Relevant bibliographies by topics / Secession India

Academic literature on the topic 'Secession India'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Secession India"

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Mehmood, Fatima. "Demystifying External Self-Determination and Remedial Secession in International Law." Asia-Pacific Journal on Human Rights and the Law 23, no. 1 (February 16, 2022): 1–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718158-23010001.

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Abstract This article proposes remedial secession as an international legal solution conducive to the protection of the rights of the Kashmiri people. The triggering event for such a proposal is the unilateral abrogation of Article 370 of the Indian Constitution (which guaranteed Kashmir its semi-autonomous status within India) by the Government of India together with the subsequent human rights abuses in the region. External self-determination and remedial secession are not clearly recognised in the existing corpus of international law. This article aims to demystify external self-determination in international law and presents a normative argument in favour of recognising remedial secession in international law, albeit as a remedy of last resort, using Kashmir as a case study for its application. It is proposed that international law borrow from conflict-oriented approaches in political philosophy to garner adequate criteria in order to foreground, legitimise and properly delineate the contours of the proposed right to remedial secession. This article thus also presents possible means of effecting the proposed right to remedial secession, analyses their theoretical justifications and, through application in the context of Kashmir, discusses their practical value.
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Fisher, Michael H., Richard Sisson, and Leo E. Rose. "War and Secession: Pakistan, India, and the Creation of Bangladesh." American Historical Review 97, no. 4 (October 1992): 1270. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165642.

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Hewitt, Vernon. "War and secession: Pakistan, India and the creation of Bangladesh." International Affairs 66, no. 4 (October 1990): 845–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620433.

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Gilmartin, David, Richard Sisson, and Leo E. Rose. "War and Secession: Pakistan, India, and the Creation of Bangladesh." American Historical Review 96, no. 4 (October 1991): 1265. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165169.

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Ziring, Lawrence, Richard Sisson, and Leo Rose. "War and Secession: Pakistan, India, and the Creation of Bangladesh." Pacific Affairs 63, no. 3 (1990): 406. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759547.

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Larson, Gerald James. "Partition: The “Pulsing Heart that Grieved”." Journal of Asian Studies 73, no. 1 (November 26, 2013): 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911813001666.

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By way of framing Manan Ahmed Asif's intriguing personal (and poetic) reflection entitled “Idol in the Archive” in this current issue of the Journal of Asian Studies, it must always be remembered that in August 1947, the old British Raj gave birth to not one but two independent nation-states, namely India and Pakistan. India became a “Sovereign Democratic Republic” when its Constitution came into effect on January 26, 1950, following adoption of its draft Constitution by its Constituent Assembly on November 26, 1949. Pakistan took a bit longer, becoming the “Islamic Republic of Pakistan” when its first Constitution came into effect on March 23, 1956. Furthermore, of course, Pakistan underwent secession of its Eastern Province with the founding of the “People's Republic of Bangladesh” in 1971. It is hardly an exaggeration to suggest that partition is the defining event of modern independent India and Pakistan, and, more than that, continues to be the defining event of India and Pakistan even after more than fifty years of independence.
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Pandita, Ramesh. "Jammu & Kashmir’s Repeated Reaffirmed Faith in the Democratic Setup of India: A Study of the State’s Public Participation in the General Elections of India (1967-2014)." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 51 (May 2015): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.51.125.

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Purpose: - The up-rise of social unrest in the state of Jammu & Kashmir (the federal constituent of the Union of India) towards the end of the 20th century with the demand to secede from the union of India has somewhere earned the Jammu & Kashmir as a conflict zone in the South Asia. The present study has been conceived to examine the public participation of the Jammu & Kashmir state in the democratic process of the country, by participating in the general elections of India (A referendum or plebiscite of its own kind, whereby people of the state, time and again have reaffirmed their faith in the democratic process of the country) since its accession with the union of India. Some of the aspects evaluated in the present study include, electoral participation, participation of national and local level political parties, participation and performance of national level political parties, representation given to women candidates, etc.Scope: - The study is confined to the state of Jammu & Kashmir, India and the findings have direct bearing with the state, which has altogether a different geopolitical setup, where public interests stand safeguarded by the constitution of India under article 370. There is every need to observe caution, while generalizing the findings of the study.Methodology/Approach: - The study is empirical in nature, undertaken on the secondary data, retrieved from the official website of the Election Commission of India on August 02, 2014.Findings: - The state of Jammu and Kashmir has so far undergone through 12 general elections in the country. The average voter turnout during these elections from the state remained about 46.76%. At gender level the average voter turnout percentage among males remained 60% & for females 39.90%, which compared to voter turnout at national level during the same period at gender level remained 62.39% and 55.45% respectively. The voter turnout percentage from the state remained far better than various other states of the country for the same period. The threat perception to not to participate in the electoral process of the country that prevailed over state populace post 1989 got reflected in the subsequent 7 general elections held in the state, especially among female folk, resulting decline in their turnout percentage, when compared to their male counterparts.Social Implications: - The study is an eye opener to the public at large and to those, who are abetting the Jammu & Kashmir’s secession movement by crying that the state is devoid of democracy. The secession movement which is being backed by the money & the munitions questions its own credibility & justification.
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Losurdo, Domenico. "Moral Dilemmas and Broken Promises: A Historical-Philosophical Overview of the Nonviolent Movement." Historical Materialism 18, no. 4 (2010): 85–134. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920610x550622.

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AbstractGreat historical crises oblige us to choose not between violence and nonviolence, but between two different forms of violence. Nonviolent movements are no exception to this rule. In the US, with the outbreak of the War of Secession, the Christian-nonviolent movement was obliged to choose between the violence of the Union-army (which ultimately imposed on the South an abolitionist revolution from above) