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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Security, International – Africa'
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1
Solf, Ali M. O. "Managing intra-state conflicts in Africa : the African Union as an effective security actor." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2014. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5977/.
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This thesis seeks to analyse and explain the role of the African Union (AU) in managing intra-state conflicts in Africa. It first identifies the key reasons for the establishment of the African Peace and Security Architecture, namely the failure of the UN and the international community to intervene in remote conflicts in Africa throughout the 1990s and the reluctance of the Organisation for African Unity (OAU) to interfere in the internal affairs of sovereign nations. Then, it points to the gap between the optimism of the AU’s founders and its implementation record: in fact, the AU’s capability to stop conflicts in Africa has produced mixed results at best. Focusing on three different case studies – Burundi, Darfur, and Somalia – this thesis unravels the key factors behind the AU’s performance in promoting peace and security. More specifically, it argues that the AU’s effectiveness to achieve its goals is contingent upon four conditions: the internal process, the mandate of the mission, the commitment of AU member states, and external support. By developing this argument, this thesis highlights the importance of both organisational processes and external factors with the view to contributing to the general literature on effectiveness of international and regional organisations in managing intra-state conflicts.
2
Isima, Jeffrey. "Demilitarisation, informal security forces and public (in)security in Africa : Nigeria and South Africa compared." Thesis, Cranfield University, 2009. http://dspace.lib.cranfield.ac.uk/handle/1826/3887.
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In sub-Saharan African countries that have made democratic transition from military rule and military-backed authoritarian regimes, state elites have embarked upon strategies aimed at demilitarising the new democratic political process. Demilitarisation of the state and politics has become an imperative because it is decisive for consolidating democratic politics and for ensuring improvements in public safety and security. Yet the process of such demilitarisation in these countries has often generated a paradox, whereby the reduction of the political influence of state institutions of violence has been associatedw ith rising civil militarism and the prevalenceo f organised violence in the wider society. In these circumstances, taking cognisance of the dangers of civil militarism and other forms of private violence is a priority for designing and implementing demilitarisation strategies and other security reforms in post-authoritarian African states. Reformminded political elites and external supporters need to be sensitive to these dangers or risk perpetuating the shell of electoral democracy that cannot deliver the goal of human security in the region. This dissertation explored how the current approach to demilitarisation is related to the problem of civil militarism by examining the case studies of Nigeria and South Africa. It explains that given the condition of the state in Africa, demilitarisation of politics after transition from military or military-backed authoritarianism contributes to the emergence of civil militarism. Based on this finding, it argues for a comprehensive approach to demilitarisation as a strategy that caters to both state and societal violence in order to mitigate the risks of civil militarism in the process.
3
Gater, Thomas. "Pharmaceutical Security in South Africa: Law and Medical Geopolitics." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2008. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_5273_1274376650.
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<p>The study focuses on the political and economic geographies of pharmaceutical delivery. In 1997 the South African government passed the Medicines and Related Substances Control Amendment Act, sparking outrage from both the local and international pharmaceutical industry, and resulting in court action in 2001. The industry believed that South Africa was in breach of its obligations under international intellectual property law. Those fighting for pharmaceutical security hoped the court case would be a &lsquo<br>landmark&rsquo<br>in the global campaign for equitable access to medicines. This investigation seeks to analyse the domestic and international legacy of the court action. The inquiry takes its significance from the high prevalence rates of treatable diseases and the need for pharmaceutical security in South Africa and its neighbouring African countries. The absence of a sustainable international medicines delivery system is a global political, economic and moral failure. A solution is required that balances the positive productive forces of the market with a philosophy of justice and equity.</p>
4
Hjälm, Veronica. "The Evolution of a Responsibility to Protect in Africa : The African Unions Emerging Peace and Security Regime." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Statsvetenskap, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-5710.
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The thesis focuses on, and tries to evaluate, the role that the African Union (AU) plays in protecting the peace and security on the African continent. The thesis takes an interdisciplinary approach to the topic by both utilizing international relations and international law theories. The two disciplines are combined in an attempt to understand the evolution of the AU’s commitment to the pragmatist doctrine: responsibility to protect (R2P). The AU charter is considered to be the first international law document to cover R2P as it allows the AU to interfere in the internal affairs of its member states. The R2P doctrine was evolved around the notion of a need to arrive at a consensus in regard to the right to intervene in the face of humanitarian emergencies. A part of the post-Cold War shift in UN behaviour has been to support local solutions to local problems. Hereby the UN acts in collaboration with regional organizations, such as the AU, to achieve the shared aspirations to maintain international peace and security without getting directly involved on the ground. The R2P takes a more holistic and long-term approach to interventions by including an awareness of the need to address the root causes of the crisis in order to prevent future resurrections of conflicts. The doctrine also acknowledges the responsibility of the international community and the intervening parties to actively participate in the rebuilding of the post-conflict state. This requires sustained and well planned support to ensure the development of a stable society.While the AU is committed to implementing R2P, many of the AU’s members are struggling, both ideologically and practically, to uphold the foundations on which legitimate intervention rests, such as the protection of human rights and good governance. The fact that many members are also among the poorest countries in the world adds to the challenges facing the AU. A lack of human and material resources leads to a situation where few countries are willing, or able, to support a long-term commitment to humanitarian interventions. Bad planning and unclear mandates also limit the effectiveness of the interventions. This leaves the AU strongly dependent on regional powerbrokers such as Nigeria and South Africa, which in itself creates new problems in regard to the motivations behind interventions. The current AU charter does not provide sufficient checks and balances to ensure that national interests are not furthered through humanitarian interventions. The lack of resources within the AU also generates worries over what pressure foreign nations and other international actors apply through donor funding. It is impossible for the principle of “local solutions for local problems? to gain ground while this donor conditionality exists.The future of the AU peace and security regime is not established since it still is a work in progress. The direction that these developments will take depends on a wide verity of factors, many of which are beyond the immediate control of the AU.
5
Ntshabele, Clement Thapedi. "South Africa and the reform of the United Nations Security Council." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52457.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After being sidelined for a number of years, South Africa finds itself
readmitted to the international community. One of the many issues at stake
now is the reform of the United Nations Security Council. This study looks at
South Africa's aim to make substantial changes in the international system,
with the Security Council being one of the target institutions. This is a
mammoth task for South Africa and the study points out the challenges that
go with engaging in this process.
The study points out an element of ambiguity in South Africa's foreign policy
and the challenges that go with making multilateralism a cornerstone of such
a policy. While it is not yet clear as to whether South Africa will succeed in
changing the behaviour of states and the practice of multilateral institutions, it
is at the moment participating in debates that might lead to such changes.
South Africa's participation in the Open Ended Working Committee on the
reform of the United Nations Security Council constitutes one move among
others to ensure a change in the practice of the Security Council.
The limits of making multilateralism a cornerstone of foreign policy are
outlined with the aim of making policy-makers aware of the implications of
the broad scope of their ambiguous foreign policy. While it is necessary to
avoid engaging in assignments that might be difficult to manage, the need for
South Africa to focus only on what is achievable and not to try and punch
above its weight is one aspect this paper emphasises. The paper ends by
making recommendations, which include (among others) that South Africa
should attempt to secure a seat in the reformed Security Council should such
an opportunity arise, but only after a careful consideration of her abilities.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Na jare van politieke isolasie is Suid-Afrika weer 'n volwaardige lid van die
internasionale gemeenskap. Die hervorming van die Verenigde Nasies (VN)
se Veiligheidsraad, het binne die konteks van buitelandse beleid, een van die
land se vernaamste uitdagings geword. Hierdie studie plaas Suid-Afrika se
hervormingspogings van die internasionale stelselonder die soeklig, en fokus
veralop die rol van die VN Veiligheidsraad. Die omvang van dié proses kan
nie onderskat word nie, en die studie poog om die vernaamste uitdagings van
hierdie hervormings te identifiseer.
Die opdrag poog om te wys op 'n mate van teenstrydigheid wat in Suid-
Afrika se buitelandse beleid te bespeur is, asook die uitdagings verbonde aan
die vestiging van multilaterale betrekkinge as hoeksteen van sodanige beleid.
Hoewel daar nog nie duidelikheid bestaan oor die mate van sukses wat die
land behaal het met betrekking tot die gedrag van state en die praktyk van
multilaterale betrekkinge nie, neem dit tans deel aan debate wat mag lei tot
beleidsverandering in hierdie velde. Suid-Afrika se deelname aan die VN
Veiligheidraad se Ope Werkskonunittees, rakende die hervorming van
hierdie liggaam, is een voorbeeld van die land se verbintenis tot die
verandering van Veiligheidsraad praktyke.
Die beperkings rakende mulilaterale betrekkinge, 'n steunpilaar van
internasionale beleid, word uitgelig ten einde beleidsmakers bewus te maak
van die omvattende aard van 'n dikwels, onduidelike, buitelandse beleid. Die
opdrag benadruk die feit dat Suid-Afrika sal moet poog om slegs betrokke te
raak in internasionale aksies wat binne sy vermoëns val. Dit word afgesluit
met 'n aantal aanbevelings. Een hiervan is 'n pleidooi dat Suid-Afrika
permanente lidmaatskap van die 'n hervormde Veiligheidsraad verkry indien
die geleentheid dit voordoen. Sodanige deelname kan egter eers geskied na
deeglike oorweging van die land se vermoës binne hierdie sfeer.
6
Lobban, Ryan. "The merits of the human security paradigm : a materialist account of peasant insecurity in sub-Saharan Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/12221.
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Includes abstract.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 70-76).<br>Contemporary food security concerns in sub-Saharan Africa centre on the pertinence of food versus fuel forms of production. As the global energy market enters into the postfossil-fuel epoch, the demand on land for commercial biofuel and feedstock production threatens the livelihood of sub-Saharan Africa's sizeable peasant community. This paper examines the theoretical and paradigmatic attributes of the human security and food security rubric, and its pertinence in accounting for the social threats which threaten individuals within an increasingly interconnected global economic system. While the emergence of these neologisms of the critical security studies school represent a marked divergence from that of the traditional approach of understanding security threats, they remained mired in contestation due to their lack of theoretical parsimony.
7
Lenderts, Carolyn S. "Security Threats in Perspective: Understanding the Failures of American Foreign Policy in Africa." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/929.
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This paper aims to examine the nature and major causes of American foreign policy in Africa since the end of the Cold War. Among these is a tendency to view African states, threats, and crises in terms of American strategic interests, not as events with independent relevance to American priorities. The post-9/11 fervor muddled many important distinctions about the relationship between African states, state power, and international terrorist groups. The United States acted too quickly, helping African states militarize without understanding the nature of the threat and the way in which a heavily militarized response would entrench rebel groups. Seeing Africa as tangential to the larger issue of terrorism led to policies that were ineffective and counterproductive. The success of future foreign policy towards Africa depends on careful consideration of the aims and motives of various actors and strong focus on good governance efforts.
8
Turton, Anthony Richard. "The political aspects of institutional developments in the water sector: South Africa and its international river basins." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/25233.
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This research set out to develop a deeper theoretical component to the emerging discipline of hydropolitics by studying the political aspects of institutional developments in the water sector. The focal point was the four international river basins that are shared between South Africa and six of its neighbouring states. The study found that while there is a lot of evidence for the securitization of water resource management in South Africa’s international river basins, there are also a number of examples of regimes. The creation of these regimes was driven primarily by threat perceptions relating to state security, mostly during the period of apartheid and the Cold War. These regimes were mostly robust and served as a valuable instrument for the de-escalation of conflict, which was primarily of a high politics nature. Examples of both plus-sum and zero-sum outcomes have been isolated. Plus-sum outcomes arose when the non-hegemonic state chose to view the offer of a regime in terms of national self-interest with four examples of this condition. In all four cases the non-hegemonic state benefited from cooperation with South Africa. Zero-sum outcomes arose when the non-hegemonic state chose to view the offer of a regime in terms of ideology with two examples of this condition. In both cases the non-hegemonic state did not benefit and was sidelined to the extent that they became marginalized and worse off than before. In all cases the hegemonic state benefited from the regime. The research consequently showed that a hydropolitical complex is emerging in Southern Africa, clustered around two international river basins, the Orange and Limpopo, which have been defined as pivotal basins. Both of these basins have reached the limit of their readily available water resources and future development is not possible on any great scale. Four of the most economically developed states in Southern Africa (Namibia, Botswana, Zimbabwe and South Africa) are riparians on these two international river basins, and have been defined as pivotal states. Other less developed countries that share any international river basin with a pivotal state have been defined as an impacted state, because their own development aspirations have been capped through this association. Any international river basin that has at least one of the pivotal states in it has been defined an impacted basin. Finally, this research showed that regimes create a plus-sum outcome in closed international river basins because they reduce the levels of uncertainty and institutionalize the conflict potential. As such regimes are a useful instrument with which to regulate inter-state behavior, leading over time to the development of institutions consisting of rules and procedures.<br>Thesis (DPhil (International Politics))--University of Pretoria, 2005.<br>Political Sciences<br>unrestricted
9
Petersen, Michael E. "The impact of the 9/11 terrorist attacks on United States' security assistance to Southern Africa : a quantitative analysis." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11601.
