Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Security, International – Canada'
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Lostracco, Joanne T. "What force for Canada?, a theoretical and practical study of the Canadia Navy in the 1990s." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0014/MQ36496.pdf.
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McCormack, Michael P. "Use It or Lose It: Canadian Identity and the Construction of Arctic Security Policy." FIU Digital Commons, 2016. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3257.
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This dissertation investigates the specific factors that drive state action in Canadian Arctic security policy, particularly in relation to securitization of the Arctic region and historical factors that influence decision-making. The purpose of this research is to develop stronger linkages between securitization processes and actual policymaking. When studying the Arctic as a defined geographical space, we see considerable differences between Arctic states when it comes to how cultural and historical attachment to the Arctic region may serve as a selling point for the ability of national governments to justify allocation of defense resources to their respective publics. Using the Canadian case, this research illustrates the strength of identity factors when compared to day-to-day bureaucratic politics and the influence of public opinion. This dissertation does not follow the ideas of one particular theoretical paradigm, but instead utilizes eclecticism to better illustrate the depth of the various factors that may contribute to policymaking. Additionally, the effects of policymaking and securitization processes are measured through public opinion. The ultimate findings of this research support a hypothesis of linear identity factors as a major influence on Canadian Arctic security policy, but also suggest that research on securitization theory needs to better connect rhetorical v securitization processes to actual policymaking. Through this, the research not only provides value in using this case as a test for the strengths and limits of securitization theory, but also emboldens understandings of security policy as being driven by a combination of domestic policy, foreign policy, endemic historical factors, and government strategic communication practices.
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Urban, Michael Crawford. "Imagined security : collective identification, trust, and the liberal peace." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:92c67271-8953-46a8-b155-058fb5733881.
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While not uncontested, the finding that liberal democracies rarely, if ever, fight wars against each other represents one of the seminal discoveries of international relations (IR) scholarship. Nevertheless, 'democratic peace theory' (DPT) – the body of scholarship that seeks to explain the democratic peace finding – still lacks a satisfactory explanation for this phenomenon. In this thesis, I argue that a primary source of this failure has been DPT's failure to recognize the importance of collective identification and trust for the eventuation of the 'liberal peace'. Building on existing DPT scholarship, most of it Realist or Rationalist in its inspiration, but also employing insights from Constructivist and Cognitivist scholarship, I develop a new model of how specific forms of collective identification can produce specific forms of trust. On this basis, I elaborate a new explanation of the liberal peace which sees it as arising out of a network of trusting liberal security communities. I then elaborate a new research design that enables a more rigorous and replicable empirical investigation of these ideas through the analysis of three historical cases studies, namely the Canada-USA, India-Pakistan, and France-Germany relationships. The results of this analysis support the plausibility of my theoretical framework, and also illuminate four additional findings. Specifically, I find that (1) IR scholarship needs a more nuanced understanding of the interaction between agents and structures; (2) 'institutionalized collaboration' is especially important for promoting collective identification; (3) DPT scholarship needs to focus more attention on the content of the narratives around which collective identification takes place; and (4) dramatic events play an important role in collective identification by triggering what I term catharses and epiphanies. I close the thesis by reviewing the implications of my findings for IR and for policymakers and by suggesting some areas worthy of additional research.
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Grove, Alan J. "Drawing a Line in the Snow: the Geopolitical Place-making of Canadian Security Policy." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1243349150.
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Turek, Tyler John. "A Tale of Two Containments: The United States, Canada, and National Security during the Korean War, 1945--1951." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28694.
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In the first comparative study of Canadian and American foreign policy during the Korean War, this thesis argues that, while Canada and the U.S. shared some similar foreign policy goals and interpretations of the Soviet Union between 1945 and 1951, their national security policies were fundamentally distinct. In turn, these differing interpretations had a significant influence on each country's understanding of the Korean War. The United States believed that it had to uphold its international prestige by defending freedom everywhere in order to remain secure. Consequently, the Harry S. Truman administration pursued an aggressive campaign in Korea against the Soviet Union in order to safeguard its position as the leader of the free world. Conversely, Canada, which was preoccupied with its own sovereignty and content with a limited view of containment, had little interest in American objectives. Instead, Louis St. Laurent's government, influenced by past experiences with Great Power politics, sought to limit the excesses of the Truman administration in order to defend its autonomy. The consequence of this divergence forced officials in Ottawa and Washington to reconsider not only their national security strategies but also their relations with one another.
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Skaarup, H. A. "An intelligence advantage, collective security benefits gained by Canada through the sharing of military intelligence with the United States of America." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq22780.pdf.
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Kennedy, Christine 1978. "Norm entrepreneurship : Canada's tips to tipping." Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=116011.
