Journal articles: 'Security, International – Canada'

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Jones, David T. "US-Canada Security." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 66, no. 2 (June 2011): 451–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070201106600212.

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CASIS. "Why is Canada Involved in Mali?" Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 2, no. 2 (November 21, 2019): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v2i2.1064.

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On June 20th 2019, the Canadian Association for Security and Intelligence Studies (CASIS) Vancouver hosted Dr. Edward Akuffo at its roundtable meeting titled “Why is Canada involved in Mali?” Dr. Akuffo is an Assistant Professor of International Relations in the Department of Political Science at the University of the Fraser Valley. He holds a PhD in International Relations from the University of Alberta, MA in International Relations from Brock University, and BA Political Science from the University of Ghana, Legon. His research is focused on Canada’s security and development policy in Africa, interregional security cooperation, human security and humanitarian law in Africa, and BRIC-Canada relations. His work has been in Global Change, Peace & Security, and African Security Review. He is also the author of the recent book, Canadian Foreign Policy in Africa: Regional Approaches to Peace, Security, and Development (Ashgate). Dr. Akuffo was a fellow of the Canadian Consortium on Human Security (CCHS).

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Smith, Gaddis, and John W. Holmes. "No Other Way: Canada and International Security Institutions." Foreign Affairs 66, no. 1 (1987): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043326.

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Greaves, Wilfrid. "Climate change and security in Canada." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 76, no. 2 (June 2021): 183–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00207020211019325.

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This article examines the implications of human-caused climate change for security in Canada. The first section outlines the current state of climate change, the second discusses climate change impacts on human security in Canada, and the third outlines four other areas of Canada’s national interests threatened by climate change: economic threats; Arctic threats; humanitarian crises at home and abroad; and the threat of domestic conflict. In the conclusion, I argue that climate change has clearly not been successfully “securitized” in Canada, despite the material threats it poses to human and national security, and outline directions for future research.

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Volodin, D. "Canada in New European Security System." World Economy and International Relations, no. 5 (2010): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-5-72-82.

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The article is dedicated to Canada–Europe relations in the security and defence sphere in 2000s. The main attention is paid to Canada’s reaction to the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), and the significance of this new European initiative for the overall complex of Canada’s transatlantic ties. NATO and its role in Canada's defence policy are also covered in this study.

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Ross, Douglas Alan. "Canada and the Future of European Security." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 50, no. 4 (December 1995): 721–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209505000404.

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Sokolsky, Joel J. "Northern Exposure?: American Homeland Security and Canada." International Journal 60, no. 1 (2004): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40204018.

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Axworthy, Lloyd. "Canada and Human Security: The Need for Leadership." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 52, no. 2 (June 1997): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209705200201.

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Cox, David. "Canada and the United Nations: Pursuing common security." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 2, no. 1 (January 1994): 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.1994.9673022.

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Haglund, David G. "Does Canada have “security interests” in Latin America?" Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 2, no. 2 (January 1994): 89–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.1994.9673035.

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Axworthy, Lloyd. "Canada and Human Security: The Need for Leadership." International Journal 52, no. 2 (1997): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203196.

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Nossal, Kim Richard. "Review: Canada: Human Security and the New Diplomacy." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 56, no. 4 (December 2001): 709–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070200105600418.

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Welch, David A. "It’s time to think boldly about Canada–Japan security cooperation." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 74, no. 3 (September 2019): 445–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702019875835.

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Policy-makers, scholars, and commentators regularly remark upon the unrealized potential of Canada–Japan cooperation, but neither country has taken decisive steps to address it. This reticence is especially noticeable in the security realm. As friendly, like-minded countries with common values, a common vision of international order, and strongly shared security interests in an increasingly tumultuous world, Canada and Japan would be expected to strengthen security ties in meaningful ways. Recent (relatively minor) steps in this direction are welcome. But the time is ripe for the two countries to cement their security partnership through a series of bolder measures ultimately leading to formal alliance.

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Goncharenko, Anatoliy. "The European Union in international relations of Canada at the end of XX – beginning of XXI century." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 90–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.90-95.