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Includes bibliographical references (p. 120-125).<br>Prior to the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the United States government deemed Southern Africa to be of no strategic value. An impoverished region with a wealth of problems, Southern Africa mattered little to the United States government who approached regional security cooperation with a primarily minimalist approach. During the pre-9/11 years the United States did provide Southern African governments with some security sector assistance, primarily in direct military training and law enforcement programmes. Other areas such as peace support operations assistance, border and transportation security, and counter-proliferation training were marginal, as were arms authorisations. Everything changed on September 11th, 2001. The result of the attacks was a massive security and foreign policy shift for America. In response, the United States launched a Global War on Terror, which truly affected its relations with regions in every part of the globe, Southern Africa included. This thesis examines pre- and post-9/11 security assistance from the United States government to the nations of Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, Zambia, and Zimbabwe in the time periods 1998-2001 and 2002-2005. Chapter Two focuses on pre-9/11 security cooperation and Chapter Three on post-9/11 security cooperation. Each chapter quantifies bilateral treaties and agreements, joint military exercises, military training, peace support operations training, arms authorisations and grants, nuclear security training, law enforcement training, and border and transportation security training and overall training expenditure. Chapter Four then pools the data together and provides a pre vs. post- 9/11 analysis of collective security cooperation. Results are stated in percent changes from pre- 9/11 levels. Training and arms per soldier ratios are calculated based on the data to produce regional rankings of United States' assistance. Chapter Five offers conclusive observations and recommendations.
10
Mbete, Sithembile Nombali. "The 'Middle Power' Debate Revisited : South Africa in the United Nations Security Council, 2007-2008 and 2011-2012." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/65823.
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South Africa’s post-1994 leadership in multilateral forums and its efforts to be a bridge-builder and norm-entrepreneur in the international arena, have earned it the label of ‘middle power’. The label itself is contentious, as there is no commonly accepted definition of middle powers and there is disagreement about whether the label applies to South Africa. This study contributes to the discourse on a new normative ‘middle’ in the realm of structural power, by using the case of South Africa’s two terms as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council (2007 - 2008 and 2011 - 2012). The Council represents the most powerful forum of global structural power, and therefore offers a useful and compact arena in which to analyse South Africa’s participation from a middle power perspective. The original contribution of the study is, on the one hand, its approach from a hitherto under-researched global South perspective, and on the other hand its purposeful analytical nexus between theory and practice in international relations. In doing so, the refinement and development of an important theoretical construct – the ‘middle power’ idea as related to the distinct diplomacy of certain emerging powers – is supported by a critical understanding of an actual case of state (South Africa’s) behaviour in the contemporary realm of structural power.<br>Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2018.<br>Political Sciences<br>DPhil<br>Unrestricted
11
Mashishi, Alfred Kgwadibd. "Intervention in Africa: assessing the rationale behind sub-regional peacemaking military interventions." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1088.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited<br>This thesis examines the factors that are more likely to lead to peacemaking military intervention by a sub-regional hegemon in Africa. It seeks to answer the question of what motivates the sub-regional hegemons to undertake peacemaking military intervention in Africa. It argues that the emerging model of African peacemaking military intervention depends on a sub-regional hegemon's decision to intervene because of its ability to provide necessary resources needed for such operation. Hence, the sub-regional hegemon will conduct peacemaking military intervention when, where and if it suits its interest. The conclusion reached by this thesis is that self-regarding peacemaking intervention by sub-regional hegemon is effective in resolving conflicts in Africa.<br>Lieutenant, South African Navy
12
Mashishi, Alfred Kgwadibe. "Intervention in Africa : assessing the rationale behind sub-regional peacemaking military interventions /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Mar%5FMashishi.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2003.<br>Thesis advisor(s): Letitia Lawson, Jeff Knopf. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.
13
Mwinyi, Mohamed Juma. "Tracing the Development of East African Community on Peace and Security." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/77964.
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One monumental problem the East African Community faces today is implementation of its proposed bill known as the East African Community Security Protocol on peace and security. This bill was crafted upon the basis of existing scholarship which examines security and community either from the top-down/state-centric approaches (neorealism/neoliberalism/constructivism/etc.) or as vernacular security--bottom-up. Both of these approaches are inadequate in that they still a) prioritize the state/relate to the state/central authority, b) are Eurocentric (based on/dominated by European points of views), and c) do not adequately explain security collaborations in areas such as East Africa (EA). Therefore, this thesis develop a "responsive security community" approach which does not only ties top-down and ground-up approach, but it also advocates for development of strong states before the creation of a security community. This thesis argue that different states have their very different historical backgrounds and legacies. Hence, in order to have effective security community in EA there need be responsive, human security oriented states which embrace participation and inclusion in sub-national and national level. This would ensure the protection of the vital core of all their citizens' lives in ways that enhance human freedoms and human fulfillment. To discuss this responsive community approach, this thesis analyzes the theories of security community post WW II in conjunction with the development of the East African Community Security Protocol. This thesis also employs the theories of Participatory Budgeting (PB) and ground up approach as models for strengthening state and East African Civil Society Organization Forum (EACSOF). This thesis concludes that responsive security community in EA requires strong states which combine a focus on traditional notions of security with human/individual security.<br>Master of Public and International Affairs
14
Tchoumavi, Messelo Boris-Ephrem. "A critical assessment of the possible role of the African Union in achieving the right to national and international peace and security in Africa." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1163.
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"Despite the above obligation enshrined in the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR), to protect, promote and fulfil the right to peace and security that is binding on them, African states are facing numerous armed conflicts. The African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (the African Commission) has already found a violation of the right to peace. In that case, the Commission has stated that 'the responsibility for protection is incumbent on the State', which has therefore the obligation to make sure that people's right to peace is not infringed, either by its own forces or by uncontrolled ones. The right to peace has therefore been recognised and interpreted by the relevant and authoritative monitoring body, the African Commission. The African Union (AU), composed of all African states except Morocco, has also committed itself to work towards peace and security in the continent. Most importantly, it has endorsed the ACHPR by committing itself to 'promote and protect human and peoples' rights in accordance with the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and other relevant human rights instruments'. These provisions are binding not only on the states parties to the Constitutive Act of the African Union (the AU Act), but also upon the African Union itself, as an international organisation that enjoys international capacity. Indeed, the Constitutive Act of the African Union stands as the constitution of the organisation. There should therefore be no doubt that the provisions of the AU Act bind the AU. However, no effective mechanism designed to ensure the fulfilment of the aims and accountability of international organisations exists. The reality on the ground is that Africa is facing a significant number of situations in which there is no peace. These situations violate the people's right to peace and security as protected under article 23 of the ACHPR. In 2000, it was estimated that 20 percent of Africa south of the Sahara's population lived in countries that were facing war and low intensity conflict. There is therefore a need for assessing the AU institutional capacity to fulfil its constitutional obligation of protecting the people's right to peace and security. ... Chapter one of this paper introduces the matter and defines the context in which it will proceed. It is a general presentation of the study. Chapter two will be devoted to human rights within the African Union. The first part of the chapter will deal with the right to peace and security in particular. The legal position of the AU towards human rights in Africa will then be discussed. Chapter three will be dealing with examples of the involvement of the AU in peace building on the continent. Chapter four will present and assess the AU's framework intended to realise peace and security in Africa. Chapter five will be focussed on the specific programmes of the AU that have a peace and security component. Chapter six will draw conclusions and make recommendations." -- Introduction.<br>Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2005.<br>Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Enid Hill at the Political Science Department, American University in Cairo<br>http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html<br>Centre for Human Rights<br>LLM
15
Lopez, Lucia Elisa. "Discourses and practices of the regionalisation of foreign and security policies : the cases of West Africa and South America." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/67174/.
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The process of the regionalisation of foreign and security policies, its conditions of emergence and evolution, is the core object of study of this doctoral thesis. This research has two aims, first it seeks to construct a new framework to understand and conceptualise regionalisation processes and second, applying this framework to draw conclusions on the paths these processes take in West Africa and South America. In this research I take issue with the way in which IR approaches present regional projects as the ‘natural’ or ‘rational’ response of nation states to a combination of objective and ideational factors. A more thorough explanation requires an account of the ways in which these factors are themselves constituted, maintained and shaped by discourses and power relations between the relevant actors, as well as through the concrete practices the actors deploy. I thus conceptualise regionalisation as an interplay between discourses and practices of actors ‘inside’ and ‘outside’ the region. Methodologically, the analysis uses a poststructuralist discourse analysis and an interpretative process tracing that relies mainly on ethnographic work. The key empirical findings of this thesis are twofold. First, historically constituted discourses are crucial in determining the form and extent of the regionalisation process – in particular the key articulations linking the concepts of state/nation and region. Second, the comparison allowed me to demonstrate that regions are not independent units: they are part of an international system where actors (re)produce discourses carrying certain norms, concepts and meanings such as ‘security’, ‘development’, ‘regional integration’, etc. It is precisely the encounter between the regional and ‘external’ actors discourses which constitutes the process of regionalisation. The meaning given to security, in particular, which emerges at the intersection of these discourses, decisively frames the process towards either cooperation between sovereign states or the building of a regional political community.
16
Ramsbotham, Alexander. "African Union Peacekeeping and Civilian Protection. An Evaluation of the EU Strategy for Africa and the G8/Africa Joint Plan." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5497.
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Global demand for peacekeeping is growing, especially in Africa. The United Nations has traditionally been at the forefront of developing peacekeeping theory and practice, and remains the primary operational agency for peacekeeping in Africa. But increasing emphasis is being placed on the African Union to assume greater responsibility for peacekeeping on the continent. The AU is still comparatively new and is in the process of developing its peace and security architecture. Over the past decade, the international community has been supporting African peacekeeping, both to build AU capacity and to provide direct operational support. In 2005 the international community agreed a collective 'responsibility to protect' vulnerable civilians threatened by gross violations of their human rights. And civilian protection is increasingly included in the mandates of peacekeeping missions. Within the context of contemporary complex, multidimensional peacekeeping ('peace support'), civilian protection is not an exclusive operational objective, but is rather one of a number of mandated tasks aimed at establishing more sustainable security as part of a broader peacebuilding goal. The AU has embraced the responsibility to protect principle, adopting a constitutional commitment to protect the rights of vulnerable civilians, including through peacekeeping interventions if necessary. But how capable is the AU in practice to deliver effective peacekeeping to protect civilians? And how appropriate is international support to help realise this ambition?
17
Warner, Jason. "Multilateral Machinations: The Strategic Utility of African International Organizations in the Pursuit of National Security Interests in West Africa and the Greater Horn." Thesis, Harvard University, 2016. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33493328.
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Since the end of decolonization, African states have created a series of dense and overlapping international organizations (IOs) at both the continental (Organization of African Unity/African Union) and sub-regional (regional economic community, REC) levels of analysis, both of which broadly claim to fulfill similar mandates on a range of issues, including the provision of collective security. Given that every African state is embedded within at least two African IOs with similar mandates – which have generally been assumed to be important primarily for the accomplishment of collective goals – how, when, and why do individual African states understand when such IOs might be strategically useful for the pursuit of their individual security and foreign policy aims, especially as relates to national security interests? To answer this question, this dissertation creates a theory of how African states understand the strategic utility of African IOs in relation to the pursuits of their national security interests, which it tests against the historical record of actual state behavior in eight countries in a combination of West Africa and the Greater Horn. Ultimately, it shows that with the knowledge of four variables – a state’s international power projection capability; its location within regional and continental IO polarities; and the nature of the national security interest at hand – one can broadly predict when, why, and in which African IOs states will pursue their individual national security interests.<br>African and African American Studies
18
Zvidzayi, Tapiwanashe. "Compliance with international standards on compensation for occupational injuries and diseases by Zimbabwe and South Africa." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5145.
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Magister Legum - LLM<br>This mini thesis provides a comparative study on two Member States of the ILO. These are, namely: South Africa and Zimbabwe. The purpose of this research is to find out whether Zimbabwe and South Africa are complying with the standards set by the ILO regarding the issue of compensation for occupational injuries and diseases. The terms workers compensation and employment injury benefits are frequently used interchangeably.¹³ Workers compensation is the older term, generally used originally to refer to schemes which provide benefits in the case of death and incapacity due to accidents at work and, later, due to prescribed occupational diseases as well. These benefits could be temporary or permanent, total or partial. In these ILO instruments, the term employment injury is used to cover both accidents at work and occupational diseases.¹⁴ This mini-thesis determines whether South Africa and Zimbabwe are complying with or failing to meet the standards set by the ILO. The research further provides recommendations regarding the shortfalls that South Africa and Zimbabwe are facing so that they will get in line with the standards of ILO, because this is essential to the lives of millions of workers working in these two countries.
