasting op die uitvoere na die Europese Unie is die mees kenmerkendste voordeel vir die sektor. 'n Beraming gebaseer op 1997 handels syfers toon 'n jaarlikse besparing van plus minus R100 miljoen. Deur die hele implementeringsperiode, sal die besparing plus minus Rl biljoen beloop. Na afloop van die implementeringsperiode, sal jaarlikse besparing van plus minus R125 miljoen moontlik wees. Die inmaak vrugte sektor is 'n uitvoer gedrewe industrie wat gemiddeld 90 persent van hul prod uk uitvoer. Van hierdie uitvoere is 50 persent bestem vir die Europese Unie. Die uitvoertariewe na die Europese Unie is baie hoog. As nie-lidland, is Suid Afrika die grootste verskaffer van geblikte vrugte aan die Europese Unie. Beramings voorsien dat die sektor 'n totale besparing vir die eerste jaar van implemetering van plus minus R25 miljoen kan beloop. Die industrie kan soveel as R100 rniljoen oor die implementeringsperiode bespaar. Op die Europese Unie se versoek, het Suid Afrika ingestem om 'n afsonderlike Wyn en Spiritualie ooreenkoms te onderhandel. Die Europese Unie beweer dat Suid Afrika se gebruik van sekere "geografiese aanduidings" of terme, In verbreking is van Artikel 23 van die Handelsverwante Aspekte van die Intellektuele Eiendomsregte Ooreenkoms. Wyn en vonkelwyn kwotas wat deur die Europese Unie aan Suid Afrika toegestaan is, beloop 79 persent van die uitvoere na die Europese Unie. Suid Afrika het die Europese Unie In kwota van 0.26 miljoen liter vir vonkelwyn en 1 miljoen kwota vir gebottelde wyn toegestaan. Voorts sal Suid Afrika die terme "port", "sherry", "grappa", "ouzo", "kom" , "jagertee" and "pacharan" met die ooreengekome peri odes uitfaseer. Die aspek sal egter na die WHO geneem word vir In finale beslissing. Die Europese Unie het ooreengekom om aan Suid Afrika In tarief vrye kwota vir wyn toe te staan, maar het dit opgehef tot tyd en wyl die Wyn en Spiritualie ooreenkoms onderteken is. Die Europese Unie sal ook finansiele ondersteuning van 15 miljoen ECU skenk om die Suid Afrikaanse Wyn en Spiritualiee industrie te help hestruktureer. Suid Afrikaanse Landbou sal notisie moet neem van die konstante verandering in die intemasionale bemarkingsomgewing. Die Vrye Handelsooreenkoms wat geteken is met die Europese Unie, open nuwe markte en sal bestaande markte bevorder. Hierdie geleenthede moet benut word. Dit is baie belangrik dat elke rolspeler sy vlak van kompeterende vermoe moet evalueer, om so sy eie siening oor die ooreenkoms te kan uitspreek. Hieruit is die boodskap dus baie duidelik: Landbou produksie met In intemasionale handels uitkyk, is die enigste volhoubare pad om te volg.
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Papastathopoulos, Stavros. "Expanding the European Union's Petersberg tasks : requirements and capabilities /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FPapastathopoulos.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision-Making and Planning)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): David S. Yost. Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-64). Also available online.
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WOLF, Katharina. "Europe's military responses to humanitarian crises." Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/53504.