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Although the influence of normative ideas on the behaviour of states occupy an evermore significant place in political science and international relations, important questions remain with respect to how international norms come into existence. International norm scholars have been criticized for failing to demonstrate how actors might forge and change norms. How do norm entrepreneurs influence the process of norm development? Further, under what conditions are norm entrepreneurs likely to be successful in norm diffusion? To begin answering these questions, this paper draws on constructivist insights to present a model of norm evolution highlighting the role of the norm entrepreneur and conducts an interpretive case study methodology to provide an empirical illustration. It examines the evolution of the "Responsibility to Protect" (R2P) norm with particular attention to the norm entrepreneurial role of Canadian foreign policy to highlight how norm-building processes are inextricably intertwined with agents who are engaged in fostering nonnative change.The R2P is considered to be a nonnative breakthrough in international relations and has emerged as an important instrument for upholding and promoting human security. While Canada has been praised for its leadership in promulgating the R2P, there is little empirical scholarship that links the development process of the R2P norm to Canadian foreign policy. How has Canada, with no demonstrative material capability, been able to advance the R2P on the international stage? This thesis develops an understanding of how agents can shape an international norm by acting as a "tipping agent" in the process of norm creation. It concludes by identifying the possibilities and limitations of norm entrepreneurs to influence world politics.
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Alati, Daniel. "Domestic counter-terrorism in a global context : a comparison of legal and political structures and cultures in Canada and the United Kingdom's counter-terrorism policy-making." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2a37e08e-8463-4000-9fdc-389072bc5960.
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Although both Canada and the United Kingdom had experienced terrorism prior to the attacks that occurred in the United States on September 11, 2001, Roach has argued that the events of that day ‘produced a horrible natural experiment that allows us to compare how international institutions and different countries responded’. Arguably, the most significant international response post-9/11 was the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1373, which set a 90-day deadline for states to implement measures in accordance with the Resolution. Despite the fact that both Canada and the United Kingdom already had in place extensive provisions to deal with terrorism, both countries responded swiftly and their legislative responses reflect the histories and legal, political and social cultures of each country. This thesis tests the hypothesis that national security remains a bastion of national sovereignty, despite the force of international legal instruments like UN Security Council Resolution 1373 and, as such, the evolution of counter-terrorism policies in different jurisdictions is best analyzed and understood as a product of local institutional structures and cultures. To test this hypothesis, this thesis engages in comparative analyses of legal and political structures and cultures within Canada and the United Kingdom. It analyses variations in the evolution of counter-terrorism policies in the two jurisdictions and explores the domestic reasons for them. In its analysis of security certificates and bail with recognizance/investigative hearings in Canada, and detention without trial, control orders and TPIMs in the UK, this thesis reveals how domestic structures and cultures, including the legal system, the relative stability of government, local human rights culture, and geopolitical relationships all influence how counter-terrorism measures evolve.
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Royds, Mollie. "Human security and Canadian foreign policy, Canada's international security dilemma in the new millenium." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/MQ64926.pdf.
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Eppreh-Butet, Raphaël T. Yaovi. "La gestion de l’immigration illégale aux Etats-Unis d’Amérique et au Canada : l’amnistie comme une solution au problème de la migration irrégulière." Thesis, Paris 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA030090.
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Les Etats-Unis et le Canada sont confrontés au problème de l’immigration illégale. Pour endiguer le phénomène clandestin, les deux Etats ont recours à la régularisation des sans-papiers sur leur territoire en 1973 [Programme de Rectification du Statut, au Canada] et 1986 [Immigration Reform and Control Act aux Etats-Unis d’Amérique]. Quelle est la portée de la politique de régularisation et les enjeux de l’immigration aux Etats-Unis et au Canada ?The United States of America [Immigration Reform and Control Act, 1986] and Canada [Adjustment of Status Program, 1973] resorted to amnesty in order to curb the growing complexities of illegal immigration. What was the impact of the legalization program, and the stakes relating to immigration in the United States and Canada ?
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Khazaeli, Susan. "Atomic Middle Power: Canada’s Nuclear Export and Non-Proliferation Policy." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/38298.
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This dissertation examines Canada’s nuclear export and non-proliferation policy. It demonstrates that contrary to the received wisdom on nuclear behaviour, Canada does not think ‘strategically’ in the nuclear field. I argue that while the decision-making of great powers may be straightforward in the nuclear field, non-great powers can afford to be more ambivalent and even less cautious.
The focus of the dissertation is on Canada’s nuclear export decisions from the 1950s to the late 1970s. My contention is that middle powers, like Canada, are rarely influenced by military-strategic interests, but that they, nonetheless, act according to their own particular self-interests when determining whether or not to export nuclear materials and technology.
In looking at Canada’s nuclear decision-making from its entry into the nuclear age until the late 1970s, the dissertation offers three findings. First, Canada does not make decisions that fit a military-strategic calculus. Second, Canada is often ambivalent in the nuclear field. I argue that Canada can afford to be ambivalent because constraints on its decision-making do not stem primarily from security concerns or existential threats but from beliefs as to what Canada should do and should be in global affairs. Finally, Canada’s nuclear export and non-proliferation policies have been defined primarily by its place – both real and imagined – in the world as a middle power.
The argument rests on insights draw from liberal IR theory as well as domestic politics explanations of nuclear behaviour. My contention is that Canada’s decision-making has been influenced by domestically held beliefs and perceptions of its identity – that is, where Canada ranks on the figurative power spectrum and what values it professes in relation to other actors in the international system. My research thus makes a contribution to the literature on nuclear supply and on the broader literature on nuclear behaviour, more generally.
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McManus, Patrick. "Stability and flexibility: The Rush-Bagot Agreement and the progressive modernization of Canadian-American security relations." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28366.
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This dissertation examines the historical progression of the Rush-Bagot Agreement through the fundamental change versus transitory modernization debate that has emerged in North America as a result of the reorganization of continental security and defence since 2001. The Agreement, which was signed by Britain and the United States in 1817 and subsequently embraced by Canada upon its independence, has acted as a stable measure of the security and defence relationship on the continent throughout its entire history. It has persisted through nearly two centuries of industrialization, expansionism, war, and modernization, and remains relevant in governing security and defence relations on the Great Lakes. By tracing the development of this Agreement and relations on the Lakes through previous periods of continental and international discord, this paper suggests that the changes to continental security and defence since 2001 represent little more than the refurbishing of relations to address a new threat, and thus are consistent with past defence modernizations during periods of continental vulnerability.
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Berry, Dawn Alexandrea. "The North Atlantic Triangle and the genesis and legacy of the American occupation of Greenland during the Second World War." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8dfcb09d-955e-4d43-a43d-6c7c26f5ef1d.
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On April 9, 1940, Germany invaded Denmark. Instantly, the fate and status of Greenland, a Danish colony, was thrust into limbo. During the war, Greenland’s vital mineral resources and location made it significant for the warring parties on both sides of the Atlantic. However, conflicting international corporate and political interests made any act to defend the island on the part of the Allies, or the officially neutral Americans, problematic. Within a year of the Danish occupation, the American government had signed an agreement for the defense of Greenland, extending the protection of both the Monroe Doctrine and the American military to the island. This action was an important step in the formal expansion of American influence in the Western Hemisphere that occurred during the Second World War. This thesis argues that global economic, political, and technological changes led to Greenland’s increased geopolitical significance and set the stage for a shift in the balance of power within the North Atlantic Triangle. It demonstrates how decisions relating to the security of the island came to be made and how conflicting interests within and between governments affected the genesis of the occupation. It explores how Winston Churchill’s decision to mine the North Sea led to the American occupation of Greenland and examines the ways in which the effects of Churchill’s actions raised concerns in Canada about the possibility of a British defeat, which in turn led Mackenzie King, the Canadian Prime Minister, to align his foreign policy closer to that of the United States’ President Roosevelt. This thesis also asserts that Roosevelt successfully used the potential foreign occupation of Greenland to demonstrate to the American public the dangers of foreign conflicts to the United States and to further his hemispheric security objectives both domestically and abroad. These events had a profound and lasting impact on the relationships within the North Atlantic Triangle and on political identity in Greenland, and signalled an important shift in the foreign policy of the United States toward greater American involvement in world affairs.
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Muzeau, Jean-Pierre. "Modele de l'influence d'imperfections sur la securite des structures metalliques en comportement non lineaire : comparaison de reglements internationaux." Clermont-Ferrand 2, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987CLF2E378.
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Developpement d'un modele elasto-plastique geometriquement non lineaire, permettant d'evaluer les efforts internes et les deplacements d'une structure aussi pour les grandes deformations (rotules plastiques, instabilite). Comparaison de l'influence sur un indice conventionnel de la securite de divers types d'imperfections, avec application au cas d'un poteau bi-articule susceptible de flamber et au cas d'un portique a deux etages; etude de l'homogeneite des regles europeennes, britanniques et francaises en particulier, canadiennes et americaines
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Maniatis, Dimitri. "The seizure and detention of aircraft by Canadian airports and the Convention on International Interests in Mobile Equipment : a critical analysis of non-consensual rights under the Unidroit regime." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33055.
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Canadian airport authorities benefit from the right to seize and detain aircraft where airport charges remain unpaid. By objective measures, this right constitutes a preferred non-consensual right or interest that takes priority under Canadian law over all competing rights and interests in the aircraft subject to seizure and detention, including, for example, the interests of an owner, lessor or secured creditor. In this manner, airport authorities may recover outstanding user fees from both the airlines themselves and from the aircraft owners or lessors.The Unidroit Convention attempts to harmonise the law applicable to aircraft finance transactions. As such, it targets private law rights. However, its breadth and scope touch upon the statutory rights of third parties with non-consensual interests in aircraft, including those of airport authorities to seize and detain aircraft.