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Canada and the EU had a common vision of the fundamentals of the international relations system in the late XX – early XXI century and the need to respect the principles of international law. Canada in this matter has always acted together with other international actors on a coalition basis, accumulating defense potential. The EU has seen in Canadians close partners who share its values and have similar approaches to resolving conflict, so there are prospects for development of bilateral cooperation in the international arena. This was possible also due to the emergence of the Common foreign and defense policy of the EU and the implementation of important steps towards the development of European security policy and defense (ESDP). Therefore, at least a hypothetical European defense identity allows Canada to establish international cooperation with the EU in the defense sphere. Ottawa sought to demonstrate that Europe remains important to Canadian and international security interests, so he ESDP must not lead to the destruction of traditionally close relations between Canada and the European partners. Constitutive remains also link Europe with Canada in the framework of NATO. After the Maastricht Treaty of 1992 and the terrorist attacks of 2001, the EU is particularly interested in boosting relations with Canada. Despite the unity of views and approaches to solving most of the problems of international relations in the late XX – early XXI century between Canada and the EU, a common component in bilateral relations is still far from perfect, leaving the prospects for improving the Canadian-European cooperation on the international arena. Keywords: Canada, the European Union, international relationships, foreign policy

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CASIS. "Hate Speech In Canada." Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 2, no. 2 (November 21, 2019): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v2i2.1065.

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On May 16th 2019, the Canadian Association for Security and Intelligence Studies (CASIS) Vancouver hosted Dr. Heidi Tworek at its roundtable meeting titled “Hate Speech in Canada: A New Democratic Threat Requiring Policy Incentives.” Dr. Tworek is an Assistant Professor of International History at the University of British Columbia. She is also a non-resident Fellow at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, the Canadian Global Affairs Institute, and the Joint Centre for History and Economics at Harvard University. She works on the history of news and of international organizations. Alongside academic publications, she also writes about German and transatlantic politics and media for a wide variety of venues including Foreign Affairs and Wired magazine.

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CASIS. "The Security Implications of Brexit." Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 3, no. 1 (May 30, 2020): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v3i1.2358.

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On February 20th, 2020, the Canadian Association for Security and Intelligence Studies (CASIS) Vancouver hosted its second roundtable in 2020 in partnership with the Vancouver Branch of the Canadian International Council (CIC), titled: The Security Implications of Brexit. This presentation featured British Consul General Nicole Davison as speaker, and a case study focusing on the potential implications of the “Wexit” separatist movement on the West Coast of Canada.

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Lackenbauer, Whitney, and Rob Huebert. "Premier partners: Canada, the United States and Arctic security." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 20, no. 3 (September 2, 2014): 320–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.2014.977313.

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Brunnée, Jutta, and Stephen J. Toope. "Canada and the Use of Force: Reclaiming Human Security." International Journal 59, no. 2 (2004): 247. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203925.

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Kraska, James. "The Law of the Sea Convention and the Northwest Passage." International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law 22, no. 2 (2007): 257–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180807781361467.

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AbstractConcern over the loss of sea ice has renewed discussions over the legal status of the Arctic and sub-Arctic transcontinental maritime route connecting the Atlantic and the Pacific, referred to as the "Northwest Passage." Over the last thirty years, Canada has maintained that the waters of the Passage are some combination of internal waters or territorial seas. Applying the rules of international law, as reflected in the 1982 United Nations Law of the Sea Convention, suggests that the Passage is a strait used for international navigation. Expressing concerns over maritime safety and security, recognition of northern sovereignty, and protection of the fragile Arctic environment, Canada has sought to exercise greater authority over the Passage. This article suggests that Canada can best achieve widespread global support for managing its maritime Arctic by acknowledging that the passage constitutes an international strait and then working through the International Maritime Organization to develop a comprehensive package of internationally accepted regulations.

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Fisher, Kirsten J., and Laszlo Sarkany. "Canada, the International Criminal Court, and the intersection of international politics and finances." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 74, no. 2 (June 2019): 206–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702019852700.