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Defence date: 13 April 2018
Examining Board: Prof Ulrich Krotz, EUI (Supervisor); Dr. Antonio Missiroli, NATO; Prof James Sperling, University of Akron; Prof Jennifer Welsh, EUI
Why do European Union (EU) member states sometimes respond collectively to prevent or address large-scale humanitarian crises while, at other moments, they use different institutional channels? More than once, EU states have pondered, hesitated, disagreed and let others interfere when widespread and systematic killing of civilians were looming. Instead of using the EU’s military crisis management capacities, member states have acted through different institutional channels such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), ad-hoc coalitions of states or single state-led operations to interfere in humanitarian crises. At times, they have decided not to intervene at all. Why does Europeans’ involvement in humanitarian intervention vary so strikingly? To examine this striking variation in European states’ responses to large-scale humanitarian crises, the thesis draws on in-depth case study evidence from the conflict in Libya during 2011, the post-electoral crisis in Côte d’Ivoire during 2010/2011, the sectarian war in the Central African Republic during 2013 and 2014 and the fight against Boko Haram in Nigeria and the Lake Chad region. The cases capture the entire range of variation on the dependent variable covering EU operations, NATO operations, ad-hoc operations, and non-intervention. The thesis develops a three-step model to explain why, when, and how European states use military force for humanitarian purposes. The model is situated at the intersection of domestic preferences and the international opportunities and constraints under which European states seek to realize their foreign policy goals. The findings show that, in combination, these factors condition European states’ readiness to intervene. Hence, a preference for non-intervention is easier to maintain if others are willing to intervene, but more difficult to pursue if the resort to force is urgent and the non-European actors are unable or unwilling to offer an appropriate response. At the regional European level, states’ power resources and preferences influence the institutional channel through which European states ultimately decide to intervene militarily. The findings show that the deployment of EU and NATO operations is likely when member states’ preferences are at least weakly congruent and backed by the interests and preferences of the organizations’ most powerful states. Diverging preferences among member states severely hinder common military operations and compel states to resort to ad-hoc arrangements. The dissertation concludes that European states’ preferences, the political contexts in which they operate and their ability to pursue their goals at the international and the regional level considerably influence why, when, and in which format European states intervene in humanitarian crises.
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KUROWSKA, Xymena. "The Politics of a Policy: Framing European security and defence policy." Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10449.

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First made available online 4 June 2015.
Defence date: 25 February 2008
Examining Board: Professor Friedrich Kratochwil, European University Institute (Supervisor) Professor Ole Wæver, University of Copenhagen (External Supervisor) Professor Michael Merlingen, Central European University Professor Pascal Vennesson, European University Institute
This thesis enquires into the making of European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) from the perspective of the actors endorsing and contesting the policy. By identifying the political milieu of the policy, it seeks to problematise the established depiction of ESDP and delineate the framing involved in designing and implementing the policy. I thus advance the argument about the all-pervading character of the political and I stipulate the value of micropolitical analysis for unpacking broad political arrangements. In order to trace security practices enacted through the policy, I explore in depth two instances of ESDP operations and a case of strengthening the UNIFIL forces to Lebanon via an EU initiative. I conclude that the ESDP has proven transformative both within the EU internal system of governance and vis-à-vis the EU’s international positioning. The former involves the rise of domestic politics engendered by the interplay of institutional identities and conceptions of achieving EU security. The latter exposes the shift in the international role assignments wherein the EU becomes a deputy of the US and a saviour of the UN’s reputation.
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LAVENEX, Sandra. "The Europeanisation of refugee policies : between human rights and internal security." Doctoral thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5314.

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Defence date: 11 October 1999
Examining board: Prof. Didier Bigo (IEP, Paris) ; Prof. Klaus Eder (Humboldt University, Berlin - Co-supervisor) ; Prof. Adrienne Héritier (EUI-Florence - Supervisor) ; Prof. Thomas Risse (EUI, Florence)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
From the beginnings of intergovernmental co-operation in the 1980s to the Amsterdam Treaty and the Charter of Fundamental Rights, the developing EU refugee policies have oscillated between the conflicting policy frames of internal security on the one hand and human rights on the other. Taking a multilevel perspective on the process of Europeanisation, this work highlights the entanglement between domestic as In m reforms in Germany and France and European co-operation and investigates the scope for a common refugee policy in the EU. Enlightening and innovative, this much-needed analysis of the Europeanisat ion of asylum policies is essential reading for scholars of European integration. asylum and refugee policy, and all those interested in the prospect of political unification in Europe.
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BREUER, Fabian. "Die Konstruktion, die Institutionalisierung und das Entscheidungssystem der ESVP." Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6587.

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Defence date: 8 December 2006
Examining Board: Prof. Gunther Hellmann (Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität Frankfurt a.M.) ; Prof. Jens Otmar Höll (Österreichisches Institut für Internationale Politik, Wien) ; Prof. Alexander H. Trechsel (EUI, Florenz) ; Prof. Firedrich Kratochwil (EUI, Florenz, Supervisor)
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JACHTENFUCHS, Markus. "International policy-making as a learning process : The European Community and the greenhouse effect." Doctoral thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5157.