The interplay between the Unidroit regime and the seizure and detention rights of Canada's airport is the focus of this academic discourse. It demonstrates that even though this right, recourse and remedy is of fundamental importance to Canada's National Airports System and its transportation infrastructure generally, the Unidroit Convention could, if implemented as drafted, effectively compromise the ability of Canadian airports to seize and detain aircraft.
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??zg????, Umut Social Sciences & International Studies Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences UNSW. "In the name of emancipation? Interrogating the politics of Canada?s human security discourse." 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40573.
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Canada has actively incorporated human security into its foreign policy framework ever since the first articulation of human security in the 1994 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Annual Report. The Canadian Government has been at the forefront of promoting the concept internationally, thereby identifying Canada as one of the leading 'humanist-activist' states. This thesis, however, takes a more skeptical approach towards the emancipatory claims of Canada's human security discourse. It argues that, despite its overarching humanistic tone, the question of who is secured through the language and operationalization of human security remains problematic. In examining Canada's human security discourse in reference to this central question, this thesis analyses the promotion and operationalization of human security within Canada and abroad. The central argument of this thesis is that with its overwhelmingly statist and liberal language, Canada's interpretation of human security is far from being a challenge to the traditional ontological claims of security as being the provider of political order. The Canadian human security agenda is driven by a traditional fear of national insecurity. It aims to secure national unity and identity in Canada, and its national and economic security abroad, by promoting the ideals of liberal democratic peace. Drawing upon the insights of critical security studies and post-structuralist approaches to international relations, this thesis reveals several meaning-producing effects of Canada's human security discourse. First, domestically, it perpetuates the truth claims of the discourse of Canadian identity by naturalizing the idea of Canadian goodness. Canada's human security discourse enhances the social control of the population by masking 'human insecurities' within Canada. Second, by framing 'failed' and 'fragile' states as a threat to Canadian security and liberal international order, the Canadian Government perpetuates the constant struggle between the zones of peace and the zones of chaos, and overcodes human security with simultaneously a statist and universalist language that aims to control as well as emancipate the 'borderlands' Third, while Canadian discourse on human security claims to encourage a bottom-up approach to security, it works ironically as an elitist policy which endorses an ideal form of governance in Canada and abroad.
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Stewin, Erika. "An Exploration of Food Security and Identity Among International Students Studying in Guelph and Windsor, Ontario, Canada." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10214/6640.
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In this thesis I explore issues of food security and food-identity relationships among international students at the University of Guelph and the University of Windsor. I argue students who attempt to maintain traditional diets are more likely to experience food insecurity than students who explore diverse foods because they are more likely to be negatively affected by food availability, food access and structural barriers. What students eat can also have implications for identity maintenance and identity creation. Thus in this thesis I also explore the relationship between food and identity by considering how identity and food-security can be closely related to preferred food availability and accessibility. I argue that students consume certain foods as a means to maintain and create identities, and as such I suggest that familiar food eaters may experience a sense of losing their identities as their food insecurity increases.
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Thompson, James. "Making North America." 2008. http://etd.nd.edu/ETD-db/theses/available/etd-08072008-135917/.
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"Human Insecurity and Anti-Trafficking Policy: Representations of Trafficked Persons in Canada." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10388/ETD-2013-05-1042.
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Anti-trafficking discourses in Canada feature prominently in policy discussions of prostitution and sex work as well as national security and border integrity, including discussions of migration, migrant smuggling, refuge, and asylum. Yet, representations of trafficked persons have gone largely unquestioned in the country and anti-trafficking policies have garnered broad acceptance without detailed consideration of how such representations affect the rights and experiences of trafficked persons. In this context, anti-trafficking discourses are relied upon to justify a variety of conflicting political agendas. By placing existing discourses of human trafficking under scrutiny, including representations of trafficked persons from the perspective of frontline workers, government officials, law enforcement, and trafficked persons themselves in Western Canada, this study examines the politicized construction of trafficking discourses and thereby identifies how some anti-trafficking measures claiming to liberate “victims of trafficking” contribute to the insecurities faced by trafficked persons. Further, by examining recent immigration policy amendments alongside anti-trafficking discourses, this study considers the role of anti-trafficking discourses in shaping contemporary boundaries of inclusion and exclusion. In particular, the study highlights the insecurity trafficked persons experience as a result of measures emphasizing criminalization and deportation as well as the effect of criminalization for temporary migrant workers, particularly migrant workers experiencing exploitation in a context of socio-economic constraint.
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Saadé, Nadine. "Le Canada et l’article 1F de la Convention relative au statut des réfugiés : une application large en réponse aux menaces à la sécurité nationale." Thèse, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/10751.