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In 2018, Prime Minister Trudeau made two announcements regarding the International Criminal Court, both, it seems, aimed at reinforcing Canada’s claim of human rights promotion and multilateralism: Canada declared Myanmar’s actions against the Rohingya people genocide and urged the United Nations Security Council to refer the situation to the International Criminal Court, and it joined a collective referral of the Venezuela situation to the Court. As public measures of support, these are positive developments for the International Criminal Court, which has been suffering poor public relations and challenges to its legitimacy. However, Canada could do more by better supporting the financial viability of the Court. Currently, it aims to increase the Court’s workload without supporting an increased budget, as reflected in Canada’s involvement at the December 2018 Assembly of States Parties meeting. A seemingly sure way to undermine the International Criminal Court would be to add to its workload without ensuring it has the financial resources to do the work.

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21

Armstrong, Barry. "Military-Civilian Collaboration for Disaster Medicine in Canada (Discussion Comment)." Journal of the World Association for Emergency and Disaster Medicine 1, no. 1 (1985): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00032647.

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Besides defense, a military organization can protect a country in two ways: (1) Ensure the integrity of a country despite internal disasters and disturbances; military aid can have a humanitarian role. (2) International responsibilities.The Canadian Forces participate in peacekeeping and disaster relief all over the globe. This international military job results in increased prestige for Canada and security for Canadians.

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Calder, Kenneth J. "Doing the Things that Matter: Canada and Euro-Atlantic Security." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 50, no. 4 (December 1995): 701–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209505000403.

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23

Payne, Rodger A. "Canada, the America First agenda, and the western security community." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 26, no. 2 (January 17, 2020): 120–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.2020.1712219.

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Calder, Kenneth J. "Doing the Things That Matter: Canada and Euro-Atlantic Security." International Journal 50, no. 4 (1995): 701. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203042.

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25

Stairs, Denis. "Canada and the Security Problem: Implications as the Millennium Turns." International Journal 54, no. 3 (1999): 386. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203401.

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Crosby, Andrew, and Jeffrey Monaghan. "Settler governmentality in Canada and the Algonquins of Barriere Lake." Security Dialogue 43, no. 5 (October 2012): 421–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010612457972.

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In September 2009, Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper declared to the global media that Canada had ‘no history of colonialism’. Such expressions of the post-colonial Canadian imaginary are common, despite Canada’s dubious legacy of settler colonialism. This article uses Canada’s Access to Information Act to examine how mechanisms of security are mobilized against members of the Algonquins of Barriere Lake (ABL), whose persistent calls for sovereign control of their land and customary governance system have been translated by Canadian authorities into a security threat to settler society. Contributing to the literature on postcolonialism, as well as works on critical security studies and colonial governmentality, this article suggests that distinct rationalities underline colonial activities in settler states. The authors contend that the term ‘settler governmentality’ is more appropriate for settler states such as Canada, and they present the case study of the ABL to argue that (in)security governance of indigenous groups in Canada incorporates techniques that are necessarily grounded in a logic of elimination. The authors detail how an analysis of the interventions in the traditional governance of the ABL contributes to understanding recent security trends regarding ‘Aboriginal extremism’ and indigenous ‘hot spot’ areas in Canada, which are often framed as matters of ‘national security’.

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Hudson, Graham. "Wither International Law? Security Certificates, the Supreme Court, and the Rights of Non-Citizens in Canada." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 26, no. 1 (October 9, 2010): 172–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.30619.