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Defence date: 17 January 1994
Examining board: Prof. Beate Kohler-Koch (University of Mannheim, supervisor) ; Prof. Klaus Eder (European University Institute, co-supervisor) ; Prof. Giandomenico Majone (European University Institute) ; PD Dr. Wolfgang Wessels (Institut für Europäische Politik, Bonn) ; Dr. Ole Waever (Centre for Peace and Conflict Research, Copenhagen)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Books on the topic "Security, International – Government policy – European Union countries"

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The Routledge handbook of European security. New York: Routledge, 2012.

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1964-, Givens Terri E., Freeman Gary P, and Leal David L, eds. Immigration policy and security: U.S., European, and Commonwealth perspectives. New York, NY: Routledge, 2008.

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1947-, Cameron Fraser, ed. The future of Europe: Integration and enlargement. London: Routledge, 2004.

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Europe's foreign and security policy: The institutionalization of cooperation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004.

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The evolution of EU counter-terrorism: European security policy after 9/11. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2013.

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The EU and multilateral security governance. New York: Routledge, 2012.

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America, the EU and strategic culture: Renegotiating the transatlantic bargain. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2008.

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Toje, Asle. America, the EU and strategic culture: Renegotiating the transatlantic bargain. London: Routledge, 2008.

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Managing crises, making peace: Towards a strategic EU vision for security and defense. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

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European Union security dynamics in the new national interest. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

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Book chapters on the topic "Security, International – Government policy – European Union countries"

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Mahmutaj, Noela. "Russian Government Policy in the Western Balkans." In Securitization and Democracy in Eurasia, 125–35. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16659-4_8.

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AbstractThis article aims to explain the nature of Russian foreign policy towards the Western Balkan states, taking into account the role of other actors such as the European Union, an increasingly important player in this radically changed geopolitical context. Since the fall of the communist regime, the Western Balkans have faced major challenges and have been at the forefront of debates on critical issues such as transatlantic relations (with regard to NATO and EU enlargement, as well as EU defence policy and security). In recent times, the Balkan region has come under the influence of the Great Powers. Therefore, as a Great Power, Russia is building a foothold in the Balkans, a move criticized and not welcomed by other countries or actors. Furthermore, Moscow is unique in terms of its range of capabilities, including its “hard” and “soft power.” This article aims to understand and analyse Russia’s policy and strategy in the Western Balkans.
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Nitszke, Agnieszka. "The European Union versus Russian Disinformation." In Information Security Policy: Conditions, Threats and Implementation in the International Environment, 35–51. Ksiegarnia Akademicka Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/9788381388276.02.

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The war in Ukraine has made public opinion and policy makers aware of the Russian Federation as a major threat to international security, but also to the internal security of the European Union. The military threat is only one of the instruments used by this state. For years, a different type of Russian activity in the EU has been observed, consisting in creating an alternative picture of the situation in Ukraine, and interfering in political processes in selected countries. All these activities are aimed at undermining the cohesion and solidarity of the EU, which, from Moscow’s perspective, is a threat to its political interests as a result of the Union’s promotion of democratic values and principles and human rights in the international environment. The article presents selected disinformation campaigns carried out by Russia in the EU and then analyses the actions the Union has taken in response. Conclusions and recommendations were formulated in the end.
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Smith, Michael E. "8. Implementation." In International Relations and the European Union. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737322.003.0008.

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This chapter examines the policy instruments used by the European Union to translate its common interests into collective action in the international arena. It first considers the problem of implementation in EU foreign policy before discussing the EU's own resources in external relations/third countries as well as the role of member states' resources in EU's external relations. It then explores the instruments of EU foreign policy, which can be grouped into diplomatic, economic, and military/civilian capabilities. It also analyses the credibility and capability gaps in the EU's policy implementation, noting that there exists a key divide between the ‘low politics’ of economic affairs and the ‘high politics’ of security/defence affairs. The chapter suggests that the EU's unique capacity for policy implementation in the area of international relations can be very erratic.
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Egeberg, Morten. "9. The European Commission." In European Union Politics. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198708933.003.0009.

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This chapter focuses on the European Commission, arguing that it is more productive to compare it to national executives or to a government than to a secretariat of a traditional international organization. It first provides an overview of the Commission's functions within the European Union's policy-making process, including agenda-setting, policy implementation, programme management, and external relations, and notes that the Commission plays a more limited role in foreign, security, and defence policy. The chapter proceeds by discussing the question of Commission influence and autonomy, along with the structure, demography, and decision behaviour within the Commission. It also describes committees and administrative networks that link the Commission to national administrations and interest groups, as well as the recent growth of EU agencies.
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Mikos-Sitek, Agnieszka. "Common Foreign, Security, and Defense Policies." In The Policies of the European Union from a Central European Perspective, 197–215. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.aojb.poeucep_10.

