Relevant bibliographies by topics / Security, International – Africa

Academic literature on the topic 'Security, International – Africa'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Security, International – Africa"

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YU, Hongyuan. "The Energy-Water-Food Nexus and Its Implications for China–Africa Cooperation on Climate Change." Chinese Journal of Urban and Environmental Studies 02, no. 02 (December 2014): 1450013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2345748114500134.

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In the context of climate change, security is not only a relationship between countries, but also the interdependence between issues. In the African region, water, energy, and food form a security nexus with great sensitivity and vulnerability. Security nexus provides a new explanation for resources competition, cooperation, and conflict in the African region, and promotes water-food-energy research shift from the technical aspects to foreign policy level, and finally provides new international political ideas for resource and environmental solutions in Africa. In the perspective of security nexus, solving the ecological problems in Africa through international cooperation is not a simple technical issue, but an international political and economic issue. Based on the special political and economic advantages that China owns, jointly coping with the challenges of security nexus of China and Africa will provide an important opportunity to deepen their friendly and cooperative relations, broaden social basis of China–Africa relationship, and seek new growth points for economic cooperation.
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Gavrilova, N., and S. Kostelyanets. "Food security in East Africa." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 2 (2022): 82–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2022-2-82-98.

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The article discusses the current state and dynamics of food security in East Africa. This region stands out in Africa not only as the most populous, but also as the fastest developing one, mostly due to its advanced economic growth and infrastructure construction in Ethiopia, Djibouti, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, and Uganda. East African countries are particularly vulnerable to disruptions in food supplies from Russia and Ukraine. To assess food security in the region, the authors apply two methods designed by the World Bank and by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO). These methods focus, correspondingly, on per capita incomes and malnutrition indicators. The authors further examine the impact of the Millennium Development Goals and the Sustainable Development Goals on food security in East Africa, investigate the main causes of food insecurity, and put forward policy recommendations for enhancing regional food security. Although achieving sustainable food security in East Africa appears unrealistic in the foreseeable future, intensification and digitalization of agriculture are critical to enhance food self-sufficiency of the region. The primary data sources for the article include FAO’s 2015–2021 surveys on food security and nutrition in Sub-Saharan Africa and statistical databases by FAO and the International Trade Center.
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Yoroms, Gani. "The State, Security, and Intervention beyond West Africa: examining the arc of instability and conflict on the continent of Africa." UNET JOSS: Journal of Science and Society 2, no. 1 (May 9, 2022): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.52042/unetjoss020102.

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Considering the tense moments of crises and conflicts which West Africa went through before the end of the Cold War, it was least expected that the post-cold-war era would unleash another moment of crisis—one that would be even more devastating to the entire continent. However, the end of the Cold War, and the events at the aftermath of 9/11, saw not only West Africa, but the entire African continent, immersed in a series of ongoing critical security paradoxes. This paper attempts to contribute to, and build upon, the insights of a key expert, Emmanuel Aning Kwesi, on the West Africa security conundrum as enunciated in the publication, “West Africa Security Perspectives: Kwesi Aning Explains,” published by the Danish Institute for International Studies. Emanuel Kwesi Aning, a Professor of Political Science and International Relations at the Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Centre, Ghana, was tasked to explain how the West African subregion found itself smeared by critical security scenarios. Aning, in his discourse, focused on eight critical security challenges in the sub-region, including the weak nature of the state, the rise and existence of organised crime, illegal mining, climate change, demography and urbanization, armed robbery at sea and piracy, security, and intervention. This paper continues the dialogue with Kwesi Aning by summarizing the eight critical security paradoxes into three major areas: the character of the state, the nature of security, and the necessity for external intervention. This paper also goes beyond the West African scenario in which Professor Kwesi Aning situated his discourse and submits that this challenge is not only for West Africa, but for the entire continent.
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CASIS. "Why is Canada Involved in Mali?" Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 2, no. 2 (November 21, 2019): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v2i2.1064.

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On June 20th 2019, the Canadian Association for Security and Intelligence Studies (CASIS) Vancouver hosted Dr. Edward Akuffo at its roundtable meeting titled “Why is Canada involved in Mali?” Dr. Akuffo is an Assistant Professor of International Relations in the Department of Political Science at the University of the Fraser Valley. He holds a PhD in International Relations from the University of Alberta, MA in International Relations from Brock University, and BA Political Science from the University of Ghana, Legon. His research is focused on Canada’s security and development policy in Africa, interregional security cooperation, human security and humanitarian law in Africa, and BRIC-Canada relations. His work has been in Global Change, Peace & Security, and African Security Review. He is also the author of the recent book, Canadian Foreign Policy in Africa: Regional Approaches to Peace, Security, and Development (Ashgate). Dr. Akuffo was a fellow of the Canadian Consortium on Human Security (CCHS).
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Olugbuo, Benson Chinedu. "The African Union, the United Nations Security Council and the Politicisation of International Justice in Africa." African Journal of Legal Studies 7, no. 3 (September 12, 2014): 351–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12342051.