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Gandois, H. N. A. "The emergence of regional security organisations : a comparative study on ECOWAS and SADC." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:82c09a8b-6a13-45dc-b017-a89ceaaea7f8.
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The emergence of regional security organisations during the 1990s in Africa proved to be of great significance for the lives of many Africans, including those living in conflict-torn countries such as Liberia, Sierra Leone, Côte d’Ivoire or the Democratic Republic of Congo, but, at the same time, this phenomenon has been understudied. This dissertation explores why regional security organisations with an agenda of democratic governance emerged in Africa in the 1990s. This question is answered with two in-depth case studies on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Driven by an empirical puzzle, this study is both hypothesis-testing and hypothesis generating. The study starts by laying out the different possible factors put forward by several bodies of theory in international relations to explain the emergence of ECOWAS and SADC as security organisations. These hypotheses are then tested throughout the history and the evolution of ECOWAS and SADC in order to highlight the circumstances of their creation and their qualified failure as economic communities. This is followed by a comparative analysis of the security and democracy mandates entrusted to ECOWAS and SADC by its member states based on the study of the legal texts that outline the specific objectives of each regional security organisation and the tools they were given to implement their mandates. The study finally analyses the implementation records of ECOWAS and SADC in order to assess the commitment of their member states to their new democracy and security mandate. The research concludes with the two following hypotheses: 1) A security agenda cannot emerge without the involvement of the regional hegemon. 2) What the regional hegemon can do, including affecting the speed of the transformation, is constrained by the acceptance of its leadership by its neighbours (legitimacy) and by state weakness (capability).
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Turton, Anthony. "The political aspects of institutional developments in the water sector South Africa and its international river basins /." Pretoria : [s.n.], 2003. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-06042004-110828.
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Olivier, Laetitia. "Pursuing human security in Africa through developmental peace missions : ambitious construct or feasible ideal?" Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4080.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MMil (Military Sciences. School for Security and Africa Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the feasibility of the concept Developmental Peace Missions (DPMs). It
seeks to answer the question whether DPMs is an ambitious construct or a feasible ideal and
whether DPMs could be effectively applied during peace missions. The study takes the form of a
descriptive analysis of the theoretical underpinnings of the concept of DPMs, and includes the
analysis of various relevant case studies in terms of the application of the concept of DPMs.
The study further explores the evolution that has taken place in terms of United Nations peace
missions, in that most modern peace missions include both peacekeeping and peacebuilding
initiatives. The study also illustrates the modern approach to peace missions, based on an
integrated systems-thinking approach by means of which the activities of all relevant role-players
are integrated and fused towards a common end state: that of sustained security and
development. In order to analyse the concept of DPMs, the theoretical underpinnings of the
concept human security, the security-development nexus and peacebuilding were researched in
depth. These concepts were then coupled to the concept of DPMs in terms of their utility during
current complex peace missions, both internationally and on the African continent.
The concept of DPMs was studied in the context of contemporary peacekeeping in terms of three
case studies, namely the peace missions in Kosovo, Sierra Leone and the DRC. The DPMs
concept was applied to these case studies and analysed in terms of the extent to which the peace
interventions in these countries were conducted in accordance with the philosophical and
theoretical underpinnings of DPMs.
The study concludes that DPMs, in terms of its theoretical basis, is indeed a feasible ideal for
peace missions, as it is based on and in line with the approved current UN- and AU-integrated
planning processes. However, in terms of its practical utility in Africa, it currently remains an
ambitious construct, given the limited capacity and resources of the AU and regional
organisations. Therefore, DPMs should not be viewed as a short-term solution to, or panacea for,
all intra-state wars. The study proposes that the UN, the AU, as well as relevant regional
organisations will have to adjust and make changes in terms of their institutions, structures,
funding and the provision of resources in order to operationalise the concept of DPMs
successfully. This is especially true as far as the AU is concerned, as the AU currently
experiences severe limitations in both material and human resources. However, the fact that both
the UN and the AU have adopted the Integrated Mission Planning Process concept as planning
tool for their respective missions is an indication that progress is being made towards the
achievement of establishing a more holistic and integrated approach to finding sustainable
solutions to global conflict. Ultimately, the success of DPMs will be determined by the will and
commitment of all the relevant role-players involved in finding a lasting solution to intra-state
conflicts. The concept itself cannot provide sustainable peace and development.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Dié tesis verken die lewensvatbaarheid van die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings. Daar sal
gepoog word om ‘n antwoord te kry op die vraag of Ontwikkelingsvredesendings ‘n ambisieuse
konstruk of ‘n haalbare ideal is. Verder sal gepoog word om te bepaal of dit effektief tydens
vredesoperasies toegepas kan word. Die studie neem die vorm aan van ‘n beskrywende analise
van die teoretiese grondbeginsels van die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings en sluit die analise
van verskeie relevante gevallestudies ten opsigte van die begrip in.
Die studie ondersoek die evolusie wat plaasgevind het ten opsigte van vredesendings wat deur
die Verenigde Nasies (VN) onderneem word, naamlik dat die meeste moderne vredesendings,
vredesbewarings, sowel as vredesbou (nasiebou) inisiatiewe insluit. Die studie illustreer ook die
moderne benadering wat ten opsigte van vredesendings toegepas word, naamlik dat die
aktiwiteite van al die betrokke rolspelers geïntegreer word en op ‘n gedeelde einddoel gefokus
word. Die teoretiese grondstelllings van die begrippe veiligheid en ontwikkeling, die veiligheid-ensekuriteit-
neksus, sowel as die begrip van vredesbou (nasiebou) is in diepte ondersoek ten einde
die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings te analiseer. Hierdie begrippe is daarna in verband
gebring met die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings soos wat dit tans tydens moderne komplekse
vredesendings toegepas word – beide internasionaal sowel as op die Afrika kontinent.
Die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings is bestudeer teen die agtergrond van eietydse
vredesbewaring ten opsigte van drie gevallestudies, naamlik die intervensies in Kosovo, Sierra
Leone en die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo. Hierdie drie gevallestudies is gekies
aangesien dit die eerste sendings was waartydens die VN die nuwe geïntegreerde benadering tot
vredesendings, soos in die Brahimi-verslag aanbeveel, toegepas is.
Die studie het bevind dat Ontwikkelingsvredesendings, wat betref die teoretiese grondstellings
inderdaad uitvoerbaar is, aangesien dit gebaseer is op en in ooreenstemming is met die huidige
aanvaarde beplanninsprosesse van die VN en die AU. Maar, wat betref die praktiese
bruikbaarheid van die begrip in Afrika, bly dit tans ‘n ambisieuse konstruk, gegewe die beperkte
vermoë en hulpbronne van die AU en streeksorganisasies. Die begrip
Ontwikkelingsvredesendings moet dus nie as ‘n korttermynoplossing vir alle interne oorloë
beskou word nie. Die studie het bevind dat die VN, die AU, sowel as die betrokke
streeksorganisasies, ingrypende veranderings sal moet ondergaan ten einde die begrip
Ontwikkelingsvredesendings suksesvol te kan toepas, veral ten opsigte van strukture, befondsing
en die voorsiening van hulpbronne. Dit is veral waar in die geval van die AU, aangesien die AU
tans geweldige uitdagings in die gesig staar wat betref menslike sowel as materiële hulpbronne.
Ten spyte van laasgenoemde uitdagings dui die aanvaarding van die Geïntegreerde
Sendingbeplanningsproses as besluitnemings-meganisme deur beide die VN en die AU op die
vordering wat gemaak word ten opsigte van die daarstelling van ‘n meer holistiese en geïntegreerde benadering vir volhoubare oplossings vir konflik. Die sukses van
Ontwikkelingsvredesendings sal uiteindelik bepaal word deur die wil en toewyding van alle
betrokkenes by die soeke na langdurige vrede – die begrip op sigself kan nie volhoubare vrede
en ontwikkeling bewerkstellig nie.
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Crichton, Andrew Trevor Mark. "Prospects of an effective African peacekeeping capability : from rhetoric to reality." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2178.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis examines the prospects of an effective African peacekeeping capability in light of
the developing peace and security architecture of the relatively new continental body, the
African Union (AU). The primary aim is to determine the nature and severity of those
challenges that currently face the organization’s ambition of realizing this Pan-African
dream. This study is a qualitative analysis that comprises both descriptive and exploratory
aspects.
The thesis begins by discussing the development of peacekeeping in conflict management. It
establishes that peacekeeping emerged as an ad hoc response by the UN to address the
growing issue of inter-state conflict during the Cold War, but has evolved into one of the
primary tools used by the international community to manage complex crises. The advent of
new security threats in the post-Cold War era, spurred on by the dynamic process of
globalization, necessitated that peacekeeping adapt and is commonly perceived in
contemporary discourse as a multidimensional practice. Central to this development was the
shift in focus from international to human security and the recent development of the
Responsibility to Protect doctrine.
The study then goes on to explore the process that has ultimately led to the establishment of
the AU’s proposed peacekeeping capability, the African Standby Force (ASF). With a
dramatic increase in incidences of violent conflict across the globe in the 1990s, the UN’s
limited resources were pushed to the limit, thus paving the way for regional organizations to
play a more important role in ensuring international peace and security. The establishment of
the AU in 2002 was meant to put to bed the inability of its forerunner, the Organization of
African Unity (OAU), which had suffered from limited financial, logistical and structural
competence, while its political and institutional authority was hampered by dissent and the
qualified support of member states. However, as the African Union Mission in the Darfur
region of Sudan (AMIS), highlights, the AU’s peacekeeping capacity is hamstrung by a lack
of political will on the part of African leaders, weak institutional capacity, severe financial
constraints as well as an overly militaristic approach that neglects the essential
multidimensional nature of peacekeeping.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis ondersoek die vooruitsigte van ‘n effektiewe Afrika vrede-bewaringsmag, binne die
konteks van die huidige Afrika Unie (AU) se raamwerk vir vrede en sekuriteit. Die primêre
navorsingsdoel is om vas te stel wat die AU se belangrikste uitdagings is, om die die strewe
na Pan-Afrikanisme te bewerkstellig in die area van vrede-instandhouding op die kontinent.
Eerstens word ‘n oorsig gegee oor die ontwikkeling van vrede-instandhouding binne die
konteks van konflikbestuur. Die afleiding word gemaak dat vrede-instandhouding ontstaan
het as ‘n ad hoc proses binne die Verenigde Nasies ten einde inter-staat konflik tydens die
Koue Oorlog, te besleg. Dit is later binne die internasionale gemeenskap aanvaar as die
primêre strategie vir die oplossing en hantering van internasionale konflik. Na die einde van
die Koue Oorlog, en tesame met die dinamiese proses van globalisering, het vredeinstandhouding
egter verder ontwikkel en ’n multi-dimensionele proses geword. Hierdie
ontwikkeling is hoofsaaklik gekenmerk deur ’n fokus wat wegbeweeg het van tradisionele
soewereiniteits-sekuriteit na menslike sekuriteit. Dit het gepaardgegaan met die gelyktydige
ontwikkeling van die Verantwoordelikheid om te Beskerm doktrine.
Die studie ondersoek verder die prosesse wat bygedra het tot die AU se voorgestelde
vredesmag – die Afrika Bystandsmag (ASF). As gevolg van ’n toename in internasionale
konflik tydens die 1990s is die Verenigde Nasies se vermoeëns tot die uiterste beproef. Dit
het die weg gebaan vir die opkoms van kontinentale en streeks-organisasies om ‘n meer
prominente rol te speel in internasional vrede-instandhouding en sekuriteit. Die stigting van
die AU in 2002, was veronderstel om die finansiële, logistieke en strukturele tekortkominge
van sy voorganger, die Unie vir Afrika Eenheid (OAU) aan te spreek, aangesien
laasgenoemde se politieke en institusionele hoedanigheid ondermyn is deur sy lidlande. Daar
word bevind – met behulp van ’n gevalle-studie analise van die AU se Sending na Soedan
(AMIS) dat die AU se kapasiteit nie na wense is nie, as gevolg van die gebrek aan
samewerking tussen leiers, finansiële tekortkominge en ’n neiging om militaristiese
benadering te volg, ten koste van die multi-dimensionele aspek van vredes-instandhouding.
23
Frasson-Quenoz, Florent. "La construction de la communauté de sécurité africaine : une perspective africaine." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LYO30015.
Full textAbstract:
Les difficultés rencontrées pour assurer le maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationale sur le continent africain constituent un réel obstacle au développement économique, un danger pour les populations et une menace sérieuse pour la survie des Etats.Les outils théoriques classiques de la sécurité internationale s’étant révélés insuffisants pour apporter une réponse à cette problématique, notre objectif est ici, en recourant à l’approche constructiviste, de déterminer si les États africains manifestent une réelle volonté et/ou capacité à construire une communauté de sécurité (CS) à même de palier ces difficultés.Pour ce faire nous nous interrogeons sur l’existence d’un lien entre la production d’actes de parole, la promotion et l’adoption de normes de régulation pacifiques des conflits et la manière qu’ont les États africains d’appréhender leurs relations avec les autres membres de la CS supposée.L’utilisation additionnelle du concept de région et l’adoption d’une perspective africaine nous permettent en outre de diviser l’objet d’étude « Afrique » en plusieurs sous-Ensembles plus propices à la réalisation d’une étude scientifique et d’évaluer d’une part la pertinence et d’autre part le sens même du concept de CS lorsqu’il est appliqué au terrain africain<br>The difficulties met to insure the preservation of the peace and the international security on the African continent constitute a real obstacle to the economic development, a danger for the populations and a serious threat for the survival of States.The classic theoretical tools of the international security having proved insufficient to provide an answer to this issue, our objective is to determine, on the basis of the constructivist approach, whether African States show a real willingness and\or a capacity to build a Security Community (SC) that would be able to overcome these difficulties.In order to do so we question whether a link exists between the production of “speech acts” on the one hand and the promotion and the adoption of pacific regulation norms for conflicts on the other, and we examine the way African States apprehend their relations with other members of the supposed SC.The additional use of the concept of “region” and the adoption of an African perspective allow us to divide the object of study "Africa" into several subsets more propitious to the achievement of a scientific study, and to evaluate the relevance and the meaning of the SC concept when applied to the African field of study
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Sanchez, Alfonso. "The new normal? Climate variability and ecoviolence in sub-Saharan Africa." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2016. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2271.
Full textAbstract:
Climate change presents a wide range of concerns that can jeopardize international security. Among those concerns are neo-Malthusian worries of diminishing natural resources. Predictive models suggest that rainfall and temperature anomalies have the potential to reduce water basins, crop production, increase land degradation among other perils that threaten human security. This concern is particularly true in sub-Saharan Africa given the region’s strong dependence on rain-fed agriculture. Despite strong claims from various world leaders and scientists of a direct climate-conflict nexus, little empirical evidence has been devoted to find a systematic causal pathway of this kind. What is more, the literature not explored the relationship between climate change and low-intensity forms of social unrest. Therefore, contrary to most of the literature that explores a direct climate-conflict relationship, this dissertation contributes to the literature along two lines. First, it explores the relationship between climate change and socio-political unrest. Second, rather than simply assume a direct relationship between climate shocks and conflict, this dissertation examines: a) the effects of climate change on food scarcity, and the impact of that scarcity, in turn, on the likelihood of social unrest and conflict, and b) the effects of climate change on land degradation, that the impact of that degradation, in turn, on the frequency of communal violence.
25
Krogstad, Erlend Grøner. "Enduring challenges of statebuilding : British-led police reforms in Sierra Leone, 1945-1961 and 1998-2007." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c03fb7a0-4725-4142-864e-f9ff24578851.
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This study analyzes two British-led police reforms in Sierra Leone from 1945-1961 and 1998-2007, exploring how reinterpretations of sovereignty, security and statehood affected strategies of statebuilding over time. Tracing the effects of reform from the first to the second period, it focuses on three practical questions facing reformers: what kind of coercive capacity the police should be invested with (force); where they should be and for what purposes (territoriality); and in what relation they ought to stand with nonstate policing actors (legitimate authority). A key finding is that reinterpretations of security and sovereignty to center on internal threats and state-society relations served to channel more international attention and resources to police forces in weak states. From a relatively restricted field whose impulses came from policing experiences in other colonies and in Britain, recent post-conflict police reforms were informed by knowledge about economic growth, social mobility and global security. However, strategy was muddled when donors committed to conflicting agendas entered the fray. As a result, the latest reform was profoundly shaped by negotiations of the meaning of key concepts like ‘security’. The second part of the study draws on insights about reform to address debates on intervention and sovereignty. Against the image of Western-led interventions suspending local sovereignty, it is argued that the colonial legacy allowed the Sierra Leonean government to prolong and deepen the recent intervention. Contrary to the image of Sierra Leone’s international relations as exploitative and personalized, the study explores how policing became a field where new and legitimate links with the outside world were established after reform.
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Ramuhala, Mashudu Godfrey. "Military Intervention in Africa after the Cold War." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4186.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MMil (Military Strategy))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Military intervention remains controversial when it happens, as well as when it fails to. Since
the end of the Cold War, military intervention has attracted much scholarly interest, and it was
demonstrated that several instances of the use of force or the threat to use force without
Security Council endorsement were acceptable and necessary. Matters of national sovereignty
are the fundamental principle on which the international order was founded since the Treaty of
Westphalia. Territorial integrity of states and non-interference in their domestic affairs, remain
the foundation of international law, codified by the United Nations Charter, and one of the
international community’s decisive factors in choosing between action and non-intervention.
Nonetheless, since the end of the Cold War matters of sovereignty and non-interference have
been challenged by the emergent human rights discourse amidst genocide and war crimes.
The aim of this study is to explain the extent to which military intervention in Africa has
evolved since the end of the Cold War, in terms of theory, practice and how it unfolded upon
the African continent. This will be achieved, by focusing on both successful and unsuccessful
cases of military intervention in Africa. The unsuccessful cases being Somalia in 1992,
Rwanda in 1994, and Darfur in 2003; and the successful cases being Sierra Leone in 2000 and
the Comoros in 2008. The objective of this study is fourfold: firstly it seeks to examine the
theoretical developments underpinning military intervention after the end of the Cold War;
secondly, to describe the evolution of military intervention from a unilateral realist to a more
multilateral idealist profile; thirdly, to demarcate the involvement in military intervention in
Africa by states as well as organisations such as the AU and the UN and finally, discerning the
contributions and the dilemmas presented by interventions in African conflicts and how Africa
can emerge and benefit from military interventions.
The intervention in Somalia produced a litmus test for post-Cold War interventions and the
departure point for their ensuing evolution. Rwanda ensued after Somalia, illustrating the
disinclination to intervene that featured during this episode. Darfur marked the keenness of the
AU to intervene in contrast with the ensuing debates at the Security Council over naming the
crime whether or not “genocide” was unfolding in Darfur. Positively though, the intervention
by Britain in Sierra Leone and the AU intervention in the Comoros are clear illustrations of
how those intervening, were articulate in what they intend to do and their subsequent success.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Militêre intervensie, of die afwesigheid daarvan wanneer nodig, bly ‘n twispunt binne
internasionale verhoudinge. Namate die impak van die Koue Oorlog begin vervaag het, het
militêre intervensie besonder prominent in die literatuur begin figureer en is soms so dringend
geag dat dit soms sonder die goedkeuring van die Veiligheidsraad van die Verenigde Nasies
(VN) kon plaasvind. Aspekte van nasionale soewereiniteit bly nietemin ‘n grondbeginsel van
die internasionale orde soos dit sedert die Verdrag van Wesfale beslag gevind het. Territoriale
integriteit van state en die beginsel van geen-inmenging in die binnelandse aangeleenthede van
‘n staat nie bly ook ‘n grondslag van die Internasionale Reg soos deur die VN erken word en dit
rig steeds standpunte van die internasionale gemeenskap vir of teen intervensie. Sedert die
einde van die Koue Oorlog het soewereiniteit en beginsel van geen-intervensie egter
toenemende druk ervaar met groeiende klem op menseregte midde in ‘n opkomende diskoers
oor volksmoord en oorlogsmisdade.
Die klem van hierdie studie val op militêre intervensie en veral hoe dit na die Koue Oorlog
ontvou het in terme van teorie en praktyk, in die besonder op die Afrikakontinent. Die
bespreking wentel om suksesvolle en onsuksesvolle gevalle van militêre intervensie in Afrika.
Die onsuksesvolle gevalle wat bespreek word is Somalië (1992), Rwanda (1994), en Darfur
(2003). Die meer suksesvolle gevalle wat bespreek word is Sierra Leone (2000) en die Komoro
Eilande in (2008). Die studie omvat vier aspekte van bespreking: eerstens, die teoretiese
ontwikkelinge wat militêre intervensie na die Koue Oorlog onderlê, tweedens, die ewolusie van
militêre intervensie vanaf ‘n eensydige realisme tot ‘n meer multilaterale idealistiese
verskynsel, derdens, die betrokkenheid in militêre intervensie in Afrika deur state en
organisasies soos die VN en Afrika-Unie (AU) en laastens, die bydraes en dilemmas van
intervensies in Afrika.
Die betrokkenheid in Somalië was ‘n kritieke toets vir intervensies na die Koue Oorlog en het
baie stukrag verleen aan die daaropvolgende debat. Rwanda het die huiwerigheid ontbloot om
in te gryp waar dit werklik nodig was. Darfur vertoon weer die gewilligheid van die AU om in
te gryp in weerwil van lang debatte in die VN oor volksmoord en die gebeure in Darfur. Aan
die positiewe kant figureer die Britse optredes in Sierra Leone en optredes deur ‘n AU-mag in
die Komoro Eilande as gevalle wat toon hoe die vasberadenheid van partye om in te gryp en
bedreigings in die kiem te smoor, suksesvolle militêre intervensies kan bevorder.
27
Moma, Jose A. "The Frontline States Alliance and the Management of Threat in Southern Africa." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1258397548.
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Van, Riet Gideon. "HIV/AIDS and climate in food security crises : a study of Southern Africa, 2001-2005 /." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/1328.
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Ndayisaba, Edison. "Le Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda face à sa mission : Contribution à l'étude des limites des juridctions internationales répressives." Thesis, Antilles, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017ANTI0161/document.
Full textAbstract:
Suite à la reprise des hostilités consécutive à l’attentat contre l’avion du président Habyarimana, il y eut violation du cessez-le feu signé à Arusha le 04 aout 1993 entre le gouvernement rwandais et la rébellion du front patriotique rwandais, et une guerre civile éclata au Rwanda. Au cours de cette guerre civile, beaucoup de graves violations du droit international furent commises. Les différentes enquêtes des nations unies ayant constaté que ces violations pouvaient être qualifiées de génocide, crimes contre l’humanité et crimes de guerre, recommandèrent la création d’un tribunal pénal international pour en réprimer les auteurs. C’est ainsi que le conseil de sécurité des nations unies, ayant constaté que ces crimes ainsi que la crise humanitaire au Rwanda constituaient une menace à la paix, créa, lors de sa séance du 8 novembre 1994, le tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda (TPIR). Il lui assigna la mission de réprimer toutes les personnes impliquées dans ces crimes au Rwanda et dans les pays voisins en 1994, en vue de contribuer au maintien de la paix dans la région des grands lacs africains ainsi qu’à la réconciliation nationale au Rwanda.La légalité, pour le conseil de sécurité, organe politique des nations unies, de créer une juridiction pénale dans le cadre du chapitre vii de la charte a été analysée. Quant à l’adéquation de cette mesure au contexte, la répression des auteurs des crimes devait contribuer au maintien de la paix et à la réconciliation nationale, par la dissuasion et l’aspect pédagogique des jugements.Cependant, à la clôture des travaux du TPIR en 2014, le bureau du procureur n’avait poursuivi aucun membre du FPR malgré les rapports bien documentés l’impliquant dans les crimes commis. Aussi, aucune enquête n’a été organisée pour élucider les circonstances de l’attentat contre l’avion du président rwandais, reconnu par l’ONU comme le facteur déclencheur du génocide.Les travaux du TPIR ont connu des limites d’ordre juridique, basées d’une part, sur les textes fondamentaux ainsi que la stratégie des poursuites inappropriée de la part du bureau du procureur, et que d’autre part, sur l’ingérence des facteurs politiques qui a limité l’action du bureau du procureur. Ces facteurs ont rendu l’action du TPIR critiquable et considérée par certains observateurs comme une justice du vainqueur.Suite à cette répression partielle et sélective, le TPIR n’a assuré aucune contribution au maintien de la paix dans la région des grands lacs. L’impunité accordée aux membres d’une partie au conflit rwandais a favorisé l’exportation de la violence armée en république démocratique du Congo, où les crimes graves ont été commis depuis 1996. Quant à la contribution à la réconciliation nationale, la répression partielle a plutôt servi à cristalliser les frustrations qui pourraient, à l’avenir, générer une autre crise politique plus importante que celle de 1994. En vue de réparer les erreurs du TPIR, il a été recommandé que la communauté internationale, à défaut d’étendre la compétence ratione temporis du TPIR, puisse créer un autre tribunal pénal international ad hoc pour réprimer les auteurs des crimes commis au Rwanda et au Congo, et dont l’impunité risque de pérenniser l’instabilité et la violence dans la région<br>Following the resumption of hostilities after the air Strike on President Habyarimana's plane, there was a violation of the ceasefire signed in Arusha (Tanzania) on 4 August 1993 between the Rwandan government and the rebellion of the Rwandan Patriotic Front , and a war Civil war broke out in Rwanda. During this civil war, many serious violations of international law were committed. As the various United Nations investigations found that these violations could be characterized as genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes, they recommended the establishment of an international criminal court to punish the perpetrators. Thus, the United Nations Security Council, having found that these crimes and the humanitarian crisis in Rwanda constituted a threat to the peace, created, at its meeting on 8 November 1994, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). He assigned him the task of prosecute all those involved in these crimes in Rwanda and in neighboring countries in 1994, with a view to contribute to the maintenance of peace in the African Great Lakes region and to national reconciliation in Rwanda.The legality of the creation of a criminal jurisdiction under Chapter VII of the Charter for the United Nations Security Council was analyzed. As to the adequacy of this measure to the context, the punishment of perpetrators should contribute to the maintenance of peace and national reconciliation through deterrence and the pedagogical aspect of judgments.However, at the close of the ICTR's work in 2014, the Office of the Prosecutor had not prosecuted any member of the RPF despite well-documented reports involving the crimes committed. Accordingly, no investigation has been carried out to elucidate the circumstances of the attack on the Rwandan president's plane, which the UN recognized as the trigger for the genocide.The ICTR's work has had legal limitations, based on both basic texts and the inappropriate prosecution strategy of the Office of the Prosecutor, and on the interference of Political factors that limited the work of the Office of the Prosecutor. These factors have made the action of the ICTR criticized and regarded by some observers as a justice of the victor.As a result of this partial and selective repression, the ICTR has not made any contribution to the maintenance of peace in the Great Lakes region. Impunity granted to members of a party to the Rwandan conflict has favored the export of armed violence to the Democratic Republic of Congo, where serious crimes have been committed since 1996. As for the contribution to national reconciliation, partial repression Has served rather to crystallize the frustrations that could, in the future, generate another political crisis more important than that of 1994.In order to remedy the errors of the ICTR, it was recommended that the international community, without extending the jurisdiction of the ICTR ratione temporis, could create another ad hoc international criminal tribunal to punish the perpetrators of crimes committed in Rwanda and Congo, and whose impunity risks perpetuating instability and violence in the region
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Theron, Jenny. "The commodification and commercialisation of peace operations and security co-operations : a case study of Operation Rachel /." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2505.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2005.<br>Peace operations and security co-operations are expensive. Even though there are a variety of factors that influences peace agents when they consider approving a new, expanding an existing, or closing down a peace operation or security co-operation, one of these factors is the cost factor. If we were to isolate the cost factor it would follow that a reduction in the cost of peace operations and security co-operations, are likely to contribute to peace agents being more willing to approve new, expand existing or to give existing missions more time to consolidate before closing them down.
There are a variety of ways how the cost of peace operations or security co-operations can be lowered. This thesis suggests an alliance with the private sector in the form of corporate sponsorships. In short, that peace operations and security co-operations be commodified and commercialised. This would entail introducing corporate sponsorship of some of the commodities that are used in peace operations and security co-operations, followed by the corporate sponsor using their involvement in the peace operation or security co-operation to their commercial advantage. The commodification and commercialisation of peace operations and security co-operations should result in the relevant operations and co-operations benefiting in a cost-effective as well as practical effectiveness sense, whereas the private sponsor should benefit in either or both a financial (profit) or an image-making sense.
The psychological theory supporting such an argument is that of social identity theory. This theory explains how positive connotations made with peacemaking in warlike conditions will motivate industries to use this opportunity to show that their products can succeed in such demanding circumstances. Accordingly, social identity theory provides us with evidence as to how the commercialisation and commodification of peace operations and security co-operations can succeed. We also support our argument by providing a case study, Operation Rachel, which serves as a successful example of an operation that was (partially) commodified and commercialised. Operation Rachel, which can be seen as either or both a peace operation and security co-operation, shows that in the case of security co-operations, these operations should be presented as peace operations during the commodification and commercialisation processes.
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Anyikame, Hans Awuru. "The role and effect of small arms in the recruitment of child soldiers in Africa: can the international law be strengthened?" Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2011. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_5815_1365584973.
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<p>It is an unfortunate and cruel reality that both government and armed groups used child soldiers during armed conflict. Child soldiers have become an integral part of government forces as well as insurgent groups in Africa and elsewhere. Most of them are being exploited as combatants, while others perform functions, such as porters, spies who are able to enter small spaces, cooks, messengers, lookouts, and even suicide bombers. Some of the most disturbing aspects of child soldiering are that some of them are being forced to kill or are themselves killed, sexually abused and are exposed to drugs. The use of child soldiers in conflicts is not a recent phenomenon and has indeed become a common practice that characterises modern conflicts. Recruitment is usually carried out forcefully or voluntarily by both government and rebel forces. The difference between these two types of recruitment is not always clear since their decision to join is always influenced by external factors. Examples of such reasons for voluntary recruitment include the desire to revenge, adventure, peer pressure, and need for belonging and survival. Concerning the reason for survival, some argue that, the children do not actually choose freely to become combatants, but are rather forced by circumstances. There are numerous reasons for the continuous targeting of children by armed forces and armed groups. These include shortage of combatants, the fact that children are easy to train physically and psychologically, and also that children are obedient and are readily available. The recruited children are compelled to take part in brutal induction ceremonies, where they are threatened and forced to kill or witness the killing of someone they know.</p>
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Pereira, Laura M. "Private sector adaptive capacity to climate change impacts in the food system : food security implications for South Africa and Brazil." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ade3811d-584e-4c5d-a734-4a22312eccf7.
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Achieving food security under climate change is one of the biggest challenges of the 21st century. The challenge becomes even greater when contextualised within our current limited understanding of how the food system functions as a complex, adaptive socio-ecological system, with food security as one of its outcomes. Adding climate change into this already complex and uncertain mix creates a ‘wicked problem’ that must be solved through the development of adaptive food governance. The thesis has 4 key aims: <ul><li>1. To move beyond an understanding of food security that is dependent solely on agricultural production, and therefore the reliance of future food security predictions on production data based on climate model inputs.</li><li>2. To ground the theoretical aspects of complex adaptive systems with empirical data from multi-level case studies.</li><li>3. To investigate the potential role of the private sector in food system futures.</li><li>4. To analyse food system dynamics across scales and levels.</li></ul> In order to realise these aims, a complex adaptive system (CAS) approach within the GECAFS food system framework is employed to multilevel case studies in South Africa and Brazil. Particular emphasis is placed on the role of the private sector and how these vital actors, comprising a powerful component of the global food system, can be mobilized towards building adaptive capacity for a more resilient food system. Critically, the private sector is often left out of academic discussions on adaptation, which tend to focus more on civil society and governmental capacity to adapt. This thesis provides novel insight into how the power of the private sector can be harnessed to build adaptive capacity. The findings of the thesis showed that applying CAS to issues of governance has three important implications: The first is that in a complex system, it is critical to maintain diversity. This can translate into appreciating a multiplicity of viewpoints in order to reflect a range of decision-making options. This finding makes the case for closer synergy between the public and private sectors around areas like product development and distribution that includes an emphasis on enhancing food security under climate change. In the developing country context, the inclusion of smallholders and local entrepreneurs is also vital for building adaptive capacity. In this sense, it is possible for business to help achieve development goals by developing the capacity of those most vulnerable to socio-economic and environmental shocks. Secondly, adapting to climate change and other environmental and economic pressures will require a shift in mind-set that embraces the uncertainty of the future: ‘managing for uncertainty rather than against it’. This entails a shift in governance mindset away from linear thinking to a decision-making paradigm that is more flexible to deal with unexpected shocks. The third implication for governance is the need to understand the complex interplay of multiple interlinking processes and drivers that function across many levels and sometimes have exponential positive feedbacks in the food system. Adaptive governance is an iterative process, but as more is learnt and information is retained in the system, the ideal is that the beneficial processes that lower inequality and increase food security will start to be reinforced over those that entrench the current inequality in the food system.
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Sene, Seydina Ousmane. "FOOD IMPORTS UNDER FOREIGN EXCHANGE CONSTRAINTS IN THE CFA’S FRANC ZONE OF SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA (SSA)." UKnowledge, 2014. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/agecon_etds/26.
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To respond to the high imported food prices in their domestic markets, net food importing countries in the Communauté Financière Africaine (CFA) zone[1] are adjusting their import tariffs and homologate domestic prices of imported commodities such as rice, wheat, maize, and sugar. This research uses a multivariate specification of error correction model (VECM) of estimation to investigate the link between food imports, world price index of rice, wheat, maize and sugar, real effective exchange rates, domestic food production, GDP, and trade openness in the short and long run. The data are on each homogenous commodity from 1969 to 2012. This research finds a long-run relationship between world price index, domestic production, GDP, real effective exchange rates and trade openness. Under fixed exchange rates regime, GDP, domestic food production, world price index of food, and trade openness are the determinants of food imported in the CFA zones. Policy options focusing on long-term investment in domestic food production of rice, wheat, maize and sugar, and trade openness are the fundamental factors to curtail the increasing food import volume/bill under fixed exchange rate regime in the CFA zones.
[1] The CFA zone in Sub-Saharan Africa is the WAEMU and CEMAC Countries, which are listed and represented in figure 1.
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Nichols, Lionel. "The International Criminal Court and the end of impunity in Kenya." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:34eab158-f675-492a-b844-f9a74e1a6ce6.
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This thesis considers the extent to which the International Criminal Court's Office of the Prosecutor ('OTP') has been successful in realising its self-defined mandate of ending impunity in Kenya. In particular, it focuses on the OTP's attempts to encourage domestic investigations and prosecutions as part of its strategy of positive complementarity. This strategy has been hailed as being the best and perhaps the only way that the OTP may use its finite resources to make a significant contribution to ending impunity. Despite this, no empirical study has been published that evaluates the effectiveness of this strategy and the impact that it has on ending impunity in the targeted situation country. This thesis seeks to address this gap in the literature by conducting a case study on the OTP's implementation of its strategy of positive complementarity in Kenya following that country's post-election violence in 2007/08. In doing so, I also hope to make a modest contribution to existing debates over the effectiveness of the ICC as an institution as well as international criminal justice and transitional justice more generally.
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Giannattasio, Nobres Gabriela. "Defying Human Security : The Commodification of Migrants in Contemporary Libya." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, REMESO - Institutet för forskning om migration, etnicitet och samhälle, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-160279.
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The world-system today promotes inequalities between and within states through the maintenance and strengthening of uneven and hierarchical global relations established by colonialism. The reinforcement of colonial structures has unfolded into neocolonial relations in the post-colonial world, explaining the underdevelopment and marginalization of former colonies in the world-system today, and why many African countries largely experience internal instability on several fronts, revealing how individuals from these states tend to experience some sort of human insecurity. This scenario is permissive to the development of the new wars – representing a different perspective on the patterns of violence and war of contemporaneity – and the new global war economy and its parallel economy. It is from this context that the commodification of migrants happens, challenging and often defying migrants’ access to human rights andhuman security. The present study is therefore primarily a theoretical research and an empirical investigation on the commodification of migrants in contemporary Libya, sustained by four main theoretical frameworks and the analysis of selected secondary materials from international organizations and NGOs. This study aims at addressing the different forms of commodification of migrants in Libya today and who are the actors that control these markets and benefit from the commodification of human life. This analysis evidences the contradiction between the bleak reality of migrants in contemporary Libya and the applicability of the normative concepts of human securityand migrants’ rights.
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Silva, Peterson Ferreira da [UNESP]. "A cooperação internacional em programas de produtos de defesa e seus atores: o caso Brasil e África do Sul no desenvolvimento do míssil A-Darter." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/96015.