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En 1951, le droit international des réfugiés voyait le jour avec la Convention relative au statut des réfugiés. Cette convention ainsi que son Protocole stipulent la définition contemporaine de cette notion et les obligations de l'État d'accueil à l’égard des réfugiés mais y prévoit aussi une exception. En effet, les rédacteurs de la Convention de 1951, percevant que certains bourreaux tenteraient d'user de ce mécanisme pour échapper à des poursuites en trouvant refuge à l'étranger, y ont intégré une dérogation à la définition de réfugié qui a pris la forme d’une clause d'exclusion. Celle-ci permet à tout État ayant adhéré à cet instrument de refuser d'accueillir sur son territoire les individus à l'origine des plus grands crimes internationaux et nationaux.
Le Canada, en ratifiant la Convention de 1951 et son Protocole en 1969, a incorporé dans sa législation nationale cette clause d'exclusion dans l'article 98 de la Loi sur l'immigration et la protection des réfugiés. Le présent mémoire porte sur l'application de cette clause d'exclusion en droit canadien. Nous proposons une analyse de l'application de cette disposition en droit interne. L’objectif général est de montrer que les cours de justice favorisent une interprétation trop large de la clause d’exclusion, dénaturant ainsi son statut de règle d’exception. En effet, cette interprétation jurisprudentielle a pour conséquence d’attribuer un poids prépondérant à la sécurité nationale aux dépens du caractère humanitaire qui imprègne le droit d’asile depuis ses origines.International refugee law emerged in 1951 with the adoption of the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. This instrument, along with its Protocol, defined the contemporary notion of “refugee” and established the rights of these individuals as well as State obligations towards them. However, this international protection was not absolute. Suspecting that many oppressors would attempt to use this mechanism to escape prosecution by finding refuge abroad, the authors of the 1951 Convention introduced a derogation to the definition of refugee by way of the exclusion clause. As such, this article allows States to refuse to extend refugee protection to individuals responsible for the most serious international and national crimes. Canada, which ratified the 1951 Convention and its 1969 Protocol, incorporated the exclusion clause in its national legislation through article 98 of the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act. The present thesis wishes to examine the application of this exclusion clause in Canadian law. In doing so, we will analyze the understanding of this provision in domestic law. Our objective is to demonstrate that our judicial courts favor a large interpretation of this clause, thus straying from its exceptional nature. This approach results in overweighing the importance of national security against the humanitarian nature of the refugee protection system.
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Perreault, François. "Les enjeux de sécurité dans l'Arctique contemporain Le cas du Canada et de la Norvège." Thèse, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/4134.
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Ce mémoire a pour objectif d’analyser la nature et l’ampleur des enjeux de sécurité dans l’Arctique contemporain en utilisant les outils offerts par la théorie de la sécurisation de l’École de Copenhague. Cinq secteurs de sécurité – militaire, politique, identitaire, environnemental et économique – et quatre variables – la géographie, l’identité, l’histoire et la politique – sont utilisées pour examiner les perceptions de sécurité, les sécurisations et les comportements stratégiques du Canada et de la Norvège.
La 1re hypothèse avancée dans ce mémoire est la suivante : depuis 2005, au Canada et en Norvège, nous sommes en train d’assister à une sécurisation progressive des enjeux non militaires dans l’Arctique - politiques, identitaires, environnementaux et économiques - et les effets entre ces secteurs de sécurité ont d’importantes conséquences sur le secteur militaire, notamment au niveau de la multiplication de projets étatiques pour la plupart essentiellement militaires, ainsi qu’au niveau d’un déclenchement d’une sécurisation de leur intégrité territoriale ou du moins un accroissement de l’insécurité à son égard. La 2e hypothèse avancée est la suivante : les nouvelles perceptions de sécurité et les comportements stratégiques des États de la région engendrent de l’insécurité à l’intérieur des sociétés ainsi qu’une dégradation de la confiance entre les acteurs étatiques. Cela a pour effet d’augmenter la division politique dans l’Arctique et de ralentir toute construction régionale.
Nous concluons, sur la base de nos études de cas, qu’au Canada, la souveraineté, la nordicité et l’intégrité territoriale sont perçues comme étant menacées. De plus, les sécurisations dans l’Arctique semblent faire partie d’un renouvellement stratégique global en matière de politique étrangère et de défense. En Norvège, la Russie est considérée comme l’acteur principal du High North et à partir de 2008, la relation russo-norvégienne a subi une sécurisation. Contrairement au Canada, la Norvège préfère le statu quo stratégique dans l’Arctique en privilégiant les trois éléments traditionnels de sa politique de défense et de sécurité - la dissuasion par l’OTAN, la gestion de la Russie par l’assurance, et l’amélioration des relations est-ouest.This thesis aims to analyse the nature and the scale of the security issues in the contemporary Arctic by utilising the tools offered by the securitization theory of the Copenhagen School. Five security sectors – military, political, identity, environmental and political – and four variables – geography, identity, history and politics – are used to examine the perceptions, the securitizations and the strategic behaviour of Canada and Norway. The first hypothesis put forward in our paper is as follows: since 2005, in Canada and in Norway, we are witnessing in the Arctic progressive securitizations of non military issues – political, identity, environmental and economical – and the cross-sectoral effects have important consequences on the military sector, such as, an increase in state projects that have mostly military components, as well as on the securitization of their territorial integrity or at least on the insecurity towards it. Our second hypothesis is as follows: the new security perceptions and the strategic behaviour of the regional States increases the insecurities within their societies and have negative effects on confidence between state actors. This increases the political divisions and slows down any regional construction. We conclude that in Canada, their sovereignty, their nordicity and their territorial integrity are perceived to be threatened. These securitizations also seem to be part of a radical global strategic change in matters pertaining to their foreign and defence policies. In Norway, Russia is perceived to be the main actor in the High North and since 2008, their bilateral relation has become securitized. As opposed to Canada, Norway seems to prefer the status quo in matters pertaining to their foreign and defence policies. The three traditional elements of their defence and security policy are applied – deterrence through NATO, but reassurance of the Russians and efforts to enhance East-West relations.
