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Van, der Meij L. P. J. "The SS in the Netherlands, 1940-1945 : the #Höherer SS- und Polizeiführer Nordwest'." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.320981.
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Doney, Keith. "Freemasonry in France during the Nazi occupation and its rehabilitation after the end of the Second World War." Thesis, Aston University, 1993. http://publications.aston.ac.uk/14856/.
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This thesis examines the involvement of the French Freemason movement in the Resistance during the Occupation of France by the Germans 1939-1945, its relationship with the Vichy government and the effect the 'Nouvelle Révolution' had on the lives of individual Masons. To set the scene and to put the role of Freemasonry into perspective in the life of France and the French political system, the origins of French Freemasonry are examined and explained. The main French Masonic obediences are discussed and the differences between them emphasised. The particular attributes of a Freemason are described and the ideals and ethos of the Order is discussed. From its earliest days, Freemasonry has often been persecuted by the Roman Catholic Church or by extreme Right-wing movements. The history of this persecution is reviewed and the reasons for its persistence noted, with especial emphasis on the treatment of Freemasons under the fascist regimes of Italy and Germany. The fate of Freemasonry in countries under German control is also briefly examined. With the occupation of France by the Germans, the differences and similarities of the treatment of French and German Freemasons are discussed. The processes and legislation of this ban are closely examined and the part played by the Vichy government in the persecution of French Freemasonry is discussed. The effects of this persecution and the consequences for individuals are examined and the Freemason's role in the emerging Resistance movement is reviewed. The contribution of many lodges to the Resistance movement is examined and the sacrifice of many Freemasons for their ideals is emphasised.
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Fenwick, Luke Peter. "Catholic and Protestant faith communities in Thuringia after the Second World War, 1945-1948." Thesis, University of Canterbury. History, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2784.
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In 1945, many parts of Germany lay in rubble and there was a Zeitgeist of exhaustion, apathy, frustration and, in places, shame. German society was disorientated and the Catholic and Protestant churches were the only surviving mass institutions that remained relatively independent from the former Nazi State. Allowed a general religious freedom by the occupying forces, the churches provided the German population with important spiritual and material support that established their vital post-war role in society. The churches enjoyed widespread popular support and, in October 1946, over 90 percent of the population in the Soviet zone (SBZ) claimed membership in either confession. This thesis is a social history that examines the position of the churches in Thuringia, as a case study, between 1945 and 1948 and aims to evaluate their social and moral influence on the population. It seeks to readdress the considerable dearth of historiographical attention given to the role of the churches in people's everyday lives. In summary, despite a general religious revival in 1945, the popularity of the churches was both short-lived and superficial. Although the churches were industrious in attempting to provide for everybody, the acute destitution encountered by the Thuringian population in 1945 was a chronic problem that undermined the authority of the churches. This was revealed in the inability of the churches to influence faith communities to regularly attend church, to welcome refugees and to feel some responsibility for the Nazi past. Meanwhile, by 1948, the dominant political party, the Socialist Unity Party (SED), had tightened its control over social life in the SBZ. Instead of heeding the voice and dictates of the churches, the population fell into an ideological apathy that favoured the SED, despite the party's own widespread unpopularity. The result was the almost unchallenged, increasing power of socialism in the SBZ that ultimately led to the establishment of the German Democratic Republic under the aegis of the SED with the churches' acquiescence.
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Bauer, Raimund. "A 'New Order' : National Socialist notions of Europe and their implementation during the Second World War." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2016. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/21828.
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The term Europe was omnipresent in the Third Reich during the Second World War. An abundance of primary sources attests to the German interest in a new European order. Nevertheless, historiography is in disagreement on the Europeanness of this New Order and on its actual relevance for National Socialist policies. This study argues that these differing appraisals are the result of a mistaken understanding of the National Socialist New Order. National Socialist Germany did not pursue a single, stable, and clear-cut notion of Europe-to-be, but constantly kept negotiating its war aims and the future of Europe under the heading New Order. By means of a discourse-analytical approach, this thesis reconstructs this New Order and shows that its defining dimensions were long-standing and well-established knowledge and belief systems: the idea of European economic cooperation and völkisch beliefs. Depending on the military situation and the scope of the German sphere of influence, the discursive weight of these interpretive frames varied during the war. Nevertheless, they produced temporarily stable visions of Europe-to-be. Contrasted with this development, an analysis of German policies clearly demonstrates that the New Order discourse did matter. A hermeneutical approach which draws on discourse-analytical concepts of power relations makes clear that the New Order discourse was powerful. It defined the permissible ways of thinking and speaking about the future of Europe and it endowed the activities of German occupation authorities and private companies with meaning. Thus, this study and its innovative perspective shed new light on the New Order and broaden our understanding of National Socialist wartime policies. Its findings suggest that the National Socialist Europe must not be dismissed as anti-European. National Socialist Germany discursively constructed and realised its own ideals of Europe-to-be. This völkisch and economic reorganisation not only guided the policies of German occupation policies and informed the actions of private businesses, but it also fits well into the German tradition of European thinking.
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Berry, Dawn Alexandrea. "The North Atlantic Triangle and the genesis and legacy of the American occupation of Greenland during the Second World War." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8dfcb09d-955e-4d43-a43d-6c7c26f5ef1d.
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On April 9, 1940, Germany invaded Denmark. Instantly, the fate and status of Greenland, a Danish colony, was thrust into limbo. During the war, Greenland’s vital mineral resources and location made it significant for the warring parties on both sides of the Atlantic. However, conflicting international corporate and political interests made any act to defend the island on the part of the Allies, or the officially neutral Americans, problematic. Within a year of the Danish occupation, the American government had signed an agreement for the defense of Greenland, extending the protection of both the Monroe Doctrine and the American military to the island. This action was an important step in the formal expansion of American influence in the Western Hemisphere that occurred during the Second World War. This thesis argues that global economic, political, and technological changes led to Greenland’s increased geopolitical significance and set the stage for a shift in the balance of power within the North Atlantic Triangle. It demonstrates how decisions relating to the security of the island came to be made and how conflicting interests within and between governments affected the genesis of the occupation. It explores how Winston Churchill’s decision to mine the North Sea led to the American occupation of Greenland and examines the ways in which the effects of Churchill’s actions raised concerns in Canada about the possibility of a British defeat, which in turn led Mackenzie King, the Canadian Prime Minister, to align his foreign policy closer to that of the United States’ President Roosevelt. This thesis also asserts that Roosevelt successfully used the potential foreign occupation of Greenland to demonstrate to the American public the dangers of foreign conflicts to the United States and to further his hemispheric security objectives both domestically and abroad. These events had a profound and lasting impact on the relationships within the North Atlantic Triangle and on political identity in Greenland, and signalled an important shift in the foreign policy of the United States toward greater American involvement in world affairs.
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Grillere-Lacroix, Diane. "L’occupation italienne face à l’occupation allemande. Analyse et enjeux de l’autre occupation en France métropolitaine 1938-1943." Thesis, Paris 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA040197.
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De 1938 à 1940, l’existence d’un programme de revendications territoriales de l’Italie fasciste sur la France et le renforcement de l’Axe Rome-Berlin rendent impossible une entente réelle franco-italienne et conduisent au contraire à l’entrée en guerre de l’Italie contre la France le 10 juin 1940. Malgré une bataille des Alpes peu couronnée de succès mais grâce à la signature d’une convention d’armistice, l’Italie de Mussolini peut occuper de facto une partie du territoire métropolitain français. Quoique limitée dans sa superficie du 25 juin 1940 au 11 novembre 1942, l’occupation italienne se développe avec ses propres caractéristiques et s’inscrit dans une configuration géopolitique nouvelle. L’occupation incarne ainsi la revendication fasciste d’une place privilégiée au sein du nouvel ordre européen mais aussi la réalisation possible des ambitions territoriales énoncées depuis 1938, les deux au détriment de la France. L’extension de l’ « occupation », du 11 novembre 1942 au 8 septembre 1943, semble accentuer dans un premier temps cette emprise italienne sur la France et son territoire, mais la politique souveraine de l’occupant italien est éphémère puisque deux mois à peine après la chute du gouvernement fasciste, le 25 juillet 1943, l’Italie signe l’armistice avec les Alliés mettant fin à la domination italienne sur la FranceFrom 1938 to 1940, the existence of a territorial claims program by Fascist Italy on France and the reinforcement of the Rome-Berlin Axis make a real agreement between Italy and France impossible and lead on the contrary to the Italian declaration of war against France on June 10th 1940. In spite of a battle in the Alps quite unsuccessful but thanks to the conclusion of an armistice convention, Mussolini’s Italy can occupy de facto a part of French metropolitan territory. Although a limited area is occupied from June 25th 1940 to 11th November 1942, the Italian occupation is developing with its own characteristics in a new geopolitical configuration. Thus the occupation illustrates the Fascist claim of a privileged position into the New European Order but also the possible realization of territorial ambitions stated for 1938, both to the detriment to France. The extension of the “occupation” from November 11th 1942 to September 8th 1943, seems to increase firstly the Italian “control” on France and its southeastern territory, but the sovereign policy of the occupying power don’t last since hardly two months after the fall of Fascist government, on July 25th 1943, Italy signs an armistice with the Allies which puts an end to the Italian domination on France
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Alquier, Alain. "L’occupation allemande dans le département de l’Hérault : 11 novembre 1942-23 août 1944." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020MON30009.