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silva_pf_me_mar.pdf: 2890138 bytes, checksum: 61e5b9b830158c40ee4fd2ea2c1677c3 (MD5)<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)<br>Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)<br>Este projeto de pesquisa tem como tema a cooperação internacional em programas de produtos de defesa no entorno estratégico brasileiro. O objeto de investigação é o caso delimitado pela dinâmica dos diversos atores, e seus respectivos interesses, envolvidos no desenvolvimento conjunto Brasil-África do Sul do míssil ar-ar A-Darter. O foco da investigação, à luz das Relações Internacionais, será a interação entre os principais atores do setor de defesa brasileiro em seus contextos específicos porém interdependentes, isto é, diplomático, militar, empresarial e no que tange à sua gestão. O período analisado compreende os primeiros contatos de alto-nível, realizados em 2003, e o primeiro disparo em voo bem sucedido do A-Darter, ocorrido em julho de 2010. Argumenta-se a necessidade de mecanismos claros e permanentes de coordenação entre os principais atores do setor de defesa brasileiro de forma a maximizar os benefícios desse tipo de cooperação<br>The subject of this research project is the international cooperation on defence products programmes in the so-called Brazilian strategic interests area. The object of investigation is the dynamics and respective interests of the various players involved in the Brazil-South Africa joint development of the air-air missile A-Darter. Based on International Relations theory, this research project deals with the interaction among the main players at the Brazilian defence sector, regarding their specific as well as interdependent contexts, namely, diplomatic, military, business and managerial factors. The period of analysis includes the first high-level contacts, conducted in 2003, and the first successful launch of the A-Darter missile, dated of July 2010. It is argued that there is a need for clear mechanisms and permanent coordination among the key players in the Brazilian defence sector in order to maximize the benefits of such type of cooperation
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Manganyi, Calvin. "South African naval diplomacy since 1994." Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86420.
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Thesis (MMil)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since the beginning of naval power, navies have been used by their states as instruments of foreign policy. In South Africa, the political transition since 1994 originated the evolution of the country’s foreign policy. Accordingly, foreign policy has implications for the South African Navy (SAN). Traditionally, navies have three main roles, namely: military, policing and diplomatic, roles. This study only focuses on the diplomatic role of the navy, termed naval diplomacy. In this regard, the SAN is the custodian of South African naval diplomacy.
The purpose of this study is to investigate and theoretically appraise the nature and scope of South African naval diplomacy since 1994. The study has two objectives: firstly, it seeks to outline the most salient features of South Africa’s foreign policy, post-1994, as the framework for naval diplomacy; and secondly, it seeks to analyse and describe how the SAN has utilised naval diplomacy, namely: maritime coercion, naval cooperation, international maritime assistance, and international conflict resolution and management, in pursuit of South Africa’s foreign policy objectives. The research methodology is a qualitative descriptive analysis, using a literature study, factual data sources, and interviews, as techniques. Both primary and secondary sources are consulted. This study makes an original contribution to the gap in the literature on South African naval diplomacy. In this regard, with the procurement of the recent ships and submarines, South African naval diplomatic capabilities have improved significantly. It is for this reason that the SAN is currently instrumental in maritime coercion in the region, particularly deterrence against piracy and other maritime insecurity issues. The SAN is also immensely involved in naval cooperation. In terms of international maritime assistance, the SAN does not only assist other countries in search and rescue missions, but also empower them. It also plays a vital and evolving role in international conflict resolution and management. The, however, SAN faces several hindrances including ageing equipment and ships (such as strike craft and hydrographic survey vessel); lack of patrol vessels and sea lift capability; loss of skilled personnel; and other challenges.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die ontstaan van vlootmagte het state vlote as buitelandse beleidsinstrumente aangewend. Die politieke oorgang in Suid-Afrika in 1994 het tot ʼn evolusie in die land se buitelandse beleid aanleiding gegee, wat ook gevolge vir die Suid-Afrikaanse Vloot (SAV) ingehou het. Tradisioneel het vlote drie hooffunksies, naamlik ʼn militêre, ʼn polisiëring en ʼn diplomatieke funksie. Hierdie studie fokus slegs op die diplomatieke funksie van die vloot, waarna verwys word as vlootdiplomasie, en die SAV se rol as die ‘bewaarder’ van Suid-Afrikaanse vlootdiplomasie.
Die doel van hierdie studie is om ondersoek in te stel na die aard en omvang van Suid-Afrikaanse vlootdiplomasie sedert 1994 en dit aan die hand van relevante teoretiese beginsels te beoordeel. Hieruit voortspruitend is twee doelwitte: eerstens om die wesenskenmerke van Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid na 1994 as raamwerk vir vlootdiplomasie te gebruik; en tweedens om die wyse waarop vlootdiplomasie ter ondersteuning van Suid-Afrikaanse buitelandse beleidsdoelwitte aangewend is, te beskryf en te ontleed met spesifieke verwysing na maritieme dwang, samewerking tussen vlootmagte, internasionale maritieme hulpverlening, en internasionale konflikresolusie. Die navorsingsmetodologie is 'n kwalitatiewe beskrywende ontleding, gegrond op 'n literatuurstudie, feitlike bronne, en onderhoude. Beide primêre en sekondêre bronne is in die proses geraadpleeg. Hierdie studie is 'n oorspronklike bydrae om die leemte in die literatuur oor die Suid-Afrikaanse vlootdiplomasie aan te spreek. Na die onlangse aanskaffing van nuwe skepe en duikbote, het die SAV se diplomatieke vermoëns aansienlik verbeter. Die gevolg is dat die SAV tans ʼn wesenlike bydrae met betrekking tot maritieme dwang in die streek speel, veral wat teen-seerowery en ander maritieme veiligheidsbedreigings betref. Die SAV is ook baie betrokke in maritieme samewerking. Wat internasionale maritieme hulp betref, het die SAV ander lande met soek en reddingsoperasies bygestaan en ook bemagtig. Die SAV lewer ook ‘n groeiende bydrae tot internasionale konflikresolusie en bestuur. Maar die SAV staar ook verskeie uitdagings in die gesig wat die volgende insluit: verouderde toerusting en skepe (soos aanvalsvaartuie en die hidrografiese opmetingskip); 'n gebrek aan patrollievaartuie en 'n see-verplasingsvermoë; verlies van opgeleide personeel, en verskeie ander uitdagings.
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Shai, Kgothatso Brucely. "An afrocentric critique of the United States of America's foreign policy towards Africa : the case of Ghana and Tanzania, 1990-2014." Thesis, University of Limpopo, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/2610.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D. (International Politics)) -- University of Limpopo, 2016<br>The United States of America’s (US) foreign policy towards Africa has been the
subject for debate. This is partly because the country’s relationship with African
countries is not consistent. By and large, such relations are shaped by a number of
factors which include political orientation and material resources. Within this context,
the present study uses case studies from two different parts of Africa to tease out US
foreign policy towards Africa. This explorative study uses Ghana and the United
Republic of Tanzania (hereafter referred to as Tanzania) as test cases to compare
and critique the post-Cold War foreign policy of the US towards Africa. It does this by
first analysing and constructing the theoretical material on the three pillars of the US
Africa policy (oil, democracy and security) and subsequently, contemporaneously
locating the US relationship with Ghana and Tanzania. Largely, the study carries a
historical sensibility as it traces the US relationship with Ghana and Tanzania from
as far as the colonial era. History is crucial in this regard because the past provides a
sound basis for understanding the present and future. To add, in International
Politics theory holds sway and history is used as a laboratory.
In this thesis, the researcher proposes Afrocentricity as an alternative theoretical
paradigm crucial in understanding US foreign policy towards Africa. As it shall be
seen, such a paradigm (theoretical lens) remains critical in highlighting the peculiarity
of the US relationship with Ghana and Tanzania. It is envisaged that a deeper
understanding of the US foreign policy towards Ghana and Tanzania is achievable
when its analysis and interpretation is located within a broader continental context of
Africa. To realise the purpose of this study, the researcher relies methodologically on
interdisciplinary critical discourse and conversations in their widest forms.
With reference to the test cases for this study, the agenda for democratic
consolidation features prominently on both of them while oil is only applicable to
Ghana in this regard. In contrast, Tanzania distinguishes itself both as a victim of
terrorism and equally so as a strategic partner on the US anti-terrorism efforts in
East Africa. Yet, oil in West Africa’s Ghana is important for the US both as an
economic resource and a strategic energy source during wartime periods. Overall
the ‘differential’ foreign policy towards individual African states is also a significant
observation which dispels the myth of a universal US foreign policy framework.
Keywords: Africa, Afrocentricity, democracy, East Africa, foreign policy, Ghana, oil,
security, Tanzania, United States of America, West Africa.
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Silva, Peterson Ferreira da. "A cooperação internacional em programas de produtos de defesa e seus atores : o caso Brasil e África do Sul no desenvolvimento do míssil A-Darter /." Campinas : [s.n.], 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/96015.
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Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyaoto<br>Banca: Fernando Sarti<br>Banca: Paulo Cesar Souza Manduca<br>O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"<br>Resumo: Este projeto de pesquisa tem como tema a cooperação internacional em programas de produtos de defesa no entorno estratégico brasileiro. O objeto de investigação é o caso delimitado pela dinâmica dos diversos atores, e seus respectivos interesses, envolvidos no desenvolvimento conjunto Brasil-África do Sul do míssil ar-ar A-Darter. O foco da investigação, à luz das Relações Internacionais, será a interação entre os principais atores do setor de defesa brasileiro em seus contextos específicos porém interdependentes, isto é, diplomático, militar, empresarial e no que tange à sua gestão. O período analisado compreende os primeiros contatos de alto-nível, realizados em 2003, e o primeiro disparo em voo bem sucedido do A-Darter, ocorrido em julho de 2010. Argumenta-se a necessidade de mecanismos claros e permanentes de coordenação entre os principais atores do setor de defesa brasileiro de forma a maximizar os benefícios desse tipo de cooperação<br>Abstract: The subject of this research project is the international cooperation on defence products programmes in the so-called Brazilian strategic interests area. The object of investigation is the dynamics and respective interests of the various players involved in the Brazil-South Africa joint development of the air-air missile A-Darter. Based on International Relations theory, this research project deals with the interaction among the main players at the Brazilian defence sector, regarding their specific as well as interdependent contexts, namely, diplomatic, military, business and managerial factors. The period of analysis includes the first high-level contacts, conducted in 2003, and the first successful launch of the A-Darter missile, dated of July 2010. It is argued that there is a need for clear mechanisms and permanent coordination among the key players in the Brazilian defence sector in order to maximize the benefits of such type of cooperation<br>Mestre
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Marks, Zoe E. Z. "The internal dynamics of rebel groups : politics of material viability and organisational capacity in the RUF of Sierra Leone." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:99c334c8-132d-41b7-8d9b-3ed52147dac8.
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This thesis examines the internal dynamics of the Revolutionary United Front of Sierra Leone over the course of the civil war waged from 1991-2002. It does so in two parts, looking first at the RUF’s organizational capacity—its ability to emerge and survive as a group; and second, at its material viability—the logistics and procurement of food, weapons, and other resources required to sustain war. The RUF has become a paradigmatic case for the study of war and rebel groups in Africa. Although much has been written on the group and its violence, comparatively little is known about the inner-workings of the organization and how a largely forcibly recruited group of ill-equipped thousands managed to pose a viable threat to the state for over a decade. Through a fine-grained, case-based analysis, this study applies research on the microdynamics of violence in civil war to the structural and logistical mechanics that underpin it. Doing so contextualizes debates about resource wars, collective violence, and mobilization and onset within the RUF’s own strategies for controlling these aspects of war- making. New primary material, including rebel archive documents, describes the extensive military and civilian governance structures through which order and cohesion were established and enforced. Tracking the success and failure of these mechanisms helps explain the disconnect between rebel rhetoric and behaviour. A detailed examination of the RUF’s material capacity applies this organizational analysis to the group’s strategic priorities for survival. It reorients the resource war debate toward what actually fuels fighting on the ground. Food has long been overlooked as the primary requirement for group survival, and ammunition the basic element of military viability. These ‘low politics’ of survival explain the nature of the war and underscore the importance of shifting factors, such as territorial control, in shaping rebel behaviour. Finally, the ‘high politics’ of international arms trades and global diamond markets illumine changes in the RUF’s firepower and personalization of power, returning to the organizational failings that ultimately led to the group’s dissolution.
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Paoliello, Tomaz Oliveira [UNESP]. "O padrão de atuação das empresas de segurança privada: o caso de Angola." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/96028.