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There are two questions with multiple answers regarding the relationship between Africa and the International Criminal Court. The first is whether the International Criminal Court is targeting Africa and the second is if politics plays any role in the decision to investigate and prosecute crimes within the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court. For the African Union, the International Criminal Court has become a western court targeting weak African countries and ignoring the atrocities committed by big powers including permanent members of the United Nations Security Council. The accusation by the African Union against the International Criminal Court leads to the argument that the International Criminal Court is currently politised. This is a charge consistently denied by the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court. The aim of this paper is to discuss the relationship between the United Nations Security Council, the International Criminal Court and the African Union. It articulates the role of the three institutions in the fight against impunity and the maintenance of international peace and security with reference to the African continent. The paper argues that complementarity should be applied to regional organisations and that the relationship between the African Union and the International Criminal Court should be guided by the application of positive complementarity and a nuanced approach to the interests of justice. This offers the International Criminal Court and the African Union an opportunity to develop mutual trust and result-oriented strategies to confront the impunity on the continent. The paper further argues that the power of the United Nations Security Council to refer situations to the International Criminal Court and defer cases before the Court is a primary source of the disagreement between the prosecutor and the African Union and recommends a division of labour between the International Criminal Court and the United Nations Security Council.
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Danso, Kwaku, and Kwesi Aning. "African experiences and alternativity in International Relations theorizing about security." International Affairs 98, no. 1 (January 2022): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab204.

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Abstract Deconstructing International Relations (IR) episteme acknowledges its generation of power imbalances in security knowledge that relegate African experiences to the margins of global politics. Central to this process of relegation is a pervasive ‘methodological whiteness’, which, while eliding coloniality and racism, projects white experience as a universal perspective. Accompanying this Eurocentric bias has been the intrusive projection of the Weberian state as the most effective site for security governance and conflict prevention on a continent with states that are characterized by a hybridity of political orders, which deviate substantially from the ideal-type state that they seek to mimic. Not only has this resulted in disastrous policies in many parts of Africa, but critical questions arise as to the relevance of conventional IR and security studies as neutral sites for dispassionate knowledge production and policy-making on African security, thereby necessitating alternative perspectives. This article reflects on the ways in which IR and security studies have been responsible, in part, for the production of a racialized mode of security knowledge generation that obfuscates the security policies and experiences of people in African locales. It draws on insights from post-colonial discourses and the episteme of alternativity to explore how the study of events and processes in Africa in a theoretically conscious manner could advance IR scholarship as a whole. It contends that incorporating African experiences as they manifest through hybrid security orders can broaden the empirical base for IR theorizing about security since they offer another perspective outside the conventional western assumptions and experiences.
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Gibosn, John. "Maritime security and international law in Africa." African Security Review 18, no. 3 (September 2009): 60–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2009.9627542.

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Calitz, Andre Paul, Margaret Diane Munro Cullen, and Carlien Jooste. "The Influence of Safety and Security on Students’ Choice of University in South Africa." Journal of Studies in International Education 24, no. 2 (July 25, 2019): 269–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1028315319865395.

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Higher education institutions (HEIs) are experiencing increased interest and enrolments in study programs by international students. For recruitment and retention purposes it is important that HEI managers understand the factors that influence a student’s choice of HEI. Prior studies have found that these factors may differ from country to country and may include culture, educational needs, campus activities, safety, and security, and socio-economic issues (such as an economic downturn and political or social instability). This article reports specifically on research into the influence of safety and security issues on national and international students’ choice of public university in South Africa. Two surveys conducted at different times were used to collect data from local and international students. The results indicate that safety and security, played a deciding role in both local students’ and international students’ choice of university in South Africa, and that the disruption to campus life associated with the #FeesMustFall student protests in South Africa in 2016 may have made international students more aware of safety and security issues on South African university campuses.
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Gyamfi, Gerald D. "Exploring the Challenges and Possibilities of Pan African International Police Cooperation." International Journal of Public Administration in the Digital Age 6, no. 4 (October 2019): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpada.2019100104.

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In the promotion of global peace and security, police cooperation is considered one of the major pillars. This exploratory qualitative study focuses on the possibilities and challenges that should be overcome in the quest to practicalize the implementation of security policies and other legal instruments relating to police cooperation and collaboration in Africa. Twenty-five top police officers and other security experts in Ghana were selected as participants using snowball approach. The participants were interviewed for their views on international police cooperation focusing on cooperation among the various police forces in Africa. The outcome of the study revealed that the major challenges include financial constraints, language barriers, political interference, and problems associated with information technology systems. Recommendations made to overcome most of the challenges include strengthening the African Union Police (AFRIPOL), intelligence sharing with the aid of advanced information technology, and promoting research on police effectiveness on the African continent.
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Brosig, Malte. "The Emerging Peace and Security Regime in Africa: The Role of the EU." European Foreign Affairs Review 16, Issue 1 (February 1, 2011): 107–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2011006.

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This article focuses on the role the European Union (EU) is playing in peacekeeping and conflict prevention in Africa. In this article, it is argued that the EU’s peacekeeping approach is not only shaped by the interests of European Member States or EU institutions to deploy and maintain peacekeepers but is responsive to an emerging African peace and security regime. The majority of peacekeeping operations on the continent build upon some kind of inter-organizational arrangements between the United Nations (UN), the EU, and the African Union (AU) or in some cases other regional African organizations. This article will show how the existing forms of inter-organizational interaction between international organizations (IOs) in Africa impact on the EU’s engagement in peace operations in the continent. This article demonstrates the EU’s role in the multi-actor game of peacekeeping in Africa and how the EU’s involvement in these emerging international cooperation structures influences its peacekeeping strategy for Africa.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Security, International – Africa"

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Solf, Ali M. O. "Managing intra-state conflicts in Africa : the African Union as an effective security actor." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2014. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5977/.

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This thesis seeks to analyse and explain the role of the African Union (AU) in managing intra-state conflicts in Africa. It first identifies the key reasons for the establishment of the African Peace and Security Architecture, namely the failure of the UN and the international community to intervene in remote conflicts in Africa throughout the 1990s and the reluctance of the Organisation for African Unity (OAU) to interfere in the internal affairs of sovereign nations. Then, it points to the gap between the optimism of the AU’s founders and its implementation record: in fact, the AU’s capability to stop conflicts in Africa has produced mixed results at best. Focusing on three different case studies – Burundi, Darfur, and Somalia – this thesis unravels the key factors behind the AU’s performance in promoting peace and security. More specifically, it argues that the AU’s effectiveness to achieve its goals is contingent upon four conditions: the internal process, the mandate of the mission, the commitment of AU member states, and external support. By developing this argument, this thesis highlights the importance of both organisational processes and external factors with the view to contributing to the general literature on effectiveness of international and regional organisations in managing intra-state conflicts.
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Isima, Jeffrey. "Demilitarisation, informal security forces and public (in)security in Africa : Nigeria and South Africa compared." Thesis, Cranfield University, 2009. http://dspace.lib.cranfield.ac.uk/handle/1826/3887.

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In sub-Saharan African countries that have made democratic transition from military rule and military-backed authoritarian regimes, state elites have embarked upon strategies aimed at demilitarising the new democratic political process. Demilitarisation of the state and politics has become an imperative because it is decisive for consolidating democratic politics and for ensuring improvements in public safety and security. Yet the process of such demilitarisation in these countries has often generated a paradox, whereby the reduction of the political influence of state institutions of violence has been associatedw ith rising civil militarism and the prevalenceo f organised violence in the wider society. In these circumstances, taking cognisance of the dangers of civil militarism and other forms of private violence is a priority for designing and implementing demilitarisation strategies and other security reforms in post-authoritarian African states. Reformminded political elites and external supporters need to be sensitive to these dangers or risk perpetuating the shell of electoral democracy that cannot deliver the goal of human security in the region. This dissertation explored how the current approach to demilitarisation is related to the problem of civil militarism by examining the case studies of Nigeria and South Africa. It explains that given the condition of the state in Africa, demilitarisation of politics after transition from military or military-backed authoritarianism contributes to the emergence of civil militarism. Based on this finding, it argues for a comprehensive approach to demilitarisation as a strategy that caters to both state and societal violence in order to mitigate the risks of civil militarism in the process.
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Gater, Thomas. "Pharmaceutical Security in South Africa: Law and Medical Geopolitics." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2008. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_5273_1274376650.

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The study focuses on the political and economic geographies of pharmaceutical delivery. In 1997 the South African government passed the Medicines and Related Substances Control Amendment Act, sparking outrage from both the local and international pharmaceutical industry, and resulting in court action in 2001. The industry believed that South Africa was in breach of its obligations under international intellectual property law. Those fighting for pharmaceutical security hoped the court case would be a &lsquo
landmark&rsquo
in the global campaign for equitable access to medicines. This investigation seeks to analyse the domestic and international legacy of the court action. The inquiry takes its significance from the high prevalence rates of treatable diseases and the need for pharmaceutical security in South Africa and its neighbouring African countries. The absence of a sustainable international medicines delivery system is a global political, economic and moral failure. A solution is required that balances the positive productive forces of the market with a philosophy of justice and equity.

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Hjälm, Veronica. "The Evolution of a Responsibility to Protect in Africa : The African Unions Emerging Peace and Security Regime." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Statsvetenskap, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-5710.

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The thesis focuses on, and tries to evaluate, the role that the African Union (AU) plays in protecting the peace and security on the African continent. The thesis takes an interdisciplinary approach to the topic by both utilizing international relations and international law theories. The two disciplines are combined in an attempt to understand the evolution of the AU’s commitment to the pragmatist doctrine: responsibility to protect (R2P). The AU charter is considered to be the first international law document to cover R2P as it allows the AU to interfere in the internal affairs of its member states. The R2P doctrine was evolved around the notion of a need to arrive at a consensus in regard to the right to intervene in the face of humanitarian emergencies. A part of the post-Cold War shift in UN behaviour has been to support local solutions to local problems. Hereby the UN acts in collaboration with regional organizations, such as the AU, to achieve the shared aspirations to maintain international peace and security without getting directly involved on the ground. The R2P takes a more holistic and long-term approach to interventions by including an awareness of the need to address the root causes of the crisis in order to prevent future resurrections of conflicts. The doctrine also acknowledges the responsibility of the international community and the intervening parties to actively participate in the rebuilding of the post-conflict state. This requires sustained and well planned support to ensure the development of a stable society.While the AU is committed to implementing R2P, many of the AU’s members are struggling, both ideologically and practically, to uphold the foundations on which legitimate intervention rests, such as the protection of human rights and good governance. The fact that many members are also among the poorest countries in the world adds to the challenges facing the AU. A lack of human and material resources leads to a situation where few countries are willing, or able, to support a long-term commitment to humanitarian interventions. Bad planning and unclear mandates also limit the effectiveness of the interventions. This leaves the AU strongly dependent on regional powerbrokers such as Nigeria and South Africa, which in itself creates new problems in regard to the motivations behind interventions. The current AU charter does not provide sufficient checks and balances to ensure that national interests are not furthered through humanitarian interventions. The lack of resources within the AU also generates worries over what pressure foreign nations and other international actors apply through donor funding. It is impossible for the principle of “local solutions for local problems? to gain ground while this donor conditionality exists.The future of the AU peace and security regime is not established since it still is a work in progress. The direction that these developments will take depends on a wide verity of factors, many of which are beyond the immediate control of the AU.
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Ntshabele, Clement Thapedi. "South Africa and the reform of the United Nations Security Council." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52457.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After being sidelined for a number of years, South Africa finds itself readmitted to the international community. One of the many issues at stake now is the reform of the United Nations Security Council. This study looks at South Africa's aim to make substantial changes in the international system, with the Security Council being one of the target institutions. This is a mammoth task for South Africa and the study points out the challenges that go with engaging in this process. The study points out an element of ambiguity in South Africa's foreign policy and the challenges that go with making multilateralism a cornerstone of such a policy. While it is not yet clear as to whether South Africa will succeed in changing the behaviour of states and the practice of multilateral institutions, it is at the moment participating in debates that might lead to such changes. South Africa's participation in the Open Ended Working Committee on the reform of the United Nations Security Council constitutes one move among others to ensure a change in the practice of the Security Council. The limits of making multilateralism a cornerstone of foreign policy are outlined with the aim of making policy-makers aware of the implications of the broad scope of their ambiguous foreign policy. While it is necessary to avoid engaging in assignments that might be difficult to manage, the need for South Africa to focus only on what is achievable and not to try and punch above its weight is one aspect this paper emphasises. The paper ends by making recommendations, which include (among others) that South Africa should attempt to secure a seat in the reformed Security Council should such an opportunity arise, but only after a careful consideration of her abilities.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Na jare van politieke isolasie is Suid-Afrika weer 'n volwaardige lid van die internasionale gemeenskap. Die hervorming van die Verenigde Nasies (VN) se Veiligheidsraad, het binne die konteks van buitelandse beleid, een van die land se vernaamste uitdagings geword. Hierdie studie plaas Suid-Afrika se hervormingspogings van die internasionale stelselonder die soeklig, en fokus veralop die rol van die VN Veiligheidsraad. Die omvang van dié proses kan nie onderskat word nie, en die studie poog om die vernaamste uitdagings van hierdie hervormings te identifiseer. Die opdrag poog om te wys op 'n mate van teenstrydigheid wat in Suid- Afrika se buitelandse beleid te bespeur is, asook die uitdagings verbonde aan die vestiging van multilaterale betrekkinge as hoeksteen van sodanige beleid. Hoewel daar nog nie duidelikheid bestaan oor die mate van sukses wat die land behaal het met betrekking tot die gedrag van state en die praktyk van multilaterale betrekkinge nie, neem dit tans deel aan debate wat mag lei tot beleidsverandering in hierdie velde. Suid-Afrika se deelname aan die VN Veiligheidraad se Ope Werkskonunittees, rakende die hervorming van hierdie liggaam, is een voorbeeld van die land se verbintenis tot die verandering van Veiligheidsraad praktyke. Die beperkings rakende mulilaterale betrekkinge, 'n steunpilaar van internasionale beleid, word uitgelig ten einde beleidsmakers bewus te maak van die omvattende aard van 'n dikwels, onduidelike, buitelandse beleid. Die opdrag benadruk die feit dat Suid-Afrika sal moet poog om slegs betrokke te raak in internasionale aksies wat binne sy vermoëns val. Dit word afgesluit met 'n aantal aanbevelings. Een hiervan is 'n pleidooi dat Suid-Afrika permanente lidmaatskap van die 'n hervormde Veiligheidsraad verkry indien die geleentheid dit voordoen. Sodanige deelname kan egter eers geskied na deeglike oorweging van die land se vermoës binne hierdie sfeer.
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Lobban, Ryan. "The merits of the human security paradigm : a materialist account of peasant insecurity in sub-Saharan Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/12221.