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Le 11 novembre 1942, jour du vingt-quatrième anniversaire de la signature de l’armistice de 1918, le plan Anton II est déclenché par Hitler. L’armée allemande, aidée de l’armée italienne, envahit la zone sud de la France. Plusieurs dizaines de milliers de soldats de l’Axe traversent brutalement les frontières fixées par les armistices de 1940 et se partagent en deux zones les territoires qui étaient, jusqu’alors, sous le contrôle du gouvernement de Vichy. Les militaires ont un seul objectif : atteindre au plus vite le littoral méditerranéen devenu vulnérable par suite du débarquement anglo-américain dans les territoires français d’Afrique du Nord, le 8 novembre précédent (opération Torch). La zone sud, qui accueillait jusqu’alors de nombreux réfugiés de l’exode de 1940, ainsi que des Juifs et autres pourchassés du régime nazi, devient désormais un territoire sous contrôle. Alors qu’ils subissent avec résignation et fatalisme la défaite de 1940, et que leur quotidien est lourdement impacté par les pénuries, les Héraultais doivent accueillir une dizaine de milliers de soldats allemands qu’il faut loger et avec lesquels il faut cohabiter. C’est ici que débute notre étude dont l’objectif est de reconstruire, au plus près, le quotidien des Héraultais durant les vingt-deux mois de présence allemande, ainsi que de démontrer le fonctionnement de l’occupation à l’échelon départemental. Au-delà des difficultés quotidiennes liées à la guerre, vivre sous la botte allemande, c’est aussi vivre sous la contrainte, à la fois de l’occupant qui est le maître, mais également du gouvernement de Vichy qui agit en étroite collaboration avec lui. Il en découle des difficultés pour les Héraultais qui se manifestent sous diverses formes que nous tenterons de présenter. Enfin, nous nous intéresserons également aux luttes violentes qui émergent entre la Résistance, les collaborateurs, les collaborationnistes et l’occupant, ainsi qu’aux raisons de la retraite allemande qui amènent à la Libération du département, avec ses conséquences sur les hommes et le territoireOn November 11, 1942, the twenty-fourth anniversary of the signing of the 1918 armistice, the Anton II plan was triggered by Hitler. The German army, with the help of the Italian army, invaded the South of France. Tens of thousands of Axis soldiers ruthlessly crossed the borders set by the 1940 armistices and divided the territories, so far under the control of the Vichy government, into two separate areas. The soldiers were given a single objective: reach as quickly as possible the Mediterranean coast, which had become vulnerable since the Anglo-American landing in the French territories of North Africa on 8 November (Torch Operation). At that point, the Southern area which until then had been home to many 1940 exodus refugees, as well as Jews and others who were hunted down by the Nazi regime became a territory under control. While they had resignedly and fatalistically endured the 1940 defeat, and their daily life was heavily affected by shortages, the Hérault people also had to take in, accept to cohabit with and provide accommodation to around ten thousand German soldiers. This is the point in time when our study begins. Our aim is to reconstruct, as accurately as possible, the daily life of the Hérault inhabitants during twenty-two months of German presence, as well as to show and tell how the occupation functioned at department level. Beyond war-generated daily difficulties, living under the German boot also meant living under constraint, both from the occupier who was the master, but also from the collaborating Vichy government. For the Hérault population, this situation created a range of difficulties which took the different forms we will attempt to present in this study. Finally, we will also focus on the violent fights that occurred between the Resistance, collaborators, collaborationists and the occupier, as well as on the reasons for the German retreat that led to the Liberation of the department, with its consequences on the people and the territory
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Théofilakis, Fabien. "Les prisonniers de guerre allemands en mains françaises (1944-1949) : captivité en France, rapatriement en Allemagne." Thesis, Paris 10, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA100184/document.
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Entre fin 1944 et fin 1948, près d’un million de prisonniers de guerre allemands a été détenu en France métropolitaine par les nouvelles autorités. Figure honnie de l’occupation allemande et de la défaite nazie, ces soldats de Hitler désormais vaincus deviennent un enjeu majeur de la sortie de guerre, ou plutôt des sorties de guerre, tant les temporalités et les modalités diffèrent, parfois divergent selon les nombreux acteurs. Les autorités du GPRF sont tout de suite confrontées à un gigantesque défi logistique : prendre en charge une masse de prisonniers, alors que la France de la Libération peine à subvenir aux besoins de sa propre population. Or ces prisonniers sont avant tout réclamés et gardés comme une main-d’œuvre pour la reconstruction de la France. De militaire, la captivité allemande en mains françaises devient économique et pose avec urgence le problème de l’entretien de cette force de travail. La sortie hors du camp offre certes des solutions, mais diffuse progressivement la gestion à l’ensemble de la société : employeurs, maires, mais aussi populations locales et opinions publiques entrent en contact avec cette nouvelle présence allemande. Et la « question PGA » de devenir une affaire de politique intérieure qui fait rejouer la diversité discordante des vécus de guerre : où se situe la limite entre le traitement économiquement rentable mais politiquement peu patriotique ? Qui doit être prioritaire dans l’affectation de la main-d’œuvre prisonnière ? Le travail de celle-là doit-il revenir à l’employeur ou bénéficier à l’ensemble de la nation ? Les réponses engagent une certaine idée de la Reconstruction. Cette question du traitement des PGA dépasse le cadre national pour devenir un enjeu des relations franco-américaines de l’après-guerre et de facto de la politique allemande des deux alliés au statut si inégal : 70% des prisonniers gérés par les Français ont été cédés par les Américains qui entendent conserver leur responsabilité de puissance détentrice. Avec la fin du conflit, puis le début de la guerre froide, qui bouleverse les priorités américaines, la gestion des PGA à l’échelle internationale permet d’observer comme le bilatéralisme transatlantique est progressivement intégré dans le cadre européen qui lui impose son calendrier. Comment les Français entendent-ils ainsi répondre aux demandes de libération à partir de 1946 sans contrarier le plan Monnet ?Between the end of 1944 and the end of 1948, almost one million German prisoners of war were detained in metropolitan France by the new authorities. As hated figures of the German occupation and the Nazi defeat, Hitler’s soldiers, henceforth vanquished, became a main issue of how to get out of the war, which involved a large number of actors. The authorities of the provisional government of the French republic were immediately confronted with a huge logistical challenge: to take care of a mass of prisoners, whereas France at the time of Liberation already had some difficulties to provide for its own population. Whereas German prisoners had been claimed and kept above all as labor to rebuild France. From being military in nature, the German captivity in French hands became an economic phenomenon and posed the question of the maintenance of this labor force. Removing the prisoners from camps presented some solutions, but spread progressively the management to the whole society: employers, mayors, but also local populations and public opinions who came in contact with this new German presence. The “German POWs question” became an issue of domestic policy, which made the conflicting diversity of war experiences resonate: Where is the line between the economically profitable treatment, but politically not so patriotic? Who must have priority in the allocation of POW labor? Must the work of this latter be due to the employer or to benefit the whole nation? Answers to these problems defined a certain idea of the reconstruction. This question of the treatment of POWs exceeds the national framework to become an issue of the Franco-American relationships in the after-war period and, de facto, of German policy - decided by two allies with such unequal status: 70% of the prisoners managed by the French had been transferred by the Americans who wanted to keep the responsibility as the detaining power. With the end of the conflict, then the beginning of the Cold War, which changed American priorities, the management of the German POWs at the international scale gives the opportunity to observe how the transatlantic bilateralism was progressively integrated into the European framework which set its own agenda. How could the French authorities meet the claims for liberation from 1946 without thwarting the Monnet plan?
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Xu, Zhikai. "Les employés allemands du Gouvernement Militaire Français (1945 - 1949)." Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SACLN015/document.
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Après la seconde guerre mondiale et suite à sa défaite, l'Allemagne fut divisée en quatre zones d'occupation par les forces alliées. Sous le contrôle général du CONL (Conseil de Contrôle Interallié), les Allemands durent alors obéir aux ordres des quatre occupants alliés qui, chacun dans leur zone respective, cherchèrent de mener à bien leurs propres projets d'occupation. Pour des raisons diplomatiques et géopolitiques, les autorités françaises de la ZFO (zone française d’occupation) maintinrent une position plus indépendante, afin de non seulement garantir la sécurité géopolitique de la France, mais aussi s’assurer de pouvoir se procurer les moyens nécessaires à la reconstruction de la France -- à travers la réparation économique que l’Allemagne s’était vue imposer --, et enfin de lui permettre la décentralisation de l'Allemagne. Ainsi, une série de décisions sur l'utilisation directe ou indirecte des ressources humaines allemandes locales seront prises par le GMF (Gouvernement Militaire Français) pour faciliter l'administration de la zone française et assurer les intérêts français en Allemagne. Dans ce modèle représentatif de l’utilisation française du personnel allemand, trois groupes particuliers d’employés allemands directs ou indirects du GMF existèrent et aidèrent ainsi les occupants français à réaliser efficacement les objectifs qu’ils s’étaient fixés concernant l'occupation de l’Allemagne : les employés allemands relevant directement du GMF, les fonctionnaires et enfin, les légionnaires allemands. En raison de différentes décisions interalliées du CONL, d’événements historiques cruciaux et de mouvements populaires en Allemagne dans l’immédiat après-guerre – tels que par exemple, la dénazification, la démocratisation, la rééducation et la démilitarisation --, tous ces groupes d’employés allemands du GMF connurent des destins différents pendant la période d’occupation. Leurs sorts furent le reflet direct et concret du changement d’attitude des Français envers le peuple allemand ainsi que l’évolution des principes français relatifs à l’occupation de l’Allemagne dans l’après-guerreAfter the Second World War, defeated Germany was divided into four zones occupied by allied force. Under the general control of ACC (Allied Control Council), Germans had to obey the rule of Allied occupants and the four allied powers sought to carry out their own plans of occupation in their zones. Due to the reasons diplomatic and geostrategic, the French authorities maintained a more independent position to pursue the geopolitical security of France, the economic reparation for the reconstruction and the decentralization of Germany. Hence, a series of decisions about the direct or indirect use of local German human resource were adopted by the FMG (French Military Government) to simplifier the administration of the zone and ensure the realization of French interests in Germany. In this typical model of the French employ of German personnel, three major special germen groups existed; they supported French occupants to achieve efficiently their objectives of occupation in Germany: the germen employees relevant directly to FMG, the functionaries and the legionnaires. With the allied decisions of ACC, the crucial events and the popular movements in Germany, such as denazification, democratization, reeducation, and demilitarization, these typical groups of the employees of FMG have experienced the different situations during the occupation period and their fates reflect directly and deeply the change of French attitude toward the Germen people and the evolution of French principles of occupation in Germany in the postwar period
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Clemence, Paul Christopher. "German underground factories of the Second World War: an essential folly." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.493643.