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This chapter examines the issue of the common foreign and security policy, as well as its integral part of the common security and defense policy, discussed from the perspective of the EU Member States, including, in particular, the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. To create a substantive basis for the assessment of the position of EU Member States in the CSFP implementation process, the basic issues related to the provi- sions of the treaties in this area are discussed at the beginning. An important element of the chapter is also the characterization and identification of the separateness of the regulations in force in the field of CFSP. Attention is also paid to institutional solutions, which are important in this case, as well as legal instruments for the implementation of CFSP. In addition to general guidelines, decisions, and the issues of strengthening systematic cooperation, attention is also drawn to the importance of international agreements concluded by the EU in the area of CFSP. An important element of the analysis of the rights and obligations of EU Member States is also the decision-making procedure considering the unanimity principle, as well as the so-called solidarity clauses. The discussion of the role and position of the EU Member State in the CFSP area is summarized with a reference to issues that specifically concern the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Attention is drawn to the spectrum of problems that arise in the practice of CFSP implementation, related primarily to significant differences in defining state security guarantees and the underlying factors.
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Arteaga, Félix. "Spain." In The Nations of NATO, 187–207. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192855534.003.0009.

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Abstract The chapter examines Spain’s policy vis-à-vis the Atlantic Alliance. It first examines how the Spanish membership in NATO helped to normalize the country’s role on the international scene after its democratic transition. Regardless of their political orientation, Spanish governments have maintained NATO and the European Union on an equal footing in their security policies. Spain supports the development of a European strategic autonomy that is compatible with NATO while it opts for the Alliance for collective defence. The chapter also looks at how Spain comes as a reliable partner despite its differentiated strategic culture and a limited defence budget. Its armed forces regularly contribute to allied operations and provide significant power projection capabilities. In terms of NATO’s priorities, Spain shares the allies’ concern about the situation in Eastern Europe and contributes to the allied deterrence and defence posture against Russia. However, Spain’s perceived threats to its own security remain at NATO’s Southern periphery due to its geographic location close to the Mediterranean, the Sahel, the Horn of Africa, and the Gulf of Guinea. Against this backdrop, the chapter assesses how the new Strategic Concept (to be adopted at the Alliance Summit in Madrid in June 2022) is approached as an opportunity for Spain to better commit NATO to its Southern flank but also to resist more assertive positions vis-à-vis Russia and China, given Spain’s preference for political dialogue.
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Can, Hamit, and Daniela Minkovska. "The Energy Policy of Bulgaria." In CSR and Socially Responsible Investing Strategies in Transitioning and Emerging Economies, 120–36. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-2193-9.ch007.

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Energy is considered the main input for economic and industrial development. In this context, it is important that countries develop sustainable energy policies in order to meet economic growth and energy demand. Government policies play a critical role in economic growth and incentives for innovation. This chapter summarizes Bulgaria's energy policies as an increasingly important energy transit country due to its strategic location. These policies were presented in line with the European Union energy policies and the solutions of the characteristics of the country. Some of the targets to be implemented are as follows: ensuring energy supply security, achieving RES share targets, energy efficiency improvements, development of a competitive energy market, safe energy needs and protection of consumers, establishment of the necessary infrastructure and diversification of energy resources, strengthening the external relations and solidarity coordinated in the field of energy.
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Can, Hamit, and Daniela Minkovska. "The Energy Policy of Bulgaria." In Research Anthology on Clean Energy Management and Solutions, 1841–57. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-9152-9.ch081.

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Energy is considered the main input for economic and industrial development. In this context, it is important that countries develop sustainable energy policies in order to meet economic growth and energy demand. Government policies play a critical role in economic growth and incentives for innovation. This chapter summarizes Bulgaria's energy policies as an increasingly important energy transit country due to its strategic location. These policies were presented in line with the European Union energy policies and the solutions of the characteristics of the country. Some of the targets to be implemented are as follows: ensuring energy supply security, achieving RES share targets, energy efficiency improvements, development of a competitive energy market, safe energy needs and protection of consumers, establishment of the necessary infrastructure and diversification of energy resources, strengthening the external relations and solidarity coordinated in the field of energy.
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Lenaerts, Koen, Piet Van Nuffel, and Tim Corthaut. "External Action of the Union." In EU Constitutional Law, 336–74. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198851592.003.0010.