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paoliello_to_me_mar.pdf: 427260 bytes, checksum: 8192f058d3716664b52425847d1d9b5e (MD5)<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)<br>Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)<br>Nos dias de hoje, um dos fenômenos que chama atenção e suscita o debate no âmbito da disciplina de relações internacionais é a ascensão das chamadas empresas de segurança privada. A atual dissertação se dedica ao estudo da inserção de tais empresas no contexto angolano durante os anos 1990. Essa inserção é marcada por dois momentos, um primeiro, paradigmático para a literatura sobre o tema, trata da ação particular da empresa Executive Outcomes. Num segundo momento, abordamos o desenvolvimento de um mercado local para a segurança privada, construído por uma série de dispositivos que fazem do panorama angolano um modelo único e ainda pouco estudado. Angola foi um campo de teste para a atuação das empresas de segurança privada, mas acabou se transformando num caso excepcional, com uma série de empresas locais provendo a segurança para o país durante o conflito interno, e tornando-se fundamentais para o desenho de poder em Angola. Essa situação é derivada de uma série de especificidades da história angolana, notadamente a permanente violência, e a perpetuação da fragilidade do Estado. Desenvolvemos a discussão sobre o papel das empresas de segurança privada como novos atores no sistema internacional, e observamos o alcance das descobertas sobre tais empresas quando confrontadas com o caso de Angola<br>Nowadays, one of the phenomena that draws attention and raises the debate within the discipline of international relations is the rise of the so-called private security companies. The present dissertation studies the inclusion of such companies in the Angolan context during the 1990s. This inclusion is marked by two moments, the first one paradigmatic for the literature on the subject, the particular action of the company Executive Outcomes. Secondly, we discuss the development of a local market for private security, built by a series of devices that make the Angolan landscape a unique and poorly studied model. Angola was a testing ground for the actions of the private security companies, but turned out to be an exceptional case with a number of local companies providing security for the country during its own internal conflict, and making them fundamental for the design of Power in Angola. This situation is derived from a number of specific features of the Angolan history, especially the continued violence and the perpetuation of state fragility. We further explore the discussion on the role of private security companies as new actors in the international system, and observe the range of findings about these companies when confronted with the case of Angola
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Rahong, Séverin. "La cour penale internationale et les etats africains." Thesis, Perpignan, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PERP0046.
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Vingt et un an après la création du Tribunal International pour le Rwanda et dix-sept ans après la signature du traité de Rome donnant naissance à la Cour pénale international, la fièvre dénonciatrice que connait cette institution n’est toujours pas apaisée. La CPI est-elle otage des idéaux qui justifient sa création et des forces politiques antagonistes auxquelles elle reste malgré tout liée ? Les africains commettraient-ils davantage de crime passibles de poursuites devant la Cour que les ressortissant d’autres continents ? Si l’étude des procédures judiciaires nées des crimes commis dans des conflits se déroulant sur le continent africain et l’analyse des procédures de mise en cause de certains Chefs d’Etats africains soulignent le très important travail de lutte contre l’impunité que réalise la Cour pénale internationale, le bilan de ce travail met toutefois en évidence la collision des procédures judiciaires avec des impératifs politiques internationaux. Ce travail de recherche montre que si la CPI se veut un prolongement de la sécurité collective, l’efficacité de son action et son universalisme sont aujourd’hui mise en doute, au point de cristalliser les rapports de l’organisme judiciaire international avec le continent africain<br>Twenty-one year after the creation of the International Tribunal for Rwanda and seventeen years after the signing of the Treaty of Rome giving rise to the International Criminal Court, the whistleblower fever that knows this institution is still not appeased. Is the ICC hostage ideals that justified its creation and antagonistic political forces which it nevertheless remains bound? African they commit more crime prosecuted before the Court that the national of other continents? If the study of legal proceedings arising from crimes committed in conflicts taking place on the African continent and in the analysis of the party proceedings of some African Heads of States stress the very important work to fight against impunity that makes the International Criminal Court, the outcome of this work, however, shows the collision of legal proceedings with international political imperatives. This research shows that if the ICC is an expansion of collective security, the effectiveness of its action and universalism are now in doubt, as to crystallize the reports of the international judicial body with the mainland African
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Oliveira, Lucas Kerr de. "Petróleo e segurança internacional : aspectos globais e regionais das disputas por petróleo na África Subsaariana." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/11150.
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A importância do petróleo tem sido revisada nos últimos anos, principalmente pelo reconhecimento de sua função estratégico-militar, tanto no século XX, onde o controle sobre este recurso permitiu a ascensão de grandes potências, como em alguns dos conflitos atuais. Estes passaram a incluir a África nas disputas globais por petróleo. O contexto mundial se torna complexo com o aprofundamento da crise petrolífera mundial, em meio a crise de acumulação de capitais e hegemonia, ambas iniciadas nos anos 1970. O aumento dos conflitos regionais e a intensa competição entre as grandes potências por recursos energéticos cada vez mais escassos, passam a ser variáveis essenciais para a análise dos problemas de Segurança Internacional. Neste contexto o continente africano, responsável por 12% da produção petrolífera mundial, ganha ainda maior relevância global por ter dobrado o volume de suas reservas, que na porção subsaariana aumentou quase três vezes desde os anos 1980. As disputas por petróleo se misturam em meio a conflitos históricos ampliando-os e gerando novos ciclos de violência. Nos maiores produtores subsaarianos como Angola, Nigéria e Sudão, ampliam e criam novas disputas entre governo e províncias produtoras. No nível global, corporações estadunidenses e chinesas passam a disputar diretamente o acesso ao petróleo africano, apoiados pelos respectivos governos que intensificam sua presença regional na forma de investimentos, acordos comerciais, diplomáticos e militares, de treinamento e defesa, transferência de armas e instalação de bases militares. Assim, o petróleo se torna central, tanto para entender a atual dinâmica destes conflitos subsaarianos, no nível regional, como nas disputas por influência no subcontinente envolvendo China e Estados Unidos.<br>The importance of oil has been revised in the latest years, mainly due to its strategic-military function, not only in the twentieth century, when control over this resource allowed the rise of great powers, but also in current conflicts. The latest included Africa in the global disputes over oil. Global context becomes complex as the world-wide oil crisis gets deeper, during the crisis of capital accumulation and hegemony, both having started in the 1970s. The intensification of regional conflicts and intense competition among great powers over increasingly scarce energetic resources are essential variables to the analysis of International Security problems. In this context, the African continent, responsible for 12% of world oil production, becomes globally more relevant for having doubled its reserves volume. In the subsaharan portion it has almost tripled since the 1980s. Disputes over oil make historical conflicts greater and create new cycles of violence. In the greatest sub-shaharan oil producers, such as Angola, Nigeria and Sudan these conflicts create new disputes between government and producing provinces. In a global level, North-American and Chinese corporations compete directly for access to African oil, supported by the respective governments that intensify their regional presence in the form of investments, commercial, diplomatic and military agreements, training and defense agreements, transference of weapons and installation of military bases. Thus, oil becomes central to understand the current dynamics of these sub-saharian conflicts in the regional level as well as the disputes for influence on the subcontinent involving China and United States of America.
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Owen, Oliver H. "The Nigeria police force : an institutional ethnography." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e824783a-8ba0-4d96-8519-0ee2b2090fc8.
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This thesis is an institutional ethnography of the Nigeria Police Force. It concentrates on evidence from 18 months of fieldwork in one particular police station, in the pseudonymised town of Dutsin Bature in central Nigeria, and draws comparative evidence from examples and locations elsewhere in Nigeria. The fieldwork evidence is also supported by analyses of public discourse, literature reviews, some formal interviews and historical research. The thesis aims to fill a gap in empirical scholarship by looking at policing in Nigeria primarily from the level of everyday practice, and deriving understandings of the ways the overall system works, rather than by taking normative structural approaches and basing suppositions of actual behaviour upon these. It also aims to document emic perspectives on policing in Nigeria, in contrast to most existing scholarship and public discourse which takes an external perspective, from which the voices and worldviews of police themselves are absent. The thesis situates this ethnography within three theoretical terrains. First, developing understandings of policing and public security in Africa, which have often neglected in-depth studies of formal police forces. Secondly, enlarging the ethnographic study of formal institutions in African states, to develop a closer understanding of what state systems are and how they function, beyond the overtly dysfunctionalist perspectives which have dominated recent scholarship. Thirdly, informing ongoing debates over state and society in Africa, problematising understandings which see these as separate entities instead of mutually constitutive, and drawing attention to the ways in which the two interpenetrate and together mould the public sphere. The thesis begins with a historical overview of the trajectory of formal policing in Nigeria, then examines public understandings and representations of policing, before moving inside the institutional boundaries, considering in turn the human composition of the police, training and character formation, the way police officers do their work in Dutsin Bature, Nigerian police officers’ preoccupation with risk and the systemic effects of their efforts to mitigate it, and finally officers’ subjective perspectives on their work, their lived realities, and on Nigeria in an era of transition. These build together to suggest some conclusions pertinent to the theoretical perspectives.
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Tawa, Netton Prince. "Les stratégies des anciennes puissances coloniales dans la résolution des conflits armés internes en Afrique après 1994 : Sierra Leone et Côte d’Ivoire." Thesis, Paris 2, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA020048.
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L’échec de l’opération des Nations Unies Restore Hope conduite en Somali sous le leadership des États-Unis d’Amérique et le génocide rwandais de 1994 ont modifié les rapports du monde occidental aux conflits armés internes en Afrique. D’une volonté initiale affichée en faveur du renforcement des capacités des acteurs africains dans la gestion de la conflictualité à l’intérieur des États africains, le monde occidental a adopté une posture de désengagement de la conflictualité interne en Afrique. La directive présidentielle américaine Presidential Decision Directive 25 du 3 mai 1994 et la recommandation du Sénat belge du 28 janvier 1998 resteront certainement les plus significatifs en matière de modification de l’attitude occidentale en faveur de l’Afrique en conflit. Cependant, et « ramant à contre courant », le Royaume-Uni de Grande Bretagne et d’Irlande du Nord d’une part et la France d’autre part ont décidé d’assumer leur part de responsabilité historique dans la vie, parfois mouvementée de leurs anciennes colonies en Afrique. Pour ces deux anciennes puissances coloniales, les difficultés internes auxquelles les États africains post-guerre froide étaient confrontés constituaient de véritables défis pour lesquels, ces États avaient besoin d’une assistance contre vents et marrées. Cette profession de foi partagée sur les deux rives de la Manche a permis de stabiliser et ramener la paix dans deux États africains dans l’ère post génocide rwandais. Ce sont la Sierra Leone et la Côte d’Ivoire. Comment le Royaume-Uni et la France ont-ils réussi à stabiliser la Sierra Leone et la Côte d’Ivoire et les sortir de leurs conflits en apparence insolubles eu égard à la profondeur des divergences qui en opposaient les acteurs ? Quels ajustements stratégiques le Royaume-Uni et la France ont-ils opéré dans leur politique interventionniste dans le cadre de la résolution des conflits armés internes en Sierra Leone et en Côte d’Ivoire et quelles actions entreprises par elles ont permis d’aboutir aux succès enregistrés dans ces deux États ? A travers une recherche bibliographique, du reste, bien disponible, des entretiens conduits auprès du monde diplomatique, des personnalités politiques, d’anciens acteurs en conflit et d’autorités militaires, cette thèse révèle comment par une synergie d’actions bien coordonnées, le Royaume-Uni et la France ont permis de ramener la paix et la quiétude en Sierra Leone et en Côte d’Ivoire. Ayant agi ainsi, ces deux puissances moyennes, membres permanents du Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies ont donné à l’Afrique et au monde des raisons de croire en l’intervention internationale<br>He failure of the United Nations Restore Hope operation in Somalia under the leadership of the United States of America and the 1994 Rwandan genocide altered the Western world's relationship to internal armed conflict in Africa. From an initial desire to strengthen the capacity of African actors to manage conflicts within African states, the Western world adopted a position of disengagement from internal conflict in Africa. The United States’ Presidential Decision Directive 25 of May 3, 1994 and the recommendation of the Belgian Senate of January 28, 1998 are particularly significant in terms of changing the Western world’s attitude in favor of Africa in conflict. However, and "going against the current," the United Kingdom on the one hand and France on the other hand have decided to shoulder their share of historical responsibility in the fate of their former colonies in Africa. For these two former colonial powers, the internal difficulties facing the post-Cold War African states were real challenges which these states needed assistance in dealing with. This commitment on both sides of the Channel helped to stabilize and restore peace in two African states in the Rwandan post-genocide era, namely Sierra Leone and Ivory Coast. How did the United Kingdom and France manage to stabilize Sierra Leone and Ivory Coast and extricate them from seemingly intractable conflicts, given the depth of the differences between the actors? What strategic adjustments did the United Kingdom and France make in their interventionist policies in the context of the resolution of internal armed conflicts in Sierra Leone and Ivory Coast, and what actions did they take to achieve success in both these countries? Through a review of the literature as well as through interviews of diplomats, politicians, military leaders and other actors, this thesis demonstrates how, through a synergy of well-coordinated actions, the United Kingdom and France brought peace and tranquility to Sierra Leone and Ivory Coast. Having done so, these two middle-ranking powers, permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, gave Africa and the world reason to believe in international interventions
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Ntwari, Guy-Fleury. "L'Union africaine et la promotion de la paix, de la sécurité et de la stabilité en Afrique." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LYO30082.