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This thesis examines the topic of the underground factories that Germany constructed during the Second World War. These factories were primarily built as a response to the Allied bombing campaign that was increasing in intensity from 1943 onwards and the entire programme stretched across much of Europe. Encompassing at least nine occupied countries, as well as Germany itself, the programme was composed of hundreds of factories ranging from gigantic tunnel-systems and structures to small scale facilities in basements and cellars. It is the intention of this dissertation to provide an in-depth overview of the complete underground programme, something that has not previously been done at an academic level.
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Meissner, Carlos Albrecht. "A resilient elite : German Costa Ricans and the second world war." Thesis, University of York, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.535024.
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Brodie, Thomas O. "For Christ and Germany : German Catholicism and the Second World War." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0d66efa0-28df-4b9c-a74c-a79b434bbc7a.
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This dissertation examines the roles played by Catholicism on the German Home Front during the Second World War. It analyses to what extent German Catholics supported their nation’s war effort, and how they sought to reconcile their religious convictions with Nazism and its conduct of the conflict. The thesis examines the oscillations of morale within the Catholic ‘milieu’ during the war years, and analyses its responses to German defeats from 1943 onwards. In addition to these overtly political themes, this dissertation analyses the social history of religion during this period. In order to focus its analysis on a manageable scale, this thesis focuses on the experiences and activities of Catholics from the Rhineland and Westphalia. Its concluding chapter uses its findings concerning Catholicism during the war years to revise current understandings of the formation of a conservative ‘restoration’ in West Germany after May 1945. Many existing works concerning German Catholicism during this period provide a monolithic portrayal of the confession’s internal coherence, and domination of its adherents’ political beliefs. This thesis, by contrast, argues that profound divides existed amongst German Catholics during the Second World War. Younger clergymen were frequently more sympathetic to völkisch nationalism than their older colleagues, and desired a more pro-Nazi stance from the German episcopate. The Catholic laity, moreover, was similarly often frustrated by the conservatism of episcopal Neo-Scholastic theology, and wanted sermons and pastoral letters that would endorse the German war effort in more unambiguous terms. The war years witnessed a complex negotiation of religious, political and national loyalties amongst Catholic communities, ensuring the thesis provides a nuanced picture of the confession’s place in German society during this period.
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Kertesz, Margaret. "The enemy : British images of the German people during the Second World War." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.332017.
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Watkins, Nicolle. "Gender, community and the memory of the Second World War occupation of the Channel Islands." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/21833/.
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This thesis examines the construction of frames of Second World War memory in the post-occupation Channel Islands, and considers the impact of gender on both this memory-making process and the resulting popular representations of their shared past. It first explores the gendered tensions and fractures of the occupation years, and their role in the construction of this usable past. The occupation will be shown to have directly challenged the traditional gendered expectations of British wartime conduct (a key tenet of Islander identity), particularly regarding martial masculinity and feminine virtue. These tensions and fractures were particularly acute in the Channel Islands, as they were the only British territory to be occupied by German forces during the Second World War, having been demilitarised prior to the invasion of 1940. The war memories that were popularly adopted by the Islander communities after the war were, therefore, rooted in these early tensions and fractures, as they sought out retribution, closure, and unity, along with a connection to the desirable British war memory and the image of the victorious soldier hero. This thesis examines how this traumatic period has been built into a necessary and powerful founding myth in the Channel Islands, through the gendered sharing of war stories and rituals, as well as the reclaiming of contested spaces and objects to the present day. This analysis of the war memory of these small Islander communities will inform wider understanding of how gendered wartime anxieties might have similarly impacted the construction of war memory within other previously occupied nations across Europe. It also offers an important insight into the role of gender in the subsequent dissemination, disruption and stabilisation of war stories through generations, particularly within small communities recovering from the trauma of war.
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Ferguson, Alexander David. "Axis of failure : strategic folly, economic incompetence and mutual antipathy in the Italo-German alliance, 1939-1943." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.268757.
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Baumgarten, Alisse. "Rape as a Weapon of War: The Demystification of the German Wehrmacht During the Second World War." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/586.
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The German Armed Forces were originally thought to be completely innocent of all war crimes associated with unethical Nazi racial policies. This has been proven not to be the case. History has adjusted itself to show that Wehrmacht forces were guilty of virtually every war crime except for the sexual violation foreign women. Due to the long-standing assumption that Nazi racial ideology prevented the intermingling of the “Aryan” race with the “unworthy” Eastern European races, this myth was rarely questioned. Given the lack of hard evidence proving that civilian women were raped by invading Wehrmacht troops, a firm conclusion is out of the question. However, with a concrete understanding of the Nazi attitude towards sexual relations, the components in the East that led to a breakdown in Wehrmacht discipline, and the resulting reaction of the Soviet Union in light of this brutality, one can surmise the type of violence women were forced to endure. Through the research conducted in this thesis, it is likely that the mass rape of Eastern European women did indeed occur. The silence that surrounds this issue is highly indicative of the cultural elements that prevent an open discussion of this topic. This thesis is meant to spark a discussion of the implications and reverberations of mass rape in a wartime setting.
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Weir, Paul. "British attitudes to the aerial bombardment of German cities during the Second World War." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2015. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/58501/.
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This thesis examines the attitudes of British people to the aerial bombardment of German cities during the Second World War, with particular attention given to those who challenged the nature of the campaign. I use contemporary sources with a strong emphasis on qualitative data to develop a picture of attitudes at the time and situate the roots of the significant post-war controversy within these contemporary attitudes. The thesis offers a more sustained and textured account of anti-bombing sentiment than other historiographical works. An introductory chapter charts the development of aerial bombing in the early years of the twentieth century. The extent to which Britain engaged with aerial bombardment, and how it was understood by people in Britain, are addressed here. Three case studies – each focusing on a different raid on a German city – are then used to address how attitudes to the bomber offensive were shaped at different stages of the war. The first is the December 1940 attack on Mannheim. This took place during the Blitz on British cities, a factor which has implications for the nature of responses at this time. The question of reprisals is important here. I show how the desire for reprisals was far from universal, yet it was overstated in the press and by Prime Minister Winston Churchill. The second case study addresses the series of heavy attacks on Hamburg in July and August 1943. This followed the decision, taken the previous year, to officially adopt a policy of area bombing. This chapter shows how the Archbishop of Canterbury's support for the campaign stifled voices of protest at this time. The final case study considers the raids on Dresden in February 1945. Churchill's response is addressed in this chapter and contrasted with the immediate concerns raised in the press and in private diaries.
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Seemann, Anika. "Law and politics in the Norwegian 'Treason Trials', 1941-1964." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/289455.
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This thesis is a political history of the trials of wartime collaborators in Norway after 1945. It offers a first scholarly investigation into the central actors behind these trials, looking at the ways in which Norwegian authorities planned, implemented and interpreted the 'reckoning' with wartime collaborators between 1941 and 1964. In doing so, it evaluates the broader political purposes the trials served, how these changed over time, and the mechanisms that brought about these changes. The analysis distinguishes between 'internal' and 'external' influences on the trials. 'Internal' influences are understood to be both the inherent doctrinal and institutional limitations of the law, as well as the personal and political convictions found within the authorities that governed the trials. 'External' influences meanwhile constitute the broader public attitudes and debates surrounding the trials in politics, the media and civil society. This thesis therefore seeks to deepen our understanding of the trials in two ways. Firstly, it goes beyond existing scholarship by focusing not on questions of 'morality' and 'justice', but instead on competing institutional dynamics and political representations of legitimacy and authority. Secondly, unlike most previous scholarship, it provides an encompassing account of the policy decisions underlying the trials by looking at the full timespan of the Norwegian authorities' administrative engagement with them, from their initial conceptualisation to the handling of their legacy. Thereby, individual decisions and events can be seen in relation to one another, allowing us to understand what purposes the trials served at different stages of their implementation, and how legal and administrative measures related to their political purposes. In response to previous scholarship on the trials, this thesis argues that the driving agent of the trials was not the static agenda of any one institution or group, but that their final shape was the result of the complex interaction of demands for legal consistency with a rapidly changing political and social context, both at the national and the international level.
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Stark, John Robert. "The Overlooked Majority: German Women in the Four Zones of Occupied Germany, 1945-1949, a Comparative Study." Columbus, OH : Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1045174197.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 433 p.: ill., maps (some col.). Includes abstract and vita. Advisor: Alan Beyerchen, Dept. of History. Includes bibliographical references (p. 424-433). Abstract available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center; full text currently unavailable.
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Holden, Christopher Stephen John. "The German U-boat campaign of the Second World War : an analysis of subsidiary theatres /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arh7263.pdf.
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Urmson, Birgit [Verfasser]. "German and United States Second World War Military Cemeteries in Italy : Cultural Perspectives / Birgit Urmson." Bern : Peter Lang AG, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1173651179/34.
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Alloy, Phillip C. "The Role of Jewish Women as Primary Organizers of the Minsk Ghetto Resistance During the World War II German Occupation." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1372291273.
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Sauer, Philip. "“I'm Always from Elsewhere”: A Narrative Inquiry into Two Ethnic German Life Courses Shaped by the Second World War." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1313426428.
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Custodis, Johann. "Employing the enemy : the economics of German and Italian prisoner of war employment in the British Commonwealth during and after the Second World War." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.599936.
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Martin, Caroline. "Memoir and memory : the papers of a pre-war German - Alfred Huhnhäuser, 1885 to 1950." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/24389.