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This chapter focuses on the external competences of the European Union. In Part V of the TFEU relating to 'external action by the Union', the Lisbon Treaty has brought together most of the external competences of the Union. Besides provisions on, inter alia, the common commercial policy, development cooperation, and cooperation with third countries and humanitarian aid (Articles 206 to 214 TFEU), Part V contains a legal basis for the adoption of restrictive measures against third countries and non-State entities (Article 215 TFEU) and a solidarity clause (Article 222 TFEU). However, the TFEU does not contain the provisions relating to the common foreign and security policy (CFSP), which are found in Chapter 2 of Title V of the TEU (Articles 23 to 46 TEU). The CFSP does not consist of a list of competences, but rather formulates aims and instruments with a view to pursuing a 'foreign policy' alongside and in conjunction with other external Union action. Moreover, the European Atomic Energy Community (EAEC) has a general power to conclude international agreements within the confines of the competences conferred on it by the EAEC Treaty.
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Lenaerts, Koen, Piet Van Nuffel, and Tim Corthaut. "The Procedure for Concluding International Agreements." In EU Constitutional Law, 604–15. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198851592.003.0021.

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This chapter examines the procedure for the conclusion of international agreements. Article 218 TFEU sets out the internal procedure for negotiating and concluding 'agreements between the European Union and third countries or international organizations'. That Treaty provision does not itself confer any power on the Union to act internationally, but applies whenever the Union wishes to conclude an agreement. The Union is empowered to do so where the Treaties expressly so provide, where it is necessary in order to achieve one of the objectives of the Union, where it is provided for in a legally binding Union act, or where it is likely to affect common rules or alter their scope (Article 216 TFEU). This procedure of Article 218 TFEU applies in all fields of Union activity, including the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters. The same procedural requirements apply to amendments of agreements and to additional or implementing protocols concluded together with or on the basis of the agreement itself. In principle, the denunciation of an agreement also comes under Article 218 TFEU.
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Conference papers on the topic "Security, International – Government policy – European Union countries"

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Baigonushova, Damira, Junus Ganiev, and Mairam Baigonusheva. "Government Support of the Agricultural Sector in the EAEU Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02291.

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As it is known, in 2010, a customs union with three participants, Belarus, Russia and Kazakhstan, was formed on the territory of the former Soviet Union. In 2015, the union moved to another stage, the economic union. In 2015, Kyrgyzstan became a full member of this union and is currently trying to adapt to new economic conditions. In particular, the Agricultural Policy Department of the Eurasian Economic Commission is currently actively working on the development and implementation of common agricultural policy. Kyrgyzstan, despite the limited territory for agricultural production, is an agricultural country and has a comparative advantage in this sector. Therefore, the country should take an active role in the development of a common agricultural policy and create favorable conditions for the development of the own agrarian sector and use advantages. The purpose of this work is to analyze the developed plans and policies of the Agricultural Policy Department of the Eurasian Economic Commission, as well as conduct a comparative analysis with the common agricultural policy of the European Union, and at the end to make proposals.
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Ballı, Esra, and Gülçin Güreşçi Pehlivan. "Economic Effects of European Neighborhood Policy on Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00777.

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After the fifth enlargement of European Union in 2004 and with the expansion of European Unions borders and new neighbors, it became one of the important policies to provide security, stability and prosperity, and develop relationship between neighborhood countries. Although, enlargement process provide some opportunities to the member states of European Union, it brings about some difficulties. The differences at the life standards, environment, public health, prevention and combating organized crime between European Union and neighbor countries caused to create new policies. European Neighborhood Policy was launched in 2004, and consists of 16 countries, namely: Israel, Jordan, Moldova, Morocco, The Palestinian Authority, Tunisia, Ukraine, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Egypt, Georgia, Lebanon, Algeria, Syria, Libya and Belarus. European Union and the partner country sign the Partnership and Cooperation Agreements or Association Agreements, and then the Agreement Action Plans are mutually adapted. Action Plans include privileged relationship, mutual commitment to common values, democracy and human rights, legal and market economy principles, good governance, sustainable development, energy and transportation policies. Within the framework of European Neighborhood Policy, the main aim is to arrange the relationship between the neighbors of European Union. In this study, economic effects of the European Neighborhood Policy will be examined for the relevant countries.
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Narin, Müslüme, and Younes Gholizadeh. "Comparing the European Union and Turkey's Renewable Energy Policies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c10.02155.