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Contemporary food security concerns in sub-Saharan Africa centre on the pertinence of food versus fuel forms of production. As the global energy market enters into the postfossil-fuel epoch, the demand on land for commercial biofuel and feedstock production threatens the livelihood of sub-Saharan Africa's sizeable peasant community. This paper examines the theoretical and paradigmatic attributes of the human security and food security rubric, and its pertinence in accounting for the social threats which threaten individuals within an increasingly interconnected global economic system. While the emergence of these neologisms of the critical security studies school represent a marked divergence from that of the traditional approach of understanding security threats, they remained mired in contestation due to their lack of theoretical parsimony.
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Lenderts, Carolyn S. "Security Threats in Perspective: Understanding the Failures of American Foreign Policy in Africa." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/929.

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This paper aims to examine the nature and major causes of American foreign policy in Africa since the end of the Cold War. Among these is a tendency to view African states, threats, and crises in terms of American strategic interests, not as events with independent relevance to American priorities. The post-9/11 fervor muddled many important distinctions about the relationship between African states, state power, and international terrorist groups. The United States acted too quickly, helping African states militarize without understanding the nature of the threat and the way in which a heavily militarized response would entrench rebel groups. Seeing Africa as tangential to the larger issue of terrorism led to policies that were ineffective and counterproductive. The success of future foreign policy towards Africa depends on careful consideration of the aims and motives of various actors and strong focus on good governance efforts.
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Turton, Anthony Richard. "The political aspects of institutional developments in the water sector: South Africa and its international river basins." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/25233.

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This research set out to develop a deeper theoretical component to the emerging discipline of hydropolitics by studying the political aspects of institutional developments in the water sector. The focal point was the four international river basins that are shared between South Africa and six of its neighbouring states. The study found that while there is a lot of evidence for the securitization of water resource management in South Africa’s international river basins, there are also a number of examples of regimes. The creation of these regimes was driven primarily by threat perceptions relating to state security, mostly during the period of apartheid and the Cold War. These regimes were mostly robust and served as a valuable instrument for the de-escalation of conflict, which was primarily of a high politics nature. Examples of both plus-sum and zero-sum outcomes have been isolated. Plus-sum outcomes arose when the non-hegemonic state chose to view the offer of a regime in terms of national self-interest with four examples of this condition. In all four cases the non-hegemonic state benefited from cooperation with South Africa. Zero-sum outcomes arose when the non-hegemonic state chose to view the offer of a regime in terms of ideology with two examples of this condition. In both cases the non-hegemonic state did not benefit and was sidelined to the extent that they became marginalized and worse off than before. In all cases the hegemonic state benefited from the regime. The research consequently showed that a hydropolitical complex is emerging in Southern Africa, clustered around two international river basins, the Orange and Limpopo, which have been defined as pivotal basins. Both of these basins have reached the limit of their readily available water resources and future development is not possible on any great scale. Four of the most economically developed states in Southern Africa (Namibia, Botswana, Zimbabwe and South Africa) are riparians on these two international river basins, and have been defined as pivotal states. Other less developed countries that share any international river basin with a pivotal state have been defined as an impacted state, because their own development aspirations have been capped through this association. Any international river basin that has at least one of the pivotal states in it has been defined an impacted basin. Finally, this research showed that regimes create a plus-sum outcome in closed international river basins because they reduce the levels of uncertainty and institutionalize the conflict potential. As such regimes are a useful instrument with which to regulate inter-state behavior, leading over time to the development of institutions consisting of rules and procedures.
Thesis (DPhil (International Politics))--University of Pretoria, 2005.
Political Sciences
unrestricted
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Petersen, Michael E. "The impact of the 9/11 terrorist attacks on United States' security assistance to Southern Africa : a quantitative analysis." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11601.

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Includes bibliographical references (p. 120-125).
Prior to the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the United States government deemed Southern Africa to be of no strategic value. An impoverished region with a wealth of problems, Southern Africa mattered little to the United States government who approached regional security cooperation with a primarily minimalist approach. During the pre-9/11 years the United States did provide Southern African governments with some security sector assistance, primarily in direct military training and law enforcement programmes. Other areas such as peace support operations assistance, border and transportation security, and counter-proliferation training were marginal, as were arms authorisations. Everything changed on September 11th, 2001. The result of the attacks was a massive security and foreign policy shift for America. In response, the United States launched a Global War on Terror, which truly affected its relations with regions in every part of the globe, Southern Africa included. This thesis examines pre- and post-9/11 security assistance from the United States government to the nations of Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, Zambia, and Zimbabwe in the time periods 1998-2001 and 2002-2005. Chapter Two focuses on pre-9/11 security cooperation and Chapter Three on post-9/11 security cooperation. Each chapter quantifies bilateral treaties and agreements, joint military exercises, military training, peace support operations training, arms authorisations and grants, nuclear security training, law enforcement training, and border and transportation security training and overall training expenditure. Chapter Four then pools the data together and provides a pre vs. post- 9/11 analysis of collective security cooperation. Results are stated in percent changes from pre- 9/11 levels. Training and arms per soldier ratios are calculated based on the data to produce regional rankings of United States' assistance. Chapter Five offers conclusive observations and recommendations.
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Mbete, Sithembile Nombali. "The 'Middle Power' Debate Revisited : South Africa in the United Nations Security Council, 2007-2008 and 2011-2012." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/65823.

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South Africa’s post-1994 leadership in multilateral forums and its efforts to be a bridge-builder and norm-entrepreneur in the international arena, have earned it the label of ‘middle power’. The label itself is contentious, as there is no commonly accepted definition of middle powers and there is disagreement about whether the label applies to South Africa. This study contributes to the discourse on a new normative ‘middle’ in the realm of structural power, by using the case of South Africa’s two terms as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council (2007 - 2008 and 2011 - 2012). The Council represents the most powerful forum of global structural power, and therefore offers a useful and compact arena in which to analyse South Africa’s participation from a middle power perspective. The original contribution of the study is, on the one hand, its approach from a hitherto under-researched global South perspective, and on the other hand its purposeful analytical nexus between theory and practice in international relations. In doing so, the refinement and development of an important theoretical construct – the ‘middle power’ idea as related to the distinct diplomacy of certain emerging powers – is supported by a critical understanding of an actual case of state (South Africa’s) behaviour in the contemporary realm of structural power.
Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2018.
Political Sciences
DPhil
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Books on the topic "Security, International – Africa"

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United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research. Africa, disarmament and security =: Afrique, désarmement et securité. New York: United Nations, 1991.

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Booth, Ken. A security regime in Southern Africa: Theoretical considerations. Cape Town: Centre for Southern African Studies, University of the Western Cape, 1994.

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Diane, Philander, Institute for Security Studies (South Africa), and Seminar on Security in Africa: French and South African Perspectives (2000 : Pretoria, South Africa), eds. Franco-South African dialogue: Sustainable security in Africa. Pretoria (PO Box 1787, Brooklyn Square 0075): Institute for Security Studies, 2000.

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Dirou, Armel. Security and International Relations in Central Africa. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-89597-6.

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Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces, ed. Security sector transformation in Africa. Berlin: Lit, 2010.

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Il terrorismo in Africa. Roma: LUISS University Press, 2019.

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Danfulani, S. A. Africa and global diplomacy: Challenges for international security. Ibadan, Nigeria: HEBN, 2010.

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National Defense University. Africa Center for Strategic Studies, ed. Creating sustainable peacekeeping capability in Africa. Washington, D.C: Africa Center for Strategic Studies, 2014.

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Italy) Transtlantic Security Symposium (6th 2013 Rome. Transatlantic security from the Sahel to the Horn of Africa. Roma: Nuova cultura, 2014.

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Jakkie, Cilliers, and Sturman Kathryn, eds. Africa and terrorism: Joining the global campaign. Pretoria [South Africa]: Institute for Security Studies, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "Security, International – Africa"

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Hough, Peter. "Security in Africa." In International Security Studies, 399–406. Second edition. | New York: Routledge, 2020. |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429024177-35.

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Meierding, Emily. "Energy Security and Sub-Saharan Africa." In International Development Policy: Energy and Development, 44–59. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-31401-6_3.

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Dalley, Mahlon, Jacqui Akhurst, Davies Banda, Abdelali Abdelkader, Alexandra Dick, Helena Castanheira, and Eduardo Correia. "Views on National Security in Africa." In International Handbook of War, Torture, and Terrorism, 257–72. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-1638-8_17.

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Oyewunmi, Tade. "The Evolving International Gas Market and Energy Security in Nigeria." In Energy in Africa, 117–45. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91301-8_6.

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van den Heever, Alex. "Social Security and Social Protection in South Africa." In International Political Economy Series, 151–76. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-10576-0_7.

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Abrahamsen, Rita. "Security Privatization and the New Contours of Africa’s Security Governance." In Africa and International Relations in the 21st Century, 162–76. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230355743_10.

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Grobbelaar, Neuma. "South Africa: Security and Stability in Development Cooperation." In The BRICS in International Development, 139–67. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-55646-2_6.

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Clark, John F. "The International Community and Congo’s Recent Crises." In New Security Threats and Crises in Africa, 171–90. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230115538_9.

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Bangura, Ibrahim. "Africa-EU Relations and the Politics of International Development." In The Governance, Security and Development Nexus, 59–75. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-49348-6_3.

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Gildenhuys, Anél. "Food Law in South Africa: Towards a South African Food Security Framework Act." In International Food Law and Policy, 1203–41. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-07542-6_47.

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Conference papers on the topic "Security, International – Africa"

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Eilitta, Marjatta, and Michael Boyer. "Supporting Argo-processing in Africa." In 2022 AOCS Annual Meeting & Expo. American Oil Chemists' Society (AOCS), 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21748/vavs9810.