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The personal archive of Dr Alfred Huhnhäuser (1885-1950), a German civil servant, is examined with regard to this thesis. The archive consists of an unfinished personal memoir, Aus einem reichen Leben, five chapters of a political memoir concerning Huhnhäuser's time in Norway during the German occupation, publications edited by Huhnhäuser and other personal documents. A full catalogue of the contents of the archive has been included in this thesis. An attempt has been made to identify the significance of the Huhnhäuser archive within a literary framework and, therefore, a brief analysis of the study of autobiographical writings has been undertaken. The importance of the archive within the context of social history has also been stressed, for Huhnhäuser was an "ordinary" German and not one of the Great and the Good. The personal memoirs operate on three levels - personal, worldstage and cultural- and extracts from the archive have been used to illustrate this. A brief historical summary of events in Norway prior to and immediately after the German occupation is given in order to place the events described by Huhnhäuser in context. The contents of the personal and political memoirs are summarized and analyzed in this thesis. Recurring themes are identified and examined. Perhaps the most significant is Huhnhäuser's repeated claim that he is an inherently ''unpolitisches We sen". Evidence has been obtained from the Bundesarchiv in Berlin which proves that Huhnhäuser joined the NSDAP on 1 May 1933. Huhnhäuser does not refer in the memoirs to his membership of this party, claiming instead that he has never voluntarily been involved in party politics. A second volume of materials has been included in this thesis in order to provide more detailed information as regards to the composition and contents of the archive. Extracts from the memoirs and letters have also been selected.
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Lambrecht, Jeroen. "Belgian soldiers' perceptions of the enemy during the First World War, 1914 - 1918." Thesis, Connect to resource online, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/1993.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2009.Title from screen (viewed on November 5, 2009). Department of History, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Kevin Cramer, William H. Schneider, Monroe H. Little. Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 115-126).
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Mallet, Audrey. "Vichy against Vichy : History and Memory of the Second World War in the Former Capital of the État français from 1940 to the Present." Thesis, Paris 1, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA01H073.
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Soixante-dix ans après la fin de la guerre et alors que l’héritage immatériel de Vichy constitue aujourd'hui, selon Pierre Nora, un des principaux lieux de mémoire en France, la ville de Vichy continue d'être un non-lieu de mémoire. L'étude du cheminement de la mémoire de Vichy à Vichy s'avère particulièrement intéressante car elle met en lumière les difficultés pour les villes symboles de honte à dépasser le paradoxe triangulaire entre leur volonté (nécessité) d'écrire leur propre histoire, l’impossibilité qu'elles ont de se libérer totalement du poids écrasant des mythologies nationales, et l'inévitable prise en considération des contraintes imposées par le contexte économique, social et/ou politique propre à chaque lieu. En utilisant une méthodologie à la fois historique et anthropologique, ma thèse met en évidence l'importance de ne pas considérer la mémoire collective comme étant imposée par les groupes hégémoniques, mais plutôt comme étant le résultat d'un processus complexe au sein duquel les traditions, les mythes et les légendes locales occupent une place centraleFollowing the June 22, 1940 armistice and the subsequent occupation of northern France by the Germans, the French government left Paris and eventually established itself in the city of Vichy. The name 'Vichy' soon came to be used to refer to the regime instigated by Pétain and his ministers. The shortcut was maintained and popularized in the postwar period, to the great displeasure of the Vichyssois. Whereas the Vichy regime has long been considered one of the most defining historical events of France’s recent past, in the French memorial landscape of the Second World War, the city of Vichy continues to stand out as a non lieu de mémoire. This dissertation investigates the wartime period in Vichy and explores how the population has dealt with the fraught legacy of the Vichy regime from 1944 to the present. My research examines how the interaction between national mythology, specific local concerns, and broader troubling issues have impacted - and blocked - the formation of a local war memory
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Brady, Ronald N. "The Use of German Prisoners of War in Louisiana's Agricultural Labor Force, 1942 - 1946." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2016. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2127.
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Le, Corre-Cochran Victoria Ann. "Taking Control, Women of Lorient, France Direct Their Lives Despite the German Occupation (June 1940-May 1945)." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/36388.
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This thesis argues that from June 1940 when German soldiers occupied Lorient, France until May 8, 1945 when the Lorient "Pocket" surrendered, although the women of this port city faced drastic changes, they took control of their everyday lives. They did what it took to feed and clothe their families, working, standing in lines, buying on the black market, bartering, demonstrating, and recycling. They developed relationships with German soldiers which ran the gamut. Due to aerial raids in the context of the Battle of the Atlantic, they sought shelter, buried their dead, took care of their wounded, looked for new lodging, and helped each other. They even tried to have some fun. After evacuation in early 1943, scattered to the four winds, in the American held "Lorient Sector," they served as advocates for others and made inquiries to the American 66th Infantry Division Counter-Intelligence Service. At the Liberation women were easy targets for blame, and some from Lorient were punished, notably for "horizontal collaboration" with Germans. When the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Liberation of Lorient was celebrated in 1995, the story of the women of Lorient was essentially left out.Master of Arts
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Lathey, Gillian. "The impossible legacy : identity and purpose in recent (1970-95) English and German language autobiographical children's literature set in the Third Reich and the Second World War." Thesis, University of Surrey, 1997. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/843951/.
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It is the aim of this study to explore the phenomenon of recent (1970-1995) English and German language autobiographical writing for children in which writers' childhood experiences during the Third Reich, the war years and the immediate post-war period provide the basis for a fictionalised reconstruction of childhood. The complex relationship between childhood and adulthood evident in these texts is one forged by the particular social and historical circumstances of wartime, as many writers affected by the last world war are engaged in a process of reassessing their own identities in accordance with changing perspectives on the past. Current ideologies inevitably shape the adult narrator's reconstruction of the historical events which a child could not understand fully at the time. In these texts, recording experience for the next generation serves a therapeutic as well as a didactic purpose, for each enables the writer to regain contact with the childhood self in a contained and clearly focussed narrative. A detailed thematic and stylistic analysis of selected texts is informed by a survey of studies on the history and purpose of autobiographical writing about childhood, an examination of the of role of writing as therapy in the psychoanalytical tradition, and the position of language in the autobiographical process. In particular, the work of Jung and the reinterpretation of Freud by Jacques Lacan has illuminated discussion of these issues. Comparisons are made between retrospective accounts of wartime childhood by German, Jewish and British writers; differences in the nature and volume of autobiographical writing in German and English are related to the timing of these accounts and the decision to write for a child audience. In passing stories on to the next generation, writers' selection of content and control of narrative perspective are indicative of both national and personal preoccupations. Finally, the interplay between a historically evolving reevaluation of the past and the developmental history of the self is related to aspects of the reception of texts and the purposes they are expected to fulfil.
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Gagen, Martin. "Myth and reality in the Second World War : the question of Churchill's advance knowledge of the bombing of coventry by the German luftwaffe on november 14-15, 1940 /." May be available electronically:, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU1MTUmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=12498.
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Steneck, Nicholas J. "Everybody has a chance: civil defense and the creation of cold war West German Identity, 1950-1968." The Ohio State University, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1124210518.
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Waller, C. D. "The poetry of Anton Schnack." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:354fe0a5-68d5-4a9e-b051-b5f77ab74acc.
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This thesis is the first academic treatment of the poetry of Anton Schnack (1892-1973): his work is not well known, even in Germany. Methodologically the thesis takes a combined literary, historical and biographical approach, exploring the complex and sometimes deceptive relations between his poetry and the turbulence of his time. The primary aim of the thesis is to show that Tier rang gewaltig mit Tier (1920) is a uniquely innovative volume of war poetry which, to be fully appreciated, needs to be assessed against the background of previous German war poetry and the development of the sonnet cycle. It is placed in the context of Schnack’s other lyrical work, particularly of the three volumes of Expressionist poetry which immediately preceded it and which themselves are analysed as examples of a very powerful kind of Expressionism. Schnack did not publish his next volume of verse until 1936, and three further collections emerged in quick succession between 1947 and 1953. These four collections are examined in detail in the context of Schnack’s decision to stay in southern Germany and to maintain a consistently low profile. The thesis begins with a general introduction to Schnack’s life and work and makes specific reference to his contemporary and current standing among literary historians and critics. Chapter Two focuses on the three volumes of Expressionist verse and documents the cultural circles which he frequented in Munich and the numerous Expressionist magazines and periodicals to which he contributed. The next three chapters are dedicated to Tier rang gewaltig mit Tier and examine it with reference to its poetic form as a cycle of sonnets and of its merits and status as war poetry. The final chapter pays particular attention to Schnack’s life in the Third Reich, situating the single collection he published during that era among the literary works of Inner Emigration, before analysing his three post-war collections.
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Mamola, Bethany Grace. "Perseverance in the Face of Totalitarianism: The Life and Legacy of Józef Zygmunt Szulc in Nazi Occupied France." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2019. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1505262/.
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The Reichsleiter Rosenberg Task Force of 1940, initiated a systematic confiscation of items belonging to Jews throughout Europe. Because of this task force and Hitler's decrees, Jews across Europe were labeled as stateless, and were stripped of ownership and rights to property. Not only did these actions devastate Jews economically, but intellectually and artistically as well. In parts of occupied France, this task force was legitimized by Vichy laws under the label of the Commissariat Générale aux Questions Juives (General Commission for Jewish Issues) and enabled Nazi officials to closely watch Jewish musicians and stop them from performing their music, profiting from anyone else performing it, and to halt any public performance of Jewish compositions. This dissertation exhibits the lost legacy of one such Jewish musician, Józef Szulc. It discusses him as a musician of great importance in the ongoing recovery of Jewish culture, music, and life during World War II. His musical output has historical notoriety, as seen through reviews and performance history. The study of Vichy laws and their effect on Jewish musicians in Paris during the Nazi occupation provides the socio-political context for Szulc's life. It also provides the most plausible reason why his contribution to French vocal music was almost entirely lost. Szulc's success with his operetta compositions created a trajectory of performances that lasted well into the late 1920s and early 1930s.
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Thériault, Mark J. "Art as propaganda in Vichy France, 1940-1944." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=112592.