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European Union countries (EU), because they have to import a large portion of the consumed energy, on the one hand are trying to develop effective energy consumption, and on the other hand to increase their share of renewable energy sources in total energy consumption. In this context, the European Commission, published "2017 Progress Report" about renewable energy sources in the framework of EU 2020 Renewable Energy Targets". In this report, it is indicated that the share of renewable energy sources in final energy consumption has been increased to 16,4% and with regards to renewable energy sources, a vast majority of EU countries are compatible with their 2020 targets. The EU's policy towards renewable energy sources supports the "Energy Union Action Plan" in five categories: Energy security, market integration, energy efficiency, decarbonization and innovation. For instance, within the framework of energy security, the increase in EU renewable energy sources saved 16 billion Euros in fossil fuel imports in 2015. In accordance with "Clean Energy Package for Europe", emphasized the importance of providing cheap energy to the countries within EU market. Greenhouse gas emissions have declined with consuming renewable energy sources. The purpose of this study is to provide the latest developments in long-standing renewable energy policies in the EU and Turkey comparatively. In this context, first, the Turkey's renewable energy policies will be studied comparatively, thereafter, the effectiveness of these policies in the EU and Turkey will be investigated.
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Kot-Niewiadomska, Alicja, Krzysztof Galos, and Katarzyna Guzik. "SAFEGUARDING OF MINERAL DEPOSITS AS THE BASIS OF EUROPEAN UNION RAW MATERIALS SECURITY IN THE ERA OF UNSTABLE GEOPOLITICAL CONDITIONS." In 22nd SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference 2022. STEF92 Technology, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2022/1.1/s03.046.

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The economic results of many dynamically developing European countries largely depend on the availability of mineral raw materials. For this reason, securing their supplies from import must be supported by a committed foreign policy as well as a sustainable raw materials policy in the field of their obtaining from domestic sources, both from mineral deposits, as well as secondary and waste sources. Raw material security must be based on the diversification of supply sources and minimizing supply risks. The results of analyses show that the European Union relies heavily on imported raw materials, especially in industries recognized as strategic (renewable Energy - wind & PV; grids, Li-ion batteries (LIB), electric vehicles (EVs), Robotics and defense). Moreover, most of the import sources are countries with high or very high risk of supply. Recently, these risks are higher due to unstable political situation in Eastern Europe. Taking into account above, the European Union should consider the possibility of further development of its own mining industry, based on its own resources. The raw material potential of European countries is significant, but recently problems related to the possibility of launching new mining projects have been increasing. Social, environmental and spatial conditions play a decisive role. In this context, particular attention should be paid to the properly implemented policy of mineral deposits safeguarding which provides access to primary sources of raw materials (deposits), thus reducing dependence from unstable import sources.
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Diril, Funda. "Comparison of Fiscal Reforms in Some South and East European Transition Economies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01014.

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The aim of this paper is to compare fiscal reforms of some of the transition economies in Balkans including The Republic of Macedonia. Since 1990’s former planned economies, which are in the process of economic transformation into market economy have carried out several reforms. During this economic transformation process both the effects and the results of these reforms vary according to the difference between the needs of structural change in each country. In this study, some of the selected transition economies in Balkans are analyzed: Some of the recent members of European Community in Balkans and The Republic of Macedonia are examined in comparison. Analysis of fiscal reforms of these transition economies are evaluated in several headings in reference to the macroeconomic statistics created by international organizations such as OECD, EC and IMF and policy suggestions are proposed accordingly. The government deficit, government debts and tax policy are the significant part of these reforms. Several strategies are implemented in developing support systems for competitive environment and private ownership. Economic shrinkage, current account deficit, low foreign capital and government deficit indicate economic weakness in these countries. The Czech Republic, Bulgaria, The Republic of Macedonia, Romania and Hungary face fiscal problems such as economic shrinkage, debt service and government deficit during the transition process. As being the candidate country for European Union accession; The Republic of Macedonia is approaching to the Maastricht Criteria and has better outcomes in public debt compared to the other countries given above.
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Lina, Al Eassa. "FOSTERING RESILIENCE IN THE AFTERMATH OF THE 2015 EUROPEAN NEIGHBORHOOD POLICY REVIEW׃ EVIDENCE FROM JORDAN." In NORDSCI International Conference. SAIMA Consult Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2020/b2/v3/13.