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Janik, Kinga. "Quand les gendarmes font la loi : la pénalisation du droit des réfugiés au Canada." Thèse, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/12721.
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La recherche analyse le traitement réservé aux demandeurs d'asile au Canada.Plus spécialement, elle se penche sur l'interprétation et l’application de l’article 7 de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés. La réflexion observe que la mise en œuvre des droits fondamentaux des revendicateurs du statut de réfugié est affectée, selon les époques, par des considérations à dominance « humanitaires » [arrêt Singh, 1985] ou, comme cela est le cas depuis le 11 septembre 2001, par des impératifs allégués de sécurité nationale [arrêt Suresh, 2002]. D’un point de vue analytique, la thèse considère que lorsqu'il s'agit de protéger des populations vulnérables – ce que le Canada s'est juridiquement engagé à faire – le droit public ne peut pas se limiter à la communauté de ses propres membres, citoyens et résidents. D'ailleurs, la Charte reconnaît la protection de ses droits fondamentaux à « toute personne » du fait de sa seule qualité de personne, qu'elle soit ou non citoyenne et la garde des abus. Des exceptions aux droits reconnus à l’article 7 doivent être considérées à la mesure du principe démocratique qui guide nos sociétés. Sur ce fondement, l’analyse interroge l’argumentation et les motivations de certaines décisions judiciaires et législatives qui ont déconsidérées les implications de notions porteuses de valeurs impératives, telles que l'équité, la dignité humaine, la liberté et la sécurité de l'individu, en privilégiant les intérêts étatiques conforment à la conception classique de la souveraineté.The research analyzes the treatment of asylum seekers in Canada. In particular, it focuses on the interpretation and application of Section 7 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The analysis underscores how the implementation of refugee claimants’ human rights is affected, according to the times, by humanitarian considerations [Singh, 1985], or, as is the case since September 11, 2001, by the imperatives of alleged national security. [Suresh, 2002]. From an analytical point of view, the research considers that when it comes to protecting vulnerable populations - which Canada is legally bound to do- public law is not limited to the constituents of its own community, (members, citizens and residents), but also to strangers and more specifically, to refugees. Moreover, the Charter recognizes that “everyone” is entitled to the protection of his or her fundamental rights, including migrants and refugees. This protection prevents the state from acting against the life, liberty and security of the person. Exceptions to these rights recognized under Section 7 must be narrowed to the very essence of what a democratic society could allow. In this context, the research questions the arguments and justifications of some judicial and legislative decisions that have discredited the implications of carrying notions of mandatory values, such as equity, human dignity, freedom and the security of the individual, instead favoring state interests based on the classical conception of sovereignty.
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London, Ray William. "Comparative data protection and security : a critical evaluation of legal standards." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/13859.
Full textAbstract:
This study1 addresses the key information technology issues of the age and
its unintended consequences. The issues include social control by
businesses, governments, and information age Star Chambers. The study
focuses on a comparative analysis of data protection, data security, and
information privacy (DPSIP) laws, regulations, and practices in five countries.
The countries include Australia, Canada, South Africa, the United Kingdom,
and the United States. The study addresses relevant international legal
standards and justifications. This multidisciplinary analysis includes a
systems thinking approach from a legal, business, governmental, policy,
political theory, psychosocial, and psychological perspective. The study
implements a comparative law and sociolegal research strategy. Historic,
linguistic, and statistical strategies are applied. The study concludes with a
next step proposal, based on the research, for the international community,
the five countries in the study, and specifically, South Africa as it has yet to
enact a sound DPSIP approach.LL. D.
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London, R. W. "Comparative data protection and security : a critical evealuation of legal standards." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/13859.
Full textAbstract:
This study1 addresses the key information technology issues of the age and
its unintended consequences. The issues include social control by
businesses, governments, and information age Star Chambers. The study
focuses on a comparative analysis of data protection, data security, and
information privacy (DPSIP) laws, regulations, and practices in five countries.