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The French government under Philippe Petain, based at Vichy, simultaneously collaborated with the Germans and promoted French patriotism. French artists and designers produced an abundance of posters, paintings, sculptures and other objets d'art, examples of which are included here, to promote the values of the "new order." Although Christian symbols were common, fascist symbols among the mass-produced images support the idea that the Vichy regime was not merely authoritarian, but parafascist.The fine arts were purged of "foreign" influences, yet the German Arno Breker was invited to exhibit his sculptures in Paris. In the spirit of national redressement, traditional French art was promoted; however, Modern art, which Hitler condemned as cultural Bolshevism, continued to be produced. With reference to the words of Petain, Hitler, French artists and art critics, and a variety of artworks, this thesis shows how art was used to propagate the ideology of the Vichy regime.
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Locke, Samuel A. III. "Multiplying an Army: Prussian and German Military Planning and the Concept of Force Multiplication in Three Conflicts." Youngstown State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1588694697384848.
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Kostus, Anna Maria. "Making the worst of a bad situation : how the interpersonal conflict between Foreign Minister Jozef Beck and Marshal Edward Rydz-Smigly affected Poland's perception of the German threat in the run-up to the Second World War." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2015. http://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/making-the-worst-of-a-bad-situation-how-the-interpersonal-conflict-between-foreign-minister-jozef-beck-and-marshal-edward-rydzsmigly-affected-polands-perception-of-the-german-threat-in-the-runup-to-the-second-world-war(a4e1dcec-79e5-4777-9fec-e205ac845fc3).html.
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The institutional conflict examined in this thesis can be traced back to the successful military coup of 1926, which elevated Marshal Jozef Pilsudski to dictatorship. Given the Marshal's interest in military and foreign policy matters, he was actively involved in the formation of both, ensuring their coherence. Unfortunately, following Pilsudski's death in 1935, the 'Sanacja' regime plunged into internal conflict. Rydz-Smigly, who succeeded Pilsudski as the General Inspector of the Armed Forces, soon became involved in the domestic power struggle. Named the Second Person in the state in 1936 and promoted to Marshal, Rydz-Smigly sought greater involvement in foreign policy. This interference met with resistance from the Polish Foreign Minister Jozef Beck. The troubled relationship between both men embodied the civil-military conflict in 1930s Poland and is the main subject of this doctorate. This thesis examines the extent in which it affected Polish military preparedness in 1939 by delaying the process of defensive planning. It also subject considers the impact that the tension between the Foreign Ministry and the General Staff had on the flow of strategically important information. Save for Roman Wapinski, whose work focuses on the dynamic between Polish foreign and domestic policy, the historiography to date has failed to address the importance of this institutional and personal rivalry and tended to focus on either diplomatic (e.g. Piotr Wandycz, Anna Cienciala, Marek Kornat, Stanislaw Zerko, Michal Zacharias) or military (e.g. Marian Zgorniak, Marian Leczyk, Mieczyslaw Cieplewicz, Leszek Gadek, Piotr Stawecki) history. This dissertation looks at both and contrasts the diplomats and military men’s different attitudes to Germany. It argues that this dissonance in approach impaired the Polish military and civilian authorities' ability to accurately assess the German threat and, consequently, affected Poland's defence in September 1939.
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Serfass, David. "Le gouvernement collaborateur de Wang Jingwei : aspects de l’État d’occupation durant la guerre sino-japonaise, 1940-1945." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017EHES0133/document.
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Cette thèse se propose d’étudier le gouvernement collaborateur dirigé par Wang Jingwei (1940-1945) à la croisée de deux trajectoires : celle de l’État chinois moderne et celle de l’Empire japonais. Au-delà d’un approfondissement des connaissances sur l’occupation japonaise en Chine, mon travail ambitionne d’enrichir le champ des études sur l’État lui-même. Une telle approche ne va pas de soi, tant le caractère « fantoche » attribué à ce régime par l’historiographie chinoise l’a longtemps isolé du reste de la période et cantonné à une histoire des tenants idéologiques de la collaboration. Sans évacuer cet aspect, mon approche consiste à l’inscrire dans une étude politique et sociale du gouvernement et de l'administration, afin de saisir le fonctionnement réel de la machine étatique en zone occupée. Pour ce faire, je développe le concept d’État d’occupation, qui désigne l’ensemble formé par les organisations japonaises (institutions militaires et civiles) et chinoises (gouvernements collaborateurs locaux), établies afin d’administrer la Chine occupée. La construction de cet État, qui visa, à partir de 1940, à intégrer ces organisations derrière la façade du gouvernement de Wang Jingwei, fut détournée par des logiques de formation, nées des contradictions entre ses différents acteurs. Ce processus est examiné en adoptant des focales différentes. La première partie étudie la mise en place de l’État d’occupation du point de vue japonais, en montrant l’impact qu’eurent, l’un sur l’autre, centre et périphérie au sein de l’Empire nippon. Je reviens ensuite sur la genèse de cet État d’occupation, jusqu’à la formation du gouvernement de Wang Jingwei. La deuxième partie réduit la focale pour s’intéresser à l’organisation particulière de ce dernier, dont la spécificité, par rapport aux autres régimes collaborateurs, provenait de l’ambition qu’avait le groupe de Wang de restaurer le Gouvernement nationaliste légitime dans le cadre d’un « retour à la capitale ». La troisième partie, enfin, se penche sur le cas de la fonction publique en zone occupée, dont le cadre institutionnel et idéologique est mis en regard avec les conditions de vie des agentsThis dissertation studies the collaboration government headed by Wang Jingwei (1940-1945) at the crossroads of two trajectories: those of China’s modern state and Japan’s Empire. More broadly, my work aims at enriching the field of state-building research. Such an approach may seem counter-intuitive, as this regime is still labelled a "puppet" by Chinese historiography, which has cast it aside from the rest of the period and confined it to an ideological history of collaboration. I consider it within the context of a political and social study of government and administration, which tries to grasp the real functioning of the state machine in the occupied zone. For this purpose, I develop the concept of occupation state, i.e. a larger apparatus than the sole collaboration regimes, which included Japanese military and civilian agencies as well as Chinese local governments. From 1940 on, the state-building process aimed at integrating these organizations behind the façade of the Wang Jingwei government. However, it was diverted by a formation process, which resulted from the contradictions between its different actors. I explore this process from three different angles. The first part studies the establishment of the occupation state from the Japanese point of view, showing the mutual impact of centre and periphery within the Japanese Empire. Then, it follows the genesis of the occupation state up to the establishment of the Wang Jingwei government. The second part focuses on the experience of the latter, whose specificity, compared to other pro-Japanese regimes, was the ambition of the Wang group to restore the legitimate nationalist government as part of a "return to the capital". Thirdly, I look at the administrative personnel’s institutional and ideological framework as well as their living conditions
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Iervolino, Ana Paula. "A participação de teuto-brasileiros na FEB (1944-1945): memória e identidade." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-31052012-124148/.
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Com o posicionamento do Brasil na Segunda Guerra Mundial, as comunidades que eram relacionadas a países do Eixo sofriam perseguições por parte das autoridades, além de ataques realizados pela imprensa e parte da população. Nas comunidades alemãs circulavam valores pangermanistas, incentivando a manutenção de costumes e do idioma alemão, e eram comuns sentimentos de pertença à Alemanha entre seus habitantes. Ao lado dos demais expedicionários, jovens destes locais foram convocados para a composição da FEB. A dissertação baseada principalmente em depoimentos orais e escritos estuda questões identitárias envolvidas na participação destes expedicionários.When Brazil participated in the Second World War, the Brazilian immigrant communities that were related to the Axis Power suffered persecutions by governmental authorities as well as attacks made by the press and part of the population. In the German communities there were ideals based on Pan-Germanism including the use of German language and customs; feelings of belonging to Germany were common among its inhabitants. Beside other members of the Brazilian Expeditionary Force (FEB), people from these communities were also drafted. The research, based on different sources especially oral and written testimonies focuses on identity questions about these combatants.
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Majerus, Benoît. "Occupations et logiques policières: la police communale de Bruxelles pendant les première et deuxième guerres mondiales, 1914-1918 et 1940-1944." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211112.
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En tant que pays occupé pendant les deux conflits mondiaux, la Belgique s’avère être un laboratoire pour étudier le phénomène des occupations pendant le XXe siècle. Pour la bureaucratie étatique, ces occupations posent la question de leur positionnement face à une dissociation entre Etat et Nation. La comparaison diachronique de la police communale de Bruxelles – à travers l’angle organisationnel et à travers sa pratique dans l’espace social – a permis de dégager plusieurs thèses. Le développement des appareils administratifs a pris de telles dimensions dans le XIXe siècle que l’occupant est obligé de trouver un modus vivendi avec les institutions existant sur les territoires occupés, lui-même étant incapable de gérer seul les pays sous son contrôle. Cette constellation donne une marge de manœuvres importante à la police locale, l’institution qui fait l’objet de notre étude.
Pendant les deux guerres, la police est soumise à un processus de réformes visant à améliorer son fonctionnement :centralisation du commandement, spécialisation d’unités, élargissement géographie des compétences d’intervention… Ces changements s’inspirent d’une part d’idées ambiantes en Belgique et d’autre part de projets réalisés en Allemagne dans les deux périodes procédant la guerre.
L’intégration de l’appareil policier communal à l’intérieur d’un régime d’occupation est facilitée par le professionnalisme de celui-ci qui contraste fortement avec la pratique des polices auxiliaires pour lesquelles l’ordre patriotique et/ou idéologique peut prendre le dessus sur le ‘maintien d’ordre classique’. Cette prédominance professionnalisante explique la continuité du fonctionnement de l’institution qui poursuit ses tâches entre 1914-1918 et 1940-1944.
En m’inspirant des travaux de l’historien allemand Alf Lüdtke et du sociologues français Dominique Montjardet, j’ai essayé de questionner trois postulats sous-jacents dans l’historiographie :
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Doctorat en philosophie et lettres, Orientation histoire
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Devigne, Matthieu. "Classe de guerre : Une histoire de l’École entre Vichy et République, 1938-1948." Thesis, Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040145.