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Resilience has become a priority for the EU in its 2015 European Neighborhood Policy review (ENP), It refers to building state and societal resilience of the Union as a whole, its members and the EU׳s neighbors including Jordan, a strategic southern partner of the EU. In this regard, the EU Building resilience in Jordan in response for crises as the Syrian refugee crisis seems workable but the EU needs to foster it. Thus, this paper’s question is How can the EU foster resilience after it has become a priority in its 2015 (ENP) review in case of Jordan? While many scholars like David Chandler argues that the EU could foster resilience in its neighboring countries by making it a local self-governing project and not an external imposed project where the EU has the mission of monitoring and assessment, in this paper, based on document analysis from official websites for the EU and Jordan including their official bilateral and multilateral agreements and textual analysis of the current literature on building resilience I argue that fostering resilience requires both presenting resilience as a self-governing project with a greater engagement of the Jordanian government, local community and its civil society, at the same time , it needs a better mechanism for the EU in monitoring and assessment, and more importantly helping Jordan to establish the best institutional design that could foster state and societal resilience in Jordan.
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Ozolina, Velga, and Astra Auzina-Emsina. "Macroeconometric Input-Output Model For Transport Sector Analysis." In 35th ECMS International Conference on Modelling and Simulation. ECMS, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7148/2021-0082.

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Effective government transport policy can be based only on realistic data, sophisticated and detailed transport sector analysis, and productive modelling. The aim of the paper is to demonstrate the main elements used to develop a relatively small macro-economic input-output model with the emphasis on transport for one European Union (EU) country. Transport sector faces similar problems in various countries linked with emissions, transport flows, road accidents and other issues hence appropriate modelling tool should be selected. The model presented in this article consists of econometric and input-output relations. The research analyses and examines three scenarios and stresses the importance of the transport investment not only for development of the transport sector, but also for the economic development in general. The scenarios imply zero, 9 million and 6.7 million additional investment in transport sector eligible to the EU funding. As the result of additional investment, GDP recovers faster leading to 0.3-1.7%points faster growth rates as compared to the base scenario with no additional investment leading to faster cohesion with the average EU level, as well as higher number and turnover of passengers in the public and commercial transport, while the number of passenger cars is lower. The model can also be applied to study regional development, if it is possible to distinguish, which regions will benefit from the investment, as well as influence on fuel consumption and CO2 emissions, if the investments are targeted to specific means of transport.
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Reports on the topic "Security, International – Government policy – European Union countries"

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Jones, Emily, Beatriz Kira, Anna Sands, and Danilo B. Garrido Alves. The UK and Digital Trade: Which way forward? Blavatnik School of Government, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-wp-2021/038.

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The internet and digital technologies are upending global trade. Industries and supply chains are being transformed, and the movement of data across borders is now central to the operation of the global economy. Provisions in trade agreements address many aspects of the digital economy – from cross-border data flows, to the protection of citizens’ personal data, and the regulation of the internet and new technologies like artificial intelligence and algorithmic decision-making. The UK government has identified digital trade as a priority in its Global Britain strategy and one of the main sources of economic growth to recover from the pandemic. It wants the UK to play a leading role in setting the international standards and regulations that govern the global digital economy. The regulation of digital trade is a fast-evolving and contentious issue, and the US, European Union (EU), and China have adopted different approaches. Now that the UK has left the EU, it will need to navigate across multiple and often conflicting digital realms. The UK needs to decide which policy objectives it will prioritise, how to regulate the digital economy domestically, and how best to achieve its priorities when negotiating international trade agreements. There is an urgent need to develop a robust, evidence-based approach to the UK’s digital trade strategy that takes into account the perspectives of businesses, workers, and citizens, as well as the approaches of other countries in the global economy. This working paper aims to inform UK policy debates by assessing the state of play in digital trade globally. The authors present a detailed analysis of five policy areas that are central to discussions on digital trade for the UK: cross-border data flows and privacy; internet access and content regulation; intellectual property and innovation; e-commerce (including trade facilitation and consumer protection); and taxation (customs duties on e-commerce and digital services taxes). In each of these areas the authors compare and contrast the approaches taken by the US, EU and China, discuss the public policy implications, and examine the choices facing the UK.
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