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Improved oilseed processing has tremendous potential to improve nutrition, food security, and incomes in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA); however, processors face limitations that hinder their growth. For example, only 56% of soybeans produced in SSA are processed. The Soybean Innovation Lab survey highlighted constraints to agro-processors' operations such as access to raw materials, cash flow, cost of entry and operation, and lack of equipment. But while agri-food processing in SSA is still lagging, Reardon (2015) observed an incipient €œquiet revolution€ in such midstream activities. Today, agro-processors in SSA demonstrate great potential to support economic growth€”from large, international companies, to medium/small enterprises supplying districts and towns, to micro enterprises serving communities. These enterprises also provide income-earning opportunities for women, youth, and vulnerable populations, directly impacting their food security and nutrition. To spur growth, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and other donors have invested in improving agro-processing in SSA. In Southern Africa, the American Oil Chemists' Society (AOCS), Soybean Innovation Lab, and USAID-funded Farmer-to-Farmer Program implemented by Cultivating New Frontiers in Agriculture (CNFA) are conducting a pilot to connect AOCS volunteers with processors. This presentation reviews the experiences with the partnership and describes how AOCS members can support African agro-processors.
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Govender, I. "Mapping ‘Security Safeguard’ Requirements in a data privacy legislation to an international privacy framework: A compliance methodology." In 2015 Information Security for South Africa (ISSA). IEEE, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/issa.2015.7335062.

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TEDHEKE, MOSES. "AFRICA: GLOBALISATION OF CAPITAL AS THREAT TO CONTINENTAL SECURITY." In 3rd Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations (PSSIR 2013). Global Science and Technology Forum Pte Ltd, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2853_pssir13.27.

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Orji, Uchenna Jerome. "Multilateral legal responses to cyber security in Africa: Any hope for effective international cooperation?" In 2015 7th International Conference on Cyber Conflict: Architectures in Cyberspace (CyCon). IEEE, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/cycon.2015.7158472.

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Ezechi, Chinenye, and Chukwuemeka Ndulue. "Flare Gas to Energy Using Hydrogen Fuel Cell Solid Oxide Fuel Cells: The Nigerian Perspective." In SPE Nigeria Annual International Conference and Exhibition. SPE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/212036-ms.

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Abstract Energy must be available and affordable to attain energy security as it is fundamental to human and economic development which drives virtually every aspect of the world economy. Globally, the energy demand is increasing; however, the increase is more significant for the African continent due to increased population, industrialization, and economic development. As a proactive measure, technology to meet the demand is crucial to find, develop, process and produce this energy. One of the challenges of the African continent is gas flaring due to gas management solutions and cost-related issues. Based on the African Energy Portal, (Africa Energy Portal, 2020) Nigeria loses about $2.5 billion yearly from 178 flare sites (predominantly onshore sites) nationwide, ranking Nigeria the 7th country on the list of the most flared gas countries in the world. While this is a massive loss in revenue for the major stakeholders, it is also detrimental to public health. While there are other complementary technologies available to help utilize more flared gas, the hydrogen fuel cell has proven to be more instrumental in the quest for acleaner and sustainable energy. With Europe as a frontline adopter, the sustainable energy benefits of a hydrogen fuel cell can be seen in its continuous development, deployment, and utilization in most of its countries. Africa, especially Nigeria has the potential to reduce gas flaring by 70%, (Africa Energy Portal, 2020) via the deployment and usage of fuel cells technologies in the conversion and utilization of flared gas to clean hydrogen gas, which can serve as alternative energy used in a wide range of applications across multiple sectors. This paper focuses on the impact of gas flaring, and the application of evolving hydrogen fuel cell technology as a means of flare gas reduction and gas recovery through steam reforming of methane. It also discusses the constraints of implementing hydrogen fuel cells in Africa, using Nigeria's Oil and Gas Sector as a case study.
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Van Eck, Elzane, and Danie Hoffman. "The Impact of Covid-19 on Job Security of Millennial Quantity Surveyors." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002241.

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The covid-19 pandemic brought about disruption, change and challenges in many industries including the construction industry. Quantity Surveyors are the cost consultants of this industry. In 2021, 72% of all quantity surveyors in South Africa were younger than 45 years and the vast majority of this group form part of the millennial cohort. Millennials are the future upon which the quantity surveying profession will build and job security plays a key role when it comes to retaining talent. The purpose of this study was to investigate the impact covid-19 had on job security of millennial quantity surveyors. A quantitative research design was utilised making use of a questionnaire as research instrument. The questionnaire was distributed nationally by, the Association of South African Quantity Surveyors. The main findings indicate that 63% of millennial quantity surveyors felt that their jobs are not secure anymore and 48% indicated that they were considering emigration. The findings of this paper will be of value to quantity surveying employers as well as associations and professional bodies in the Built Environment.
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Grobler, Wynand Carel Johannes, and Steve Dunga. "ANALYSIS OF FOOD SECURITY STATUS AMONG THE ELDERLY IN SOUTH AFRICA." In 50th International Academic Conference, Paris. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/iac.2019.050.013.

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Charles, T., and M. Pollock. "Digital forensic investigations at universities in South Africa." In 2015 Second International Conference on Information Security and Cyber Forensics (InfoSec). IEEE, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/infosec.2015.7435506.

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Hughes, Kevin, Adrie Stander, and Val Hooper. "eDiscovery in South Africa and the challenges it faces." In 2015 Second International Conference on Information Security and Cyber Forensics (InfoSec). IEEE, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/infosec.2015.7435507.