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Cette thèse porte sur l’histoire de l’École primaire ‒ ou premier degré ‒ au cours de la décennie centrale du XXe siècle. Y sont analysés les processus décisionnels de la politique scolaire au niveau de l’administration ministérielle et académique, ainsi que l’exercice quotidien des prescriptions scolaires sur le terrain des écoles, grâce au recours à de nombreux éclairages monographiques. La première partie de l’étude s’attache à démêler les divers aspects de la politique scolaire de l’État français à l’aide d’analyses quantitatives originales, et en prenant appui principalement sur le point de vue des acteurs en charge de son application : hauts fonctionnaires du ministère, inspecteurs d’académie, jusqu’aux enseignants eux-mêmes. Une seconde partie propose un portrait du fonctionnement logistique quotidien des écoles primaires du pays dans le contexte de la guerre et de l’Occupation. Enfin, la troisième partie décrit le rétablissement de l’École républicaine sur le territoire et les multiples défis idéologiques, pédagogiques et matériels, auxquels est confrontée l’institution scolaire. S’appuyant sur un grand nombre d’archives publiques et privées inédit, cette thèse aboutit ainsi à renouveler le regard historiographique posée sur l’histoire scolaire de cette période. En effet, la décennie guerrière des années 1940 a vu éclore des réformes et des réflexions qui en font un temps d’expériences et d’apprentissages intenses pour la génération des acteurs appelés à forger l’École du second XXe siècle. C’est en ce sens que l’on qualifiera ce moment historique de véritable « classe de guerre »This thesis focuses on the history of French elementary school in the middle decade of the twentieth century. School policy is analyzed through the decisions of ministerial and academic administrations along with its daily enforcement in classes, exemplified by numerous monographs of interest. First, the study attempts to untangle the various aspects of school policy under the French State, relying mainly on the words of its enforcers: ministerial officials, schools inspectors and, of course, teachers. It exposes quantitative investigations on the repressive impact of the regime and on the unprecedented financial public support for free education, in addition to a detailed analysis of the Vichy educational reforms. It then depicts the everyday life of primary schools in the context of war and Occupation. The third part chronicles the restoration of republican school over the national territory, and emphasizes the multiple ideological, educational and material challenges it had to face. Based on a large number of original archives, both private and public, this thesis leads to reevaluate the historiographical standpoint on the history of school of this time. Indeed, the 1940s gave birth to reforms and reflections that made this decade of war a time for experiments and intense learning for the generation of professionals who were to shape the school of the second part of the century. It is in this sense that this historical moment may be called a “war class”
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Roffat, Sébastien. "L'émergence d'une école française du dessin animé sous l'Occupation (1940-1944) ?" Thesis, Paris 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA030004.
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De 1940 à 1944, durant l’occupation allemande de la France, le Ministère de l’Information (Direction générale de la Cinématographie nationale) et le Ministère allemand de la propagande ont tenté de mettre en place une industrie française du dessin animé. Même si la finalité était différente pour les deux organismes d’Etat, le dessin animé a bénéficié durant quatre années d’un réel régime de faveur de la part des gouvernements tant français que allemand. Volontarisme politique et soutien financier inédit se sont conjugués afin de proposer une nouvelle esthétique française du dessin animé qui se tiendrait éloignée du traditionnel cartoon américain : il s’agit alors de désaméricaniser le dessin animé et de promouvoir un art français. Une étude de la réception de cette nouvelle esthétique auprès du grand public, des journalistes et du gouvernement est enfin menéeDuring the German occupation of France from 1940-1944, the Ministry of Information (Direction générale de la Cinématographie nationale) and the German Ministry of Propaganda tried to establish a French cartoon industry. Though the motivation was different for the respective state agencies, the cartoon enjoyed four years of support from both French and German governments. Political will and unprecedented financial support combined to offer a new aesthetic for French cartoons, distanced from the American tradition; the desire to create a uniquely French aesthetic represented an important challenge to the American monopoly on animation. The present study examines the reception of this new aesthetic by the general public, journalists and the government
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Stopper, Sebastian. "Das Brjansker Gebiet unter der Besatzungsherrschaft der Wehrmacht 1941 bis 1943." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät I, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16760.
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Während des deutsch-sowjetischen Krieges war ab Herbst 1941 das Gebiet um die russische Stadt Brjansk von der Wehrmacht besetzt. Die 2. Panzerarmee verwaltete dieses Territorium über den Kommandanten des rückwärtigen Armeegebietes 532. Wie überall im besetzten Gebiet verübten die Einsatzgruppen des SD zahlreiche Morde und es kam zum Massensterben der Kriegsgefangenen in den Durchgangslagern. Starke, in den ausgedehnten Waldmassiven versteckte sowjetische Partisanenverbände erschwerten die Beherrschung des ausgedehnten Raumes. Aufgrund des Mangels an deutschen Soldaten wurden zahlreiche Bewachungseinheiten aus Einheimischen und Kriegsgefangenen gebildet. Der Kommandeur der Armee Generaloberst Rudolf Schmidt ging sogar so weit, einen von der russischen Bevölkerung vollständig selbst verwalteten Bezirk zuzulassen. Kollaboration mit den deutschen Besatzern war ein weit verbreitetes Phänomen, während gleichzeitig in den Wäldern die Partisanen herrschten. Die Sicherungsverbände führten zahlreiche Antipartisanenunternehmen durch, die meist ohne anhaltende Erfolge blieben, aber in deren Verlauf zahlreiche Zivilisten als vermeintliche Partisanen getötet wurden. Obwohl die Besatzungsherrschaft der Wehrmacht in diesem Gebiet von der in Berlin beschlossenen Generallinie der Ausbeutung, Unterdrückung und Vernichtung in vielem abwich, wurde nicht für eine ausreichende Ernährung der Bevölkerung gesorgt. Dem Hunger und dem Partisanenkrieg fielen bis zum Rückzug der Wehrmacht im Herbst 1943 tausende Zivilisten zum Opfer.During the German-Soviet war by autumn 1941 the area around the Russian city Bryansk was occupied by the Wehrmacht. The Second Tank Army administrated this territory through the commander of the backward area of the army 532. Like everywhere in the occupied territories the Einsatzgruppen of the SD committed numerous murders and it came to the widespread deaths of the prisoners of war in the transit camps. Strong Soviet partisan groups hidden in the vast forest massifs complicated the control of the vast area. On account of the lack of German soldiers numerous guarding units from locals and prisoners of war were formed. The commander of the army senior general Rudolf Schmidt went even so far of admitting a district completely administered by Russians themselves. Collaboration with the occupying forces was a widespread phenomenon, while at the same time in the woods the partisans ruled. The guarding troops carried out numerous anti-partisan operations which mostly remained without during success but killed numerous civilians as putative partisans in the course. Although the occupation of the Wehrmacht in this area in many aspects deviated from the in Berlin concluded general line of exploitation, suppression and destruction, it was not provided for a sufficient supply of food for the population. Until the retreat of the Wehrmacht in autumn 1943 thousand of civilians fell victim to hunger and partisan warfare.
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Williams, Nicholas J. "An ‘evil year in exile’? The evacuation of the Franco-German border areas in 1939 under democratic and totalitarian conditions." Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040209.
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Entre fin août et début septembre 1939 entre 700 000 et un million de civils sont évacués de la Sarre, du Palatinat et du pays de Bade vers le centre de l’Allemagne. En Moselle et en Alsace, environ 600 000 civils sont transportés vers le sud-ouest. Cette mesure est le résultat d’un long développement, influencé par les guerres napoléoniennes et la Grande Guerre. Ce travail analyse les étapes qui aboutissent à ces évacuations dans le cadre de la défense passive pendant l’entre-deux-guerres en France et en Allemagne. Il étudie, principalement de manière comparative, l’exécution des évacuations dans les deux pays en se concentrant sur les exemples de la Moselle et de la Sarre. La totalisation de la guerre à travers l’érection de lignes fortifiées puis l’évacuation des civils apparaît alors être un phénomène indépendant des systèmes politiques et des cadres nationaux : elle est un phénomène transnational. De plus, certains aspects des mouvements de réfugiés ne peuvent être contrôlés par les États. C’est ainsi que des pillages sont observables des deux côtés de la frontière. Cependant, la Troisième République arrive, également grâce à ses expériences avec les réfugiés pendant la Grande Guerre, à mieux organiser et encadrer les réfugiés. Leur administration et le soutien qu’ils reçoivent sur place sont organisés d’une manière plus cohérente par rapport à l’Allemagne nationale-socialiste, où des prétentions idéologiques et la dualité entre les administrations civiles et le parti nazi empêchent l’exécution efficace du programme d’évacuationBetween the end of August and early September 1939, between 700,000 and one million civilians were evacuated from the Saarland, the Palatinate, and Baden to the centre of what was then Germany. From the Moselle and Alsace, around 600,000 civilians were evacuated to south-west France. Those measures were the result of a long development, the origins of which can be traced back the Napoleonic Wars and the Great War. The present thesis analyses the developments which led to those evacuations within the framework of civil defence policies during the interwar period in France and Germany. It explores the execution of the evacuation programme in both countries from a comparative perspective, concentrating on the Moselle and the Saarland. What results is that the totalisation of warfare, in this case as seen in the erection of fortified defence lines and the evacuation of civilians later resulting therefrom, are phenomena independent of any given political systems or national frameworks, and therefore transnational ones. Moreover, the movements of refugees are only to a certain degree controllable on either side of the border, and looting likewise occurs on both sides. Nevertheless, the Third Republic managed, in part due to the experience the country had with refugees during the First World War, to organise and look after their refugees more efficiently than Germany did. The French administration and support system for refugees was more efficiently organised, compared with their German counterparts, where ideological constraints and the duality of civilian administrations and the National Socialist party greatly hampered efficiency in the execution of the evacuation programme
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Heiniger, Alix. "Engagement et identité : les militants antifascistes des organisations Freies Deutschland de l’exil à l’Ouest (Belgique, France, Suisse) à la RDA des années 1970 (1943-1975)." Thesis, Cachan, Ecole normale supérieure, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012DENS0024.