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In this paper, the author examines the role of international law on the development of Canada’s security certificate regime. On the one hand, international law has had a perceptible impact on judicial reasoning, contributing to judges’ increased willingness to recognize the rights of non-citizens named in certificates and to envision better ways of balancing national security and human rights. On the other hand, the judiciary’s attitudes towards international law as non-binding sources of insight akin to foreign law has reinforced disparities in levels of rights afforded by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and those afforded by international human rights. Viewed skeptically, one might argue that the judiciary’s selective result-oriented use of international law and foreign law helped it spread a veneer of legality over an otherwise unaltered and discriminatory certificate regime. Reviewing Charkaoui I and II in international context, the author suggests an alternative account. He suggests that the judiciary’s use of international law and foreign law, although highly ambiguous and ambivalent, both was principled and has progressively brought named persons’ Charter rights more closely in step with their international human rights. Although the current balance between national security and human rights is imperfect, the way in which aspects of Canada’s certificate regime have been improved suggests that international law is a valuable resource for protecting the rights of non-citizens in Canada.

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Rudner, Martin. "La Canada et le monde en développement: l'aide et le commerce dans le cadre de la nouvelle politique étrangère canadienne." Études internationales 27, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 381–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703601ar.

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In February 1995, Canada 's Liberal Government issued its first Statement on foreign policy entitled Canada in the World. This Statement viewed international assistance as but one component of an over-arching foreign policy framework geared to the Government's three primary objectives: the promotion of prosperity and employment, the protection of security within a stable global framework, and the projection internationally of Canadian values and culture. This paper argues that among the salient considerations shaping the Government's response to the global economic outlook was the emergence of significant "new players" as partners and competitors of Canada's in international trade and investment, including newly industrializing economies like South Korea, Mexico and Taiwan, and middle income high growth developing countries of Asia and Latin America.

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Elliott, Bethany, Deepthi Jayatilaka, Contessa Brown, Leslie Varley, and Kitty K. Corbett. "“We Are Not Being Heard”: Aboriginal Perspectives on Traditional Foods Access and Food Security." Journal of Environmental and Public Health 2012 (2012): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2012/130945.

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Aboriginal peoples are among the most food insecure groups in Canada, yet their perspectives and knowledge are often sidelined in mainstream food security debates. In order to create food security for all, Aboriginal perspectives must be included in food security research and discourse. This project demonstrates a process in which Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal partners engaged in a culturally appropriate and respectful collaboration, assessing the challenges and barriers to traditional foods access in the urban environment of Vancouver, BC, Canada. The findings highlight local, national, and international actions required to increase access to traditional foods as a means of achieving food security for all people. The paper underscores the interconnectedness of local and global food security issues and highlights challenges as well as solutions with potential to improve food security of both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal peoples alike.

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Spearin, Christopher. "Since you left: United Nations peace support, private military and security companies, and Canada." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 73, no. 1 (March 2018): 68–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702017740158.

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In the late 1990s when Canada was largely removing itself from United Nations peace support endeavours, private military and security companies were heralded as likely replacements. Canada has indicated its desire to reengage in a United Nations peace support milieu in which there is now a private military and security presence. It is not the type of presence initially envisioned, but it is one with multiple impacts regarding training and operations. This article emphasizes the interventions in the first decade of the twenty-first century and the corresponding, defensively minded regulations that came about in the private military and security industry. The article reveals that commercial logics are now insinuated in United Nations peace support operations and the private military and security presence therein is indicative of a larger shift in United Nations activities towards insularity and protection.

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Gill, Amandeep Singh. "Artificial Intelligence and International Security: The Long View." Ethics & International Affairs 33, no. 02 (2019): 169–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000145.

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AbstractHow will emerging autonomous and intelligent systems affect the international landscape of power and coercion two decades from now? Will the world see a new set of artificial intelligence (AI) hegemons just as it saw a handful of nuclear powers for most of the twentieth century? Will autonomous weapon systems make conflict more likely or will states find ways to control proliferation and build deterrence, as they have done (fitfully) with nuclear weapons? And importantly, will multilateral forums find ways to engage the technology holders, states as well as industry, in norm setting and other forms of controlling the competition? The answers to these questions lie not only in the scope and spread of military applications of AI technologies but also in how pervasive their civilian applications will be. Just as civil nuclear energy and peaceful uses of outer space have cut into and often shaped discussions on nuclear weapons and missiles, the burgeoning uses of AI in consumer products and services, health, education, and public infrastructure will shape views on norm setting and arms control. New mechanisms for trust and confidence-building measures might be needed not only between China and the United States—the top competitors in comprehensive national strength today—but also among a larger group of AI players, including Canada, France, Germany, India, Israel, Japan, Russia, South Korea, and the United Kingdom.

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Kruger, E. "Canada after 11 September: Security Measures and "Preferred" Immigrants." Mediterranean Quarterly 15, no. 4 (October 1, 2004): 72–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-15-4-72.

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Bouldin, Matthew. "Keeper of the peace: Canada and security transition operations." Defense & Security Analysis 19, no. 3 (September 2003): 265–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1475179032000118821.

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Greaves, Wilfrid. "Arctic (in)security and Indigenous peoples: Comparing Inuit in Canada and Sámi in Norway." Security Dialogue 47, no. 6 (September 21, 2016): 461–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010616665957.

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While international relations has increasingly begun to recognize the political salience of Indigenous peoples, the related field of security studies has not significantly incorporated Indigenous peoples either theoretically or empirically. This article helps to address this gap by comparing two Arctic Indigenous peoples – Inuit in Canada and Sámi in Norway – as ‘securitizing actors’ within their respective states. It examines how organizations representing Inuit and Sámi each articulate the meaning of security in the circumpolar Arctic region. It finds that Inuit representatives have framed environmental and social challenges as security issues, identifying a conception of Arctic security that emphasizes environmental protection, preservation of cultural identity, and maintenance of Indigenous political autonomy. While there are some similarities between the two, Sámi generally do not employ securitizing language to discuss environmental and social issues, rarely characterizing them as existential issues threatening their survival or wellbeing. Drawing on securitization theory, this article proposes three factors to explain why Inuit have sought to construct serious challenges in the Arctic as security issues while Sámi have not: ecological differences between the Canadian and Norwegian Arctic regions, and resulting differences in experience of environmental change; the relative degree of social inclusion of Inuit and Sámi within their non-Indigenous majority societies; and geography, particularly the proximity of Norway to Russia, which results in a more robust conception of national security that restricts space for alternative, non-state security discourses. This article thus links recent developments in security studies and international relations with key trends in Indigenous politics, environmental change, and the geopolitics of the Arctic region.

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Sloan, Elinor. "Communications satellites in Canadian security policy: History and prospects." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 76, no. 2 (May 18, 2021): 204–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00207020211016476.

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This article traces Canada’s early interest in space, before turning to its late 1960s decision to focus on a domestic, commercial/civilian communications satellite system in geostationary orbit and the subsequent decline in Canada’s military space efforts. It then highlights the wake-up call of the 1991 Gulf War, which demonstrated the critical importance of military communications satellites to future operations, and the steps Canada has taken to gain assured access to such satellites in the decades since. The final section outlines recent advances in low Earth orbit satellite communications (LEO satcom) and the ways in which these systems can address shortfalls in their geostationary cousins. Drawing reference to a new international security environment, it concludes that Canada should move expeditiously to incorporate LEO satcom into efforts to address the growing imperative of military satellite communications in the Canadian Arctic.

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Henderson, Stewart. "Zone of uncertainty: Canada and the security architecture in Asia pacific." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 1, no. 1 (January 1992): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.1992.9672994.

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von Riekhoff, Harald. "Canada and the United Nations Security Council, 1999–2000 – a reassessment." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 10, no. 1 (January 2002): 71–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.2002.9673308.

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LaPlante, Gabriel, Sonja Andrekovic, Robert G. Young, Jocelyn M. Kelly, Niki Bennett, Elliott J. Currie, and Robert H. Hanner. "Canadian Greenhouse Operations and Their Potential to Enhance Domestic Food Security." Agronomy 11, no. 6 (June 17, 2021): 1229. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/agronomy11061229.