The countries include Australia, Canada, South Africa, the United Kingdom,
and the United States. The study addresses relevant international legal
standards and justifications. This multidisciplinary analysis includes a
systems thinking approach from a legal, business, governmental, policy,
political theory, psychosocial, and psychological perspective. The study
implements a comparative law and sociolegal research strategy. Historic,
linguistic, and statistical strategies are applied. The study concludes with a
next step proposal, based on the research, for the international community,
the five countries in the study, and specifically, South Africa as it has yet to
enact a sound DPSIP approach.LL.D. (Laws)
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Carvalho, Airilia Viegas. "A noção de "segurança humana" e a proteção dada aos refugiados: o caso do Canadá e da Polónia." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1822/60413.
Full textAbstract:
Dissertação de mestrado em Relações InternacionaisNos últimos anos houve um substancial alargamento do número de pessoas forçadas a deslocarem-se do seu local de residência habitual. Os conflitos em África e no Médio-Oriente, assim como as catástrofes naturais, são algumas das principais causas para a acentuação do fenómeno do deslocamento global forçado, e sem precedentes, bem como o consequente aumento do número de refugiados a chegar às fronteiras da Europa. Nessa fuga, os refugiados enfrentam ameaças à sua segurança como o estupro e o afogamento, entre outros, para encontrar proteção e melhores condições de vida. A necessidade de diminuição desses riscos embate no dilema que atender aos direitos dos refugiados e à segurança do Estado. O trabalho de investigação debruça-se sobre esse dilema e como ele tem sido vertido nos enquadramentos internacionais e nacionais. Com efeito, o conceito da “segurança humana” surge num momento de alteração do entendimento da segurança como um conceito centrado no Estado e certifica uma posição central ao indivíduo na arena internacional. Tendo o conceito de “segurança humana” como quadro teórico, a presente dissertação analisa a aplicação do referido conceito numa perspetiva comparada, tendo e consideração os regimes internacionais em vigor e a sua aplicação no Canadá e na Polónia. Concluímos que, as legislações e categorias de refugiados diferem nos dois contextos nacionais. No caso da Polónia, é evidente um desrespeito pelos direitos humanos e individuais dos refugiados, enquanto que, no Canadá o ocorre o oposto como podemos ver pelo grande leque de programas e serviços disponíveis aos refugiados. A análise das diferenças subjacentes às posições canadianas e polacas em relação à “segurança humana” oferecida neste trabalho pretende contribuir para estudos no quadro da segurança em tempos em que os refugiados são percecionados como ameaças.
In recent years there has been a substantial increase in the number of people forced to move from their place of habitual residence. Conflicts in Africa and the Middle East, as well as natural disasters, are some of the main causes for the increase in the phenomenon of unprecedented and forced global displacement, as well as the consequent increase in the number of refugees arriving at the borders of Europe. In this escape, refugees face threats to their security such as rape and drowning, among others, to find protection and better living conditions. The need to reduce these risks clashes in the dilemma that address refugee rights and state security. The research work addresses this dilemma and how it has been poured into international and national frameworks. Indeed, the concept of "human security" arises at a time when changing the understanding of security as a concept centered on the state and certifies a central position to the individual in the international arena. With the concept of "human security" as a theoretical framework, this dissertation analyzes the application of this concept in a comparative perspective, taking into consideration the existing international regimes and their application in Canada and Poland. We conclude that the legislation and categories of refugees differ in the two national contexts. In the case of Poland, disrespect for the human and individual rights of refugees is evident, while in Canada the opposite is true as we can see from the wide range of programs and services available to refugees. The analysis of the differences underlying the Canadian and Polish positions on "human security" offered in this paper is intended to contribute to security studies at a time when refugees are perceived as threats.
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Dehaibi, Laura. "L'évolution de la protection de la liberté d'association des travailleurs agricoles salariés en droit international et en droit canadien." Thèse, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/8346.
Full textAbstract:
Cette étude traite des difficultés que rencontrent les travailleurs agricoles salariés dans l’exercice de leur droit à la liberté d’association et à la négociation collective. Ils sont souvent exclus des régimes législatifs nationaux de protection des droits syndicaux ou restreints dans leur capacité de les exercer en dépit du fait qu’ils sont parmi les plus pauvres et mal nourris de la planète et donc requerraient une protection accrue. Quelles sont les causes historiques de ce traitement discriminatoire (première partie) ? Comment le droit international du travail contribue-t-il à remédier à cette situation (deuxième partie) ? En quoi est-ce que le droit international du travail a-t-il influencé le droit interne canadien pour la protection des travailleurs agricoles salariés (troisième partie) ? Les causes du traitement singulier accordé à ces travailleurs remontent aux origines mêmes de l’agriculture. Consciente des caractéristiques particulières de cette activité, l’Organisation internationale du travail affirmera dès le début du 20e siècle qu’il est injustifié d’empêcher les travailleurs agricoles salariés de se syndiquer. Elle insiste sur la valeur fondamentale des droits syndicaux devant différents forums onusiens et favorise leur promotion à travers l’élaboration de normes du travail mais également d’instruments de soft law, considérés mieux adaptés dans un contexte contemporain de mondialisation. Ce droit international du travail influencera ensuite l’interprétation de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés par les tribunaux canadiens dans leur analyse de la constitutionnalité de l’exclusion totale ou partielle des travailleurs agricoles salariés des régimes législatifs de protection des droits syndicaux.This study analyses the difficulties faced by agricultural workers exercising their rights to freedom of association and collective bargaining. These workers often find themselves excluded from national legislation providing for the protection of union rights, and when these rights are provided to them, their ability to exercise them is limited. Being amongst the poorest human beings on earth, agricultural workers would instead require stronger protection. What are the historical causes of this discriminatory treatment (part one) ? How has international labour law helped to correct this situation (part two) ? In what way did international labour law influence canadian domestic law in regard of the protection of wage earning agricultural workers (part three) ? The reasons for the singular treatment of this class of workers go back to agriculture’s very roots. Conscious of the particular characteristics of this activity, the International Labour Organisation asserted, at the very beginning of the 20th century, that no justification stood to limit the rights of agricultural workers to unionize. It later insisted on the fundamental value of union rights in front of diverse UN forums and favoured their promotion for agricultural workers through the elaboration of labour standards as well as extensive use of soft law tools, considered more suited to the globalised world. International labour law also contributed to the interpretation of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedom by Canadian courts in their analysis of the constitutionality of total or partial exclusion of agricultural workers from legislation protecting union rights.
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Berniquez-Villemaire, Nicolas. "Les échecs de la mission canadienne en Afghanistan : déficits de sécurité humaine." Thèse, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/16217.
Full textAbstract:
La mission canadienne en Afghanistan constitue la plus longue intervention étrangère de
l'histoire du pays et a été marquée par un effort important dans la province de Kandahar depuis
2006. Aujourd'hui, il s'avère que la mission à Kandahar présente des échecs importants. Afin
d'appréhender la nature de ces échecs, ce travail propose des pistes de réflexions pour améliorer
notre compréhension face à cet enjeu. Pour ce faire, le mémoire se questionne à savoir dans
quelle mesure le Canada a-t-il respecté l'approche de sécurité humaine au sein de sa mission à
Kandahar? La mission britannique dans la province de Helmand en Afghanistan est également
utilisée comme outil de comparaison. En guise d'hypothèse, il est proposé que le Canada n'a pas
respecté l'approche de sécurité humaine et que cela pourrait contribuer à la compréhension des
échecs de la mission à Kandahar. D'abord, les bilans détaillés de ces missions sont présentés et il
est démontré que la mission britannique a connu un meilleur bilan que la mission canadienne.
Ensuite, à l'aide de la méthode de l'analyse de contenu et d'un codage, les missions canadiennes et
britanniques sont analysées afin de déterminer leur correspondance respective face à l'approche
de sécurité humaine. Les résultats démontrent que la mission britannique respecte l'approche de
sécurité humaine de façon plus importante que la mission canadienne. Finalement, une analyse
documentaire propose des pistes de réflexions afin de comprendre en quoi ce déficit de sécurité
humaine pourrait permettre d'expliquer les échecs de cette mission lors de futures recherches. Ce
mémoire apporte donc deux conclusions. D'abord, la mission canadienne n'a pas respecté
l'approche de sécurité humaine malgré le fait que le Canada ait affirmé l'avoir fait. De plus, il est clair que
le non-respect de l'approche de sécurité humaine constitue une avenue intéressante afin de
comprendre les insuccès canadiens.The Canadian mission in Afghanistan is the longest foreign intervention in the history of the country and an important part of it was the mission in the province of Kandahar which started in 2006. Today, it appears that this mission presents important failures. In order to have a better understanding of these failures, this work proposes reflection tracks to improve our knowledge on this issue. To do this, this work asks the following question: how did Canada respected the human security approach in its mission to Kandahar? The United Kingdom mission in the province of Helmand in Afghanistan is also used as comparison tool. The hypothesis suggests that Canada did not respect the human security approach and this may contribute to our understanding of the failures of the mission to Kandahar. First of all, detailed results of the missions are presented and it appears that the UK mission obtained better results than the Canadian mission in Kandahar. Afterwards, the human security approach previously conceptualized is used to compare the two missions. With a coding process, Canadian and British reports are used to compare the correlation of the missions with the human security approach. The results show that the UK mission respected much better the human security approach than the Canadian mission. Finally, a content analysis is proposing reflection tracks that may help to explain the failures of the Canadian mission for future research. This work brings two main conclusions. On a first hand, the Canadian mission did not respect the human security approach even if the Canadian officials declared having respected it. Furthermore, it is clear that a lack of human security approach is a strong reflection track for a better understanding of the failures of the Canadian mission in Kandahar.