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Osman, Fouad. "Mobile Money Challenges On Policies, Regulation And Security Frauds In East Africa." In AIMC 2017 - Asia International Multidisciplinary Conference. Cognitive-Crcs, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2018.05.53.

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Reports on the topic "Security, International – Africa"

1

Wakefield, Benjamin. Opportunities for the European Union to Strengthen Biosecurity in Africa. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/hbpq5439.

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The European Union (EU) has a long history of commitment to improving biological security and supporting multilateral approaches to arms controls and non-proliferation. It has supported various biosecurity programmes in recent years and continues to increase its financial support towards these, with a focus on the universalization of the Biological and Toxins Weapons Convention and United Nations Security Council Resolution 1540. More recently, through Council Decision 2021/2072/ CFSP, the EU has committed even further to strengthening biosafety and biosecurity capabilities in Africa, with more meaningful collaboration and an increase in the local and regional ownership of projects. This provides an opportunity for the EU to continue to broaden its approach and improve coordination with international partners. In particular focus is the newly formed European Health Emergency Preparedness and Response Authority (HERA), as it develops its international activities. However, there is still a demonstrated need to strengthen biosecurity-related capacities and capabilities across Africa. This paper highlights the significant opportunities for EU engagement and coordination with international initiatives, such as the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC) Biosafety and Biosecurity Initiative (BBI) 2021–2025 Strategic Plan and the Global Partnership Signature Initiative to Mitigate Biological Threats in Africa.
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Cantens, Thomas, and Gaël Raballand. Taxation and Customs Reforms in Fragile States: Between Bargaining and Enforcement. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2021.009.

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In the last decade, African authorities and the international community have called for support to increase taxation capacity in order to reduce reliance on aid flows. This commitment to support tax administrations was reflected in the 2015 Addis Tax Initiative (ATI), which advocated ‘to double assistance to developing countries in order to strengthen their tax systems and administrations’ by the year 2020 (IMF 2017: 6). Increasing domestic resource mobilisation is even more salient for state-building in fragile states, in terms of providing costly services to citizens, including security, across national territory. There is a rich literature (Acemoglu and Robinson 2012; Besley and Persson 2009) arguing that robust and inclusive fiscal institutions are essential for state-building and economic growth. This is not the situation in fragile states.
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S. Abdellatif, Omar. Localizing Human Rights SDGs: Ghana in context. Raisina House, June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52008/gh2021sdg.

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In September 2015, Ghana along all UN member states endorsed the Agenda 2030 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) as the cardinal agenda towards achieving a prosperous global future. The SDGs are strongly interdependent, making progress in all goals essential for a country’s achievement of sustainable development. While Ghana and other West African nations have exhibited significant economic and democratic development post-independence. The judiciary system and related legal frameworks, as well as the lack of rule law and political will for safeguarding the human rights of its citizens, falls short of considering violations against minorities. Will Ghana be able to localize human rights related SDGs, given that West African governments historically tended to promote internal security and stability at the expense of universal human rights? This paper focuses on evaluating the commitments made by Ghana towards achieving Agenda 2030, with a particular focus on the SDGs 10 and 16 relating to the promotion of reduced inequalities, peace, justice and accountable institutions. Moreover, this paper also analyzes legal instruments and state laws put in place post Ghana’s democratization in 1992 for the purpose of preventing discrimination and human rights violations in the nation. The article aims to highlight how Ghana’s post-independence political experience, the lack of rule of law, flaws in the judiciary system, and the weak public access to justice are obstacles to its effective localization of human rights SGDs. Those obstacles to Ghana’s compliance with SDGs 10 and 16 are outlined in this paper through a consideration of human rights violations faced by the Ghanaian Muslim and HIV minorities, poor prison conditions, limited public access to justice and the country’s failure to commit to international treaties on human rights. Keywords: Ghana, human rights, rule of law, security, Agenda 2030
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Securing Rights, Combatting Climate Change: How strengthening community forest rights mitigates climate change. Rights and Resources Initiative, August 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.53892/chet6628.

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The international community agrees on the urgent need to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from deforestation and forest degradation. With 13 million hectares of forest cleared every year, such efforts are critical to curbing climate change before it reaches a dangerous tipping point. But we are missing a vital opportunity to combat climate change—strengthening the land and resource rights of Indigenous Peoples and local communities whose well-being is tied to their forests. This publication analyzes the growing body of evidence linking community forest rights with healthier forests and lower carbon dioxide emissions from deforestation and forest degradation. It presents a compelling case for expanding and strengthening community forest rights based on evidence drawn from comparative studies, advanced quantitative research, case studies, and original deforestation and carbon analyses by the World Resources Institute. The findings center on examples from 14 forest-rich countries in Latin America, Africa, and Asia. Together, these countries contain about 323 million hectares of government-recognized community forest —68 percent of the estimated total in all low- and middle-income countries—as well as large areas of community forests without legal or official recognition. Our analysis focuses on the links between legal community forest rights (or lack thereof), the extent of government protection of those rights, and forest outcomes.
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