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La promotion de la paix, de la sécurité et de la stabilité est un objectif fondamental de l’Union africaine, l’Organisation continentale panafricaine. Cet objectif constitue désormais une fonction juridique essentielle pour laquelle a été mise en place au sein de l’Organisation un mécanisme approprié : l’architecture de paix et de sécurité (APSA). Bâtie sur une articulation juridique actualisée, au cœur de laquelle se trouve le Conseil de paix et de sécurité, cette fonction se trouve placée dans des conditions juridiques, devant permettre à l’Union africaine d’agir efficacement dans les situations d’atteinte à la paix, à la sécurité et à la stabilité. Plus d’une décennie après la mise en place de la nouvelle Organisation, le caractère fondamental de cette fonction pousse dès lors à s’interroger sur sa place exacte, à la lumière des capacités de l’Organisation à l’assurer à l’épreuve des faits. Cette interrogation éclaire les conditions d’émergence de la fonction mais place sa dynamique de mise en oeuvre dans un contexte ambivalent marqué tout à la fois par le caractère extensif des compétences de l’Organisation dans ce domaine mais également par la portée limitée de celle-ci face à la multiplication des conflits<br>The Promotion of Peace, security and stability is a fundamental objective of the African Union, the Pan African continental organization. This aim is a now a core legal function for which has been established an appropriate scheme within the Organization: the Architecture of Peace and Security in Africa (APSA). Within an updated legal articulation, at the heart of which is the Peace and Security Council, this function is placed in legal conditions that must allow the African Union to act effectively in the cases of breach of peace, security and stability. More than a decade after the establishment of the new organization, the fundamental nature of this function, pushes therefore to question its proper place, in light of the capacity of the Organization to ensure it, at the facts test. This question illuminates emergence conditions of this function but identifies also an ambivalent dynamic in its implementation, marked at once by the extensive nature of the competences of the Organization in this area but its limited scope when facing increasing conflicts
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Gayger, Muller Gustavo. "Legitimation of Security Regionalism: A Study of the Legitimacy Claims of the African Union and the European Union." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/224261.
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Cette thèse identifie et analyse les revendications de légitimité des organisations régionales de sécurité par rapport à leurs actions et leur existence en tant que sites d’autorité relativement nouveaux. En effet, la recherche explore le contexte normatif qui sert de base au régionalisme sécuritaire entre le niveau global et le niveau national. A cet égard, la thèse propose un cadre conceptuel et théorique pour l’étude de l’autolégitimation qui est ici conçue comme un processus social dynamique et intersubjectif de justification du droit de gouverner. Ce cadre théorique combine les littératures sur la sécurité, le régionalisme, et la légitimité politique. Son objectif principal est l'identification des arguments de légitimation qui peuvent justifier des relations de pouvoir inégales entre gouvernants et gouvernés. Les études de cas de cette thèse sont les missions de sécurité et les politiques de gestion de crise de l'Union Africaine et de l'Union Européenne en réponse à la crise au Darfour (2003-) et les zones adjacentes, telles que le Tchad et la République Centrafricaine. A partir du concept d’autolégitimation et de l'analyse des documents produits par les deux organisations régionales, la partie empirique identifie quatre modes principaux de légitimation qui sont appelés « images du régionalisme sécuritaire ». Ces images sont le régionalisme bénéfique, le régionalisme nécessaire, le régionalisme inévitable, et le régionalisme multilatéral. Les images du régionalisme sécuritaire montrent que la légitimation des politiques et des actions, d'une part, et la légitimation des organisations régionales et de leur position au sein de la gouvernance de la sécurité, d’autre part, sont indissociables. En outre, elles révèlent également que, plus que la légitimation des actions, c’est souvent la légitimation de l'inaction qui est cruciale pour le rôle de ces organisations en tant qu’acteurs de sécurité. Enfin, les arguments de légitimation faisant référence au caractère multilatéral et collectif des actions entreprises par ces organisations régionales démontrent une tendance vers leur reconnaissance mutuelle et, par conséquent, contribuent à leur légitimation.<br>This thesis identifies and analyses the legitimacy claims of regional security organizations in relation to their policies and their existence as relatively new sites of authority. Hence, it explores the normative context underpinning security regionalism between global and national levels. In this regard, it proposes a conceptual and theoretical framework for the study of self- legitimation, which is understood as a dynamic and intersubjective social process of justification of the right to rule. This framework is based on the intersection between the literatures on security, regionalism, and political legitimacy. Its main focus is the identification of the arguments of legitimation that can justify the unequal power relations between rulers and ruled. This thesis’ case studies are the security missions and policies of crisis management of the African Union and the European Union in response to the crisis in Darfur (2003-) and adjacent areas such as Chad and Central African Republic. Building on the framework of self-legitimation and on the analysis of documents produced by both regional organizations, the empirical part identifies fours large patterns of arguments, which are called ‘images of security regionalism’. These images are the beneficial regionalism, the necessary regionalism, the inevitable regionalism, and the multilateral regionalism. The images of security regionalism show that the legitimation of policies and actions, on the one hand, and the legitimation of regional organizations and their positions within security governance, on the other, are indissociable. Moreover, they also reveal that, more than the legitimation of actions, it is often the legitimation of the perceived inaction that is crucial to the organizations’ role as a security actors. Finally, the patterns of arguments referring to the inter-organizational relations and to the multilateral and collective character of the organizations’ policies point to a trend of mutual recognition and, by consequence, mutual legitimation among regional organizations.<br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Paoliello, Tomaz Oliveira. "O padrão de atuação das empresas de segurança privada : o caso de Angola /." São Paulo : [s.n.], 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/96028.
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Orientador: Reginaldo Mattar Nasser<br>Banca: Mônica Herz<br>Banca: Flávia de Campos Mello<br>O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"<br>Resumo: Nos dias de hoje, um dos fenômenos que chama atenção e suscita o debate no âmbito da disciplina de relações internacionais é a ascensão das chamadas empresas de segurança privada. A atual dissertação se dedica ao estudo da inserção de tais empresas no contexto angolano durante os anos 1990. Essa inserção é marcada por dois momentos, um primeiro, paradigmático para a literatura sobre o tema, trata da ação particular da empresa Executive Outcomes. Num segundo momento, abordamos o desenvolvimento de um mercado local para a segurança privada, construído por uma série de dispositivos que fazem do panorama angolano um modelo único e ainda pouco estudado. Angola foi um campo de teste para a atuação das empresas de segurança privada, mas acabou se transformando num caso excepcional, com uma série de empresas locais provendo a segurança para o país durante o conflito interno, e tornando-se fundamentais para o desenho de poder em Angola. Essa situação é derivada de uma série de especificidades da história angolana, notadamente a permanente violência, e a perpetuação da fragilidade do Estado. Desenvolvemos a discussão sobre o papel das empresas de segurança privada como novos atores no sistema internacional, e observamos o alcance das descobertas sobre tais empresas quando confrontadas com o caso de Angola<br>Abstract: Nowadays, one of the phenomena that draws attention and raises the debate within the discipline of international relations is the rise of the so-called private security companies. The present dissertation studies the inclusion of such companies in the Angolan context during the 1990s. This inclusion is marked by two moments, the first one paradigmatic for the literature on the subject, the particular action of the company Executive Outcomes. Secondly, we discuss the development of a local market for private security, built by a series of devices that make the Angolan landscape a unique and poorly studied model. Angola was a testing ground for the actions of the private security companies, but turned out to be an exceptional case with a number of local companies providing security for the country during its own internal conflict, and making them fundamental for the design of Power in Angola. This situation is derived from a number of specific features of the Angolan history, especially the continued violence and the perpetuation of state fragility. We further explore the discussion on the role of private security companies as new actors in the international system, and observe the range of findings about these companies when confronted with the case of Angola<br>Mestre
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Müller, Gustavo G. "Legitimation of security regionalism : a study of the legitimacy claims of the African Union and the European Union." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2015. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/81485/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis identifies and analyses the legitimacy claims of regional security organizations in relation to their policies and their existence as relatively new sites of authority. Hence, it explores the normative context underpinning security regionalism between global and national levels. In this regard, it proposes a conceptual and theoretical framework for the study of selflegitimation, which is understood as a dynamic and intersubjective social process of justification of the right to rule. This framework is based on the intersection between the literatures on security, regionalism, and political legitimacy. Its main focus is the identification of the arguments of legitimation that can justify the unequal power relations between rulers and ruled. This thesis’ case studies are the security missions and policies of crisis management of the African Union and the European Union in response to the crisis in Darfur (2003-) and adjacent areas such as Chad and Central African Republic. Building on the framework of self-legitimation and on the analysis of documents produced by both regional organizations, the empirical part identifies fours large patterns of arguments, which are called ‘images of security regionalism’. These images are the beneficial regionalism, the necessary regionalism, the inevitable regionalism, and the multilateral regionalism. The images of security regionalism show that the legitimation of policies and actions, on the one hand, and the legitimation of regional organizations and their positions within security governance, on the other, are indissociable. Moreover, they also reveal that, more than the legitimation of actions, it is often the legitimation of the perceived inaction that is crucial to the organizations’ role as security actors. Finally, the patterns of arguments referring to the inter-organizational relations and to the multilateral and collective character of the organizations’ policies point to a trend of mutual recognition and, by consequence, mutual legitimation among regional organizations.
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Gabrielli, Lorenzo. "La construction de la politique d’immigration espagnole : ambiguïtés et ambivalences à travers le cas des migrations ouest-africaines." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011BOR40014/document.
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Ce travail analyse la construction de la politique d’immigration en Espagne à travers le cas desmigrations ouest-africaines, un révélateur privilégié des ambiguïtés et ambivalences qui latraversent. Dans le contexte du retournement des flux migratoires qui transforme l’Espagne en unedestination de plus en plus importante, nous abordons la mise en place compliquée d’une politiquenationale qui, dès sa naissance en 1985, doit conjuguer les obligations européennes et les intérêtsinternes. Nous étudions comment la virulente politisation de la question migratoire, en 2000,constitue un moment clé dans le développement de la politique espagnole, en modifiant d’abord leprocessus d’européanisation. L’Espagne, qui initialement est un récepteur passif de normes etpratiques européennes, se transforme ainsi en une actrice clé dans l’UE en matière d’immigration,tant par son adhésion à la sécurisation de l’immigration, que par son rôle dans le processusd’internationalisation des enjeux, où son action vis-à-vis du continent africain devient unarchétype. Nous analysons ainsi le développement du volet extérieur de la politique espagnole qui,par une focalisation exacerbée sur les flux subsahariens, impulse une diffusion poussée des enjeuxmigratoires dans les rapports avec l’Afrique. La réévaluation et revalorisation des relations del’Espagne avec le Maroc, en tant qu’espace de transit des flux, et le réengagement conséquent enAfrique de l’Ouest, à la suite du Plan Afrique, témoignent du rôle du continent africain commeterrain d’expression privilégié de l’externalisation du contrôle des flux. Le décryptage de cerégime euro-africain des migrations en essor, ainsi que de sa négociation, permet de saisir enprofondeur les conséquences et les effets collatéraux de cette politique<br>This project aims to analyse the development of Spanish immigration policy through the caseof West African migrations which significantly reveals the ambiguous and ambivalent nature ofthe policy. In the context of migratory flows reversal, Spain has become an increasingly importantdestination for immigrants, so I wish to address the complicated implementation of a nationalpolicy which, from its birth in 1985, has had to reconcile EU obligations with internal interests. Ishall look at how the virulent politicisation of immigration issues in 2000 not only represents akey moment in the development of Spanish policy, but Europeanization process as well. Thesignificance of this is that Spain, a country which was at first a passive recipient of Europeannorms and practices, steadily became a central actor in the key debates and issues surroundingimmigration in the EU. These include the Spanish alignment to the securitisation process ofimmigration as well as becoming a model in the internationalisation of immigration policythrough its action towards the African continent. I will also analyse the development of theexternal dimension of Spanish policy, which through an exacerbated focus on sub-Saharanimmigration leads to a widespread effect of the migratory issues in its dealings with Africa. Thereassessment and consequent improvement of Spanish relations with Morocco was a crucialmoment due to the country’s strategic importance as a “transit zone” to Europe. This trendcontinued with the consequent re-engagement in West Africa following the Africa Plan which Ibelieve reflects the role of the African continent as a privileged field of expression towards theexternalisation of migratory flows control. The deciphering of this emerging Euro-Africanframework of migration governance and its negotiation help us to fully comprehend theconsequences and collateral effects of this policy