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Cette thèse étudie les militants des organisations Freies Deutschland (FD) fondées en Belgique, en France et en Suisse pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. En reproduisant le modèle du Nationalkomitee « FreiesDeuschland », créé à Moscou en juillet 1943 par des exilés communistes et des prisonniers de guerre allemands, ils tentent de rassembler des opposants au régime nazi présents en Europe de l’Ouest. A l’aide d’une base de donnée biographique, la thèse analyse les modalités de l’engagement militant de ces acteurs.Celui-ci subit des variations notamment lors de la légalisation des organisations qui sont restées clandestines jusqu’à la Libération en Belgique et en France et jusqu’au printemps 1945 en Suisse. L’identité revendiquée de ces acteurs change également, alors qu’ils adoptent une rhétorique tournée vers leur nation et sa reconstruction. Enfin, après la guerre et après le retour des militants dans les deux Allemagnes, le SED leur demande de livrer leur expérience d’exil pour soutenir le discours officiel sur l’antifascisme. Ils trouvent alors une occasion de valoriser un capital politique négligé par le parti dans l’après-guerre et produisent un répertoire commémoratif sur l’antifascisme de l’OuestThis PHD dissertation studies the activists of the organisations Freies Deutschland (FD) in Belgium, France and Switzerland during the Second World War. Reproducing the model of the Nationalkomitee « Freies Deutschland », founded in Moscow in July 1943 by German communists and prisoners of war, they tried to gather Nazi regime opponents in Western Europe. The dissertation analyses the political engagement of these activists with the help of a biographical methodological approach. The commitment of these actors changed during the Liberation in Belgium and France and until spring 1945 in Switzerland. The identity theytried to give themselves also changed when they adopted a discourse more concentrated on their nation and its reconstruction. Finally, after the war and their return in East and West Germany, the SED asked them to write their story in exile to support the official discourse on antifascism. This gave them an occasion to promote their political experience, which was neglected by the party after the war. They produced a memorial narrative on western antifascism
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Godet, Marie. "Le poids du réel. Les surréalistes bruxellois et l'objet dans les années 1940." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/241978.
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Cette thèse se propose d’étudier le surréalisme bruxellois durant les années 1940, à travers le prisme de l’objet. Les termes d’héritage, de poncif, de génération, d’avant-garde et de scandale en façonnent le cadre. Le poids des événements historiques s’y fait continuellement ressentir. Particulièrement peu unifiées sur le plan politique et artistique, les années 1940 sont synonymes d’intenses turbulences pour le surréalisme, officiellement lancé en 1924. Les jeunes poètes qui entament leur parcours à cette époque sont pratiquement nés au même moment que le mouvement dans lequel ils s’insèrent. La rencontre entre ces surréalistes débutants et un mouvement ayant ses principaux coups d’éclat derrière lui crée une dynamique à laquelle l’énergie de ces années difficiles est en grande partie redevable. Divers phénomènes sont observés : la constitution d’une « deuxième génération » surréaliste, une interrogation sur la pertinence et les moyens d’action du mouvement, des modifications dans les relations avec les surréalistes parisiens. Enfin, l’instabilité politique force chaque membre du mouvement à repenser ses rapports au réel. L’utilisation de l’objet par les surréalistes est intimement liée à ces soubresauts continuels. Suivant un déroulement chronologique, la thèse aborde quatre épisodes de l’histoire du groupe surréaliste bruxellois durant cette décennie, en suivant plus particulièrement le parcours de Marcel Mariën, Christian Dotremont et René Magritte. Elle s’ouvre à la veille de la Seconde Guerre mondiale ; la deuxième partie est consacrée à l’Occupation. La troisième partie étudie l’année 1945 et en particulier une exposition organisée par René Magritte en décembre 1945 et janvier 1946, dans laquelle les objets sont présents en nombre. La quatrième partie se consacre aux dernières années de la décennie. Christian Dotremont quitte le surréalisme via la création du surréalisme-révolutionnaire et de Cobra avant de réaliser une exposition d’objets en été 1949. L'étude de cette décennie dans sa globalité permet plus largement de donner un éclairage inédit sur cette partie de l'histoire du surréalisme.Doctorat en Histoire, histoire de l'art et archéologie
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Amara, Michaël. "Des Belges à l'épreuve de l'exil: les réfugiés de la Première guerre mondiale (France, Grande-Bretagne, Pays-Bas), 1914-1918." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210703.
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Entre août et octobre 1914, l’invasion allemande donna lieu à une des plus vastes mouvements de populations qu’ait connu la Belgique. En l’espace de quelques semaines, plus d’1,5 millions de Belges quittèrent le pays pour trouver asile en France, en Grande-Bretagne et aux Pays-Bas. Si beaucoup regagnèrent leurs foyers une fois le front stabilisé, plus de 500.000 d’entre eux firent le choix d’un exil prolongé. Cette thèse se propose d’étudier ce phénomène selon différentes approches. Le premier chapitre s’attache à dégager les raisons qui présidèrent à l’exode massif des populations civiles. Il s’agit ensuite d’étudier les mécanismes de solidarité mis en œuvre dans chacun des pays d’accueil. Les grands contours de l’action humanitaire engagée en faveur des réfugiés belges mettent en évidence des processus de mobilisations sociales dont l’évolution rapide permet d’appréhender de quelle manière ils furent perçus par les populations locales. En outre, par le biais de l’aide aux réfugiés, il est permis d’esquisser quelques grandes caractéristiques des politiques sociales lancées durant la Première Guerre mondiale. La mise au travail des réfugiés apparaît comme le seconde grand axe de ce travail. Dans un contexte marqué par de fortes pénuries de main-d’œuvre ouvrière, la présence des réfugiés éveilla des enjeux économiques et sociaux insoupçonnés. En effet, dès 1915, que ce soit en France ou en Angleterre, les réfugiés belges prirent une part active à l’activité économique des pays qui les accueillaient. Cette participation des Belges à l’effort de guerre allié est particulièrement intéressante en ce qu’elle fut l’occasion d’une rencontre inédite entre peuples qui se connaissaient peu. De même, elle vit émerger quelques entreprises dont le fonctionnement éclaire la manière avec laquelle gouvernement et patronat belges concevaient les rapports sociaux en ce début de XXème siècle. Afin d’encore mieux cerner quel fut l’apport des réfugiés à l’effort de guerre belge, l’accent est mis sur leur engagement dans la lutte armée. L’attitude réservée des Belges face à la mobilisation générale permet d’illustrer les limites de leur adhésion à la guerre et éclaire la détérioration sensible de leur image. Pour terminer, le dernier chapitre s’attache à déterminer quelle fut la nature des rapports que nouèrent réfugiés et populations locales. Il s’agit de voir de quelle manière les réfugiés s’intégrèrent aux communautés d’accueil et dans quelle mesure ils pâtirent des vagues xénophobes qui balayèrent les différents pays d’accueil dès 1917./On both the eastern and western fronts, the First World War led to the displacement of millions of civilians. The invasion of Belgium by German forces proved no exception: between August and October 1914, more than a million a half Belgians fled their country. They sought asylum in the Netherlands, France and Great Britain. In total, more than 600,000 Belgians settled abroad during the First World War. This thesis studies this unprecedented and unrepeated exile of hundred of thousands of Belgians between 1914 and 1918.Doctorat en philosophie et lettres, Orientation histoire
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Girardin-Thibeaud, Odile. "Des amiraux au service de Vichy (1940-1944)." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014BOR30079/document.
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Dès la signature de l’armistice, près de 70% des officiers généraux de marine de première section se retrouvent non seulement à des postes emblématiques de l’Etat français, mais aussi à des postes plus secondaires. Quelque soit la nature des ces fonctions, elles leur permettent, dans la plupart des cas, de se faire les hérauts de l’Etat français. Entrés en politique dès juin 1940 au gré des événements militaires, ces hommes présentent une cohérence sociale et professionnelle forte qui, à elle seule, ne suffit pourtant pas à expliciter ce ralliement massif au maréchal Pétain. Leur culture professionnelle et politique reste un élément majeur pour rendre compte de la rencontre idéologique entre ce corps et la Révolution nationale. Persuadés de la supériorité de leur modèle moral et culturel, ils voient dans ce régime, né des décombres de la Troisième République, l’opportunité de faire triompher leurs valeurs. L’obéissance militaire n’apparaît alors que comme un facteur certes réel mais secondaire pour expliciter ce ralliement. Chez l’amiral Darlan, en revanche, il semble bien que l’accession au pouvoir résulte d’un processus pensé et mûri dès mai 1940 et qui se poursuit pendant les six premiers mois de régime. Favorables à une gestion autoritaire du pouvoir, les amiraux portent les mesures d’exclusion et de retour à la tradition en fonction de leurs propres valeurs et des fonctions qu’ils exercent. Leurs pratiques politiques, directement héritées des méthodologies en vigueur dans la Marine, leurs entourages immédiats issus eux aussi de la Royale, contribuent avec la nature des actions qu’ils mettent en place, à alimenter leur réputation de mauvais politiques. L’épuration judiciaire et professionnelle sanctionne quelques uns d’entre eux, mais les procédures, prises sur la durée, d’amnistie et d’annulation par le conseil d’Etat des sanctions administratives permettent de tempérer les déclarations d’épuration rigoureuse. Un dictionnaire complète cette approche collective : il permet ainsi de suivre les itinéraires professionnels de chacun des quarante-neuf officiers généraux de marine étudiés, de rendre compte de leur rôle entre 1940 et 1944 et d’évoquer leur situation dans l’après guerreAs soon as the Armistice was signed, nearly 70% of general officers in the Navy found themselves not only in emblematic positions of the French State but also in secondary ones. Whatever the nature of these positions, they enabled them, in most cases, to be the messengers of the French State. Joining politics as early as June 1940, according to how military events happened, these men have a strong social and professional coherence which cannot explain, by itself, this huge rallying to marechal Petain. Their professional and political culture remains a key element in explaining the ideological meeting of this branch with the national Revolution. Convinced of the superiority of their moral and cultural model, they consider this regime, born on the ashes of the third Republic, as an opportunity to make their values prevail. Military obedience then appears as a real, although secondary factor to explain their rallying.As far as Admiral Darlan is concerned, though, this access to power, on the contrary, appears as deeply and carefully thought as soon as 1940 and goes on for the first six months of the regime. These admirals, who believe in an authoritarian management of power, hold the measures of exclusion and of return to the Tradition depending on their own values and on the positions they hold. Their political observance, directly inherited from the methods used in the Navy, as well as their immediate circles, also connected with the « Royale », contributes to their bad reputation as politicians too, because of the nature of their actions. Judicial and professional purge sometimes condemns some of them but the procedures of amnesty and invalidation taken by the Council of State concerning administrative sanctions permit to temper the declarations of strict purge. A dictionary completes this collective approach : it enables one to follow the professional route of each of these 49 general officers, to explain their role between 1940 and 1944 as well as to evoke their position after the war
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Amr, Firas. "Der „Charakter" des deutschen Feindes." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät I, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/17564.