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Food security is a growing societal challenge. The pressure to feed a projected global population of 9.6 billion by 2050 will continue to be limited by decreasing arable land. The recent disruptions in international trade resulting from responses to the COVID-19 pandemic have highlighted the importance of regional self-reliance in food production. While Canada is highly self-reliant in food categories such as meat and dairy, the nation relies heavily on international imports to fulfill fresh vegetable demands. In potential future scenarios where international trade faces disruptions, Canadian food security could be at risk. By providing local sources of fresh foods year-round, the greenhouse vegetable industry holds strong potential to overcome future food supply shortages and could become a critical contributor to self-sustainable food production in Canada. Many challenges, however, surround the Canadian greenhouse industry. Some challenges include the persistence and spread of infectious plant pathogens and forecasted labour shortages. Opportunities to alleviate such challenges include introducing more diverse commodity groups and integrating innovative technologies to accelerate efficiency within the industry. In this commentary, we examine the current state of the Canadian greenhouse industry, explore potential challenges, and highlight opportunities that could promote food security across the nation.

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Hannant, Larry. "Inter‐war security screening in Britain, the United States and Canada." Intelligence and National Security 6, no. 4 (October 1991): 711–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684529108432129.

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Edgar, Alistair. "Beyond Afghanistan: An International Security Agenda for Canada by James Fergusson and Francis Furtado." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 72, no. 4 (December 2017): 584–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702017740110.

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Schmidt, Rachel. "Investigating implicit biases around race and gender in Canadian counterterrorism." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 75, no. 4 (December 2020): 594–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702020976615.

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A growing body of research on terrorism and countering violent extremism (CVE) has increasingly questioned the lack of attention to—and myths around—women involved in extremist and political violence, while other research has drawn attention to racial and religious stereotypes that affect national security policies and practices worldwide. While Canada is often heralded as a global leader in multiculturalism and gender equality, the nation’s national security sector still faces significant challenges around implicit biases related to race and gender. This study asks whether gender and racial stereotypes impeding counterterrorism and CVE in other countries are also affecting policies and practices in Canada. Using twenty-six in-depth interviews with practitioners, police officers, academics, and government officials from seven major cities across Canada, this paper argues that persistent gender and racial stereotypes are indeed a key challenge impeding Canada’s efforts to adequately address radicalization into and disengagement from extremist violence.

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Nossal, Kim Richard. "Seeing things? The adornment of ‘security’ in Australia and Canada." Australian Journal of International Affairs 49, no. 1 (May 1995): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357719508445144.

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Scott, Paul F. "PASSPORTS, THE RIGHT TO TRAVEL, AND NATIONAL SECURITY IN THE COMMONWEALTH." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 69, no. 2 (April 2020): 365–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589320000093.

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AbstractThis article, on the basis of a consideration of the development of the law relating to the use of passports as a tool of national security in the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, challenges the common law conception of passports, arguing that passports effectively confer rights and so, consequentially, that the refusal or withdrawal of a passport represents a denial of rights. From this conclusion a number of points flow. Though these consequences are most acute for the United Kingdom and Canada, in which passports remain regulated by, and are issued under, prerogative powers, there are also a number of points of significance for Australia and New Zealand, where passports have a statutory basis.

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Black, Renee. "Mainstreaming Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security." Potentia: Journal of International Affairs 1 (October 1, 2009): 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/potentia.v1i1.4369.

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In October 2000, the Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 calling for women’s participation in peace processes, the promotion of women’s rights, and the protection of women from violence. Since then, however, advocates argue integration of these principles has been weakly implemented and that only a third of resolutions contain a reference to a gender perspective. This brief re-examines the need for this resolution, analyzes how and in what ways this resolution has diffused into the discourse at the Security Council, and identifies policy implications at the international level, and for Canada looking forward.

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BURLANDY, Luciene, Cecilia ROCHA, Renato Sérgio MALUF, Maria Marlene Marques ÁVILA, Daniele Mendonça FERREIRA, and Silvia Eliza Almeida PEREIRA. "International cooperation for food and nutrition security: Systematization of the participatory, contextualized, and intersectoral educational practices." Revista de Nutrição 29, no. 6 (December 2016): 929–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1678-98652016000600015.

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ABSTRACT The present study systematized the experience gained with the project Construindo capacidades em segurança alimentar e nutricional no Brasil, Canadá e Angola (2004-2010, Building food and nutrition security skills in Brazil, Canada, and Angola), whose objective was to qualify actions that promote food and nutrition security in the three countries using different educational practices. The activities were organized in the following subprojects: (a) online distance learning courses; (b) workshops to train managers, government technicians, representatives of civil society organizations, and social subjects who offered to act as a link between communities; and (c) local pilot projects. The present study reports this experience. The educational practices implemented in the municipalities of Araçuaí (MG), Juazeiro (BA), and Fortaleza (CE) were analyzed based on systematized information in the project reports and activity records (texts and photographs). The analytical reference was based on the concept of food and nutrition education, guided by the fundamentals of Popular Education and Paulo Freire; on the concept of food and nutrition security; and on the following analytical dimensions: participation, contextualization of educational practices, and intersectoriality. The results evidenced how educational practices contributed to the construction of shared concepts of food and nutrition security from an intersectoral and participatory perspective that values the peculiarities of diet in different socioeconomic and cultural contexts, and highlights daily situations and local traditions. They also expose the limits and potentialities of an experience of this magnitude, conducted from an interdisciplinarity perspective and using participatory methods.

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46

Haglund, David G. "The Nato of Its Dreams? Canada and the Co-Operative Security Alliance." International Journal 52, no. 3 (1997): 464. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203221.

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Oriola, Temitope. "Counter-terrorism and alien justice: the case of security certificates in Canada." Critical Studies on Terrorism 2, no. 2 (August 25, 2009): 257–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17539150903010764.

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Perrin, Benjamin. "Searching for Accountability: The Draft UN International Convention on the Regulation, Oversight, and Monitoring of Private Military and Security Companies." Canadian Yearbook of international Law/Annuaire canadien de droit international 47 (2010): 299–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0069005800009899.

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SummaryThe proliferation of private military and security companies has attracted significant public and scholarly attention during the last decade. This comment examines the United Nations Draft International Convention on the Regulation, Oversight and Monitoring of Private Military and Security Companies (Draft Convention). It discusses the significance of the Draft Convention and then describes the approach taken to the regulation of this controversial topic. Several problematic elements of the Draft Convention are identified including the definition of prohibited activities, State responsibility for the conduct of private military and security companies and the proposed International Criminal Court referral mechanism. Finally, specific policy recommendations are made for the government of Canada as a home state and contracting state of private military and security services, irrespective of the progress of negotiations on the Draft Convention.

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Jackson, Nicole J. "Canada, NATO, and Global Russia." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 73, no. 2 (June 2018): 317–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702018786080.

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Today Russia poses significant challenges that require sophisticated responses from both Canada and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), yet more research is needed on almost all aspects of policy development. Academic experts on NATO and Russia could contribute significantly to this process. To this end, collaboration and engagement among those experts with each other’s literature would be highly beneficial. Appropriate methodologies must be developed to answer questions about Russia’s specific intentions, test the assumptions upon which NATO and Canada’s policies are founded, and discover and respond to the root causes of Russia’s discontent. Policy options should be based on detailed knowledge of global security dynamics, as well as high-quality analysis about Russia’s rhetoric and its varied use of hard, soft, and sharp soft power in regional and global cases. A research network on these topics could help decision-makers respond to these complex developments by approaching them through “the eyes of our adversaries,” clarifying the big picture of hybrid warfare and also the micro-level details.

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Amine, Samir. "Reflections On Employment Protection Legislation: An International Comparison." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 18, no. 1 (March 20, 2015): 119–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cer-2015-0007.

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In Europe, as in the rest of industrialized countries, reforms of the labour market have generally concerned employment protection legislation (EPL). One of the main missions of this legislation is to insure security for workers, particularly in case of redundancy. The object of this article is to compare the strictness and the degree of rigidity of EPL in two different economies, namely, Canada and France. This choice is justified by the fact that the labour market policies in both countries do not have the same orientation and are based on different ideological references.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Security, International – Canada'

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