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Der Zweite Weltkrieg war von neuer Technik und damit auch von neuen Möglichkeiten in der Propaganda und Psychologischen Kriegsführung geprägt. Speziell in der britisch-deutschen Auseinandersetzung wurden aus den Erfahrungen des Ersten Weltkrieges neue Konzepte entwickelt, mit denen eine Manipulierung feindlicher Soldaten und Zivilisten ermöglicht werden sollte. Die Dissertation setzt sich mit den Mentalitäts- bzw. Charaktereinschätzungen der Deutschen aus Sicht der britischen Akteure auseinander, die für eine effiziente Propaganda und Psychologische Kriegsführung gegen das sogenannte ''Dritte Reich'' sorgen sollten. Die oftmals präzisen Einschätzungen der Propagandisten, teils auch unter Verwendung psychologischer und psychiatrischer Dossiers hatten jedoch nicht immer den gewünschten Effekt. Auch aus diesem Grund wurden neue Strategien im Rahmen der sogenannten ''schwarzen'' Propaganda entwickelt, die den Gegner in den Grundfesten seiner Seele erschüttern sollte (und zu Teilerfolgen führte). Auch wenn die Briten auf beeindruckende Art und Weise die Deutschen hinsichtlich politischer, sozialer, religiöser oder lokaler Zugehörigkeit analysierten und Versuche unternommen wurden, diese Gruppen anhand dieser vermeintlichen Schwächen zu manipulieren, wurde nie das Ziel erreicht, via der Provokation von Differenzen innerhalb der Bevölkerung oder zwischen Bevölkerung und NS-Regime den Krieg zu verkürzen. Dabei ist die britische Effizienz im Einzelnen wiederum schwer messbar, festzustellen ist jedoch eindeutig, dass die britischen Propaganda-Maßnahmen keinen durchschlagenden Erfolg hatten, da die Autorität des NS-Regime zu keinem Zeitpunkt durch Massenaufstände oder Meutereien bzw. Massendesertionen an der Front gefährdet waren. Im Großen und Ganzen war die Entwicklung der mentalitätsorientierten ''geistigen Kriegsführung'' ein beeindruckendes Kapitel der britischen Geschichte, jedoch ohne messbare Auswirkung auf den Kriegsverlauf bzw. seiner Verkürzung.The beginning of the Second World War imposed a new kind of warfare on the battlefield. The progress of radio and flight techniques permitted measures to manipulate the enemy with a combination of propaganda and psychological warfare. Furthermore, an analysis of his character was needed to spot the weak points in German psychology, to support the enemy population and soldiers in enmity towards their own government and to the war and to induce political uprising, sabotage and desertion. But the economic rebirth of Germany had created a strong connection between the Germans and Hitler, that would not be easy to weaken. British attempts to manipulate the German mind were wholly unsuccessful. Even the best analysis, very often close to the truth, could not jeopardize the efforts of Nazi propaganda, that drummed successfully into the German mind that the intentions of the Allied forces would be to destroy and enslave Germany. Furthermore, efforts to drive a wedge between the Germans and their leaders failed. Even in decline and defeat, the average German remained incapable of drawing his own conclusions and rising up against the Nazis. The history of the British attempts to manipulate the German mind was yet an impressive chapter of the Second World War, even if not entirely successful. The propaganda-organization of those measures and the confirmation of at least some of the estimates proved the efficiency of a well-organized brain-pool. For the totalitarian regime, it was easier in the end to oppress opposition, and for the democratic system too difficult to penetrate the German minds.
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Schram, Laurence. "La caserne Dossin à Malines, 1942-1944: histoire d'un lieu." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209094.
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Le 27 juillet 1942, la Sipo-SD de Bruxelles ouvre le camp de rassemblement pour Juifs, établi dans la caserne Dossin à Malines. La fonction de ce camp est génocidaire :elle consiste à rassembler en ce lieu les victimes des persécutions raciales en vue de leur « évacuation » à l’Est, c’est-à-dire leur déportation à Auschwitz-Birkenau.Entre le 4 août 1942 et le 31 juillet 1944, 25.000 déportés juifs et 350 Tsiganes de Belgique et du nord de la France sont déportés à Auschwitz-Birkenau, qui est à la fois un centre de mise à mort et un complexe concentrationnaire. En 1945, seuls 1.252 de ces déportés raciaux ont survécu. Avec Drancy et Westerbork, la caserne Dossin constitue l’un des rouages essentiels de la mise en œuvre de la « Solution finale de la Question juive » (en Allemand, Endlösung der Judenfrage), le programme nazi d’élimination systématique et totale des Juifs d’Europe.
Bien que ce lieu ait été l’antichambre de la mort, son histoire est très mal connue. Pour la première fois, elle est étudiée dans sa globalité.
Après avoir donné un aperçu des persécutions raciales sous l’occupation allemande en Belgique et dans le nord de la France, l’auteur examine comment et dans quel contexte le camp de Malines est organisé par la Sipo-SD.
Le camp nécessite un personnel SS très restreint :une dizaine d’Allemands et quelque 80 auxiliaires flamands suffisent. Les rôles et les parcours individuels de plusieurs d’entre eux sont abordés plus en détail, afin d’en dégager des profils particuliers. Pour faire fonctionner le camp, les SS utilisent des travailleurs juifs détenus. Leurs tâches vont de l’entretien quotidien du camp à l’administration de la déportation, l’enregistrement sur les listes de transports et la spoliation. L’implication forcée des détenus dans la destruction de leur propre communauté est analysée. Le fonctionnement du SS-Sammellager est comparable à celui du système concentrationnaire. À la caserne Dossin, des détenus juifs endossent des fonctions privilégiées, similaires à celles des Kapos dans les camps de concentration, mais évidemment à des degrés de violence très éloignés.
Les SS, maîtres absolus, règnent par la terreur que les internés subissent dans tous les aspects de leurs conditions de détention :le règlement intérieur, les horaires, l’hygiène déplorable, la promiscuité dans les chambrées, l’insuffisance du ravitaillement, l’exploitation de leur travail.
L’arbitraire, renforcé par l’impunité dont jouissent les SS, débouche sur de nombreux mauvais traitements, exactions, et sévices. Certains épisodes, plus violents que d’autres, qui ont marqué l’histoire du camp, sont analysés en profondeur. Le nombre extrêmement restreint de décès survenus au camp doit cependant être souligné.
Devant tant de violences, confrontés à l’inacceptable, les internés adaptent leurs comportements aux circonstances, jouant sur un vaste registre allant de la collaboration avec leurs persécuteurs jusqu’à la résistance. Cette résistance, multiforme et diffuse, se développe à l’intérieur du camp, tout en n’aboutissant jamais à la mise sur pied d’un réseau organisé.
Mais au sein des détenus, une catégorie particulière n’aura jamais l’occasion de résister, pas plus que celle de se mêler aux internés juifs. Dès leur enfermement dans la caserne Dossin, les Tsiganes sont encore plus mal lotis que les Juifs. Leur sort, tout à fait exceptionnel et ne se confondant pas avec celui des Juifs, est présenté dans un chapitre qui leur est exclusivement consacré.
Dans la nuit du 3 au 4 septembre 1944, le SS-Sammellager est abandonné par les SS, en pleine débâcle. La plupart des Juifs qui s’y trouvent encore sont livrés à eux-mêmes. Leur « libération » ne suscite pas de grand intérêt. Pour leur part, la liesse s’éteint rapidement devant le constat de leur monde ravagé par la Shoah. Presque aucune famille n’est sortie indemne de ces deux années de déportation.
Vingt-sept transports juifs et un transport tsiganes ont été dirigés à Auschwitz-Birkenau. Trois convois exceptionnels partent aussi pour Buchenwald, Ravensbrück et Bergen-Belsen et deux petits groupes d’internés sont envoyés de Malines à Vittel.
L’histoire de chacun de ces transports permet de relater la façon dont leur effectif a été rassemblé, de suivre le sort des déportés, des évadés, des assassinés dès la descente du train, des forçats ainsi que des rares survivants.
Aussi l’auteur replace-t-il la caserne Dossin dans son contexte européen en mettant l’accent sur sa fonction génocidaire.
La mise en œuvre de la Shoah en Belgique, en France et aux Pays-Bas est présentée et une comparaison entre les camps de rassemblement de ces pays, Dossin, Drancy et Westerbork est réalisée.
Tout au long de son développement, cette thèse met l’accent sur la mission génocidaire du camp, maillon entre les SS l’Office central de Sécurité du Reich de Berlin et Auschwitz-Birkenau, le lieu de l’extermination des Juifs de l’Ouest. Le SS-Sammellager für Juden est replacé dans le contexte de la Shoah en Europe, en particulier à l’Ouest, dans le triangle formé par Westerbork, Drancy et Dossin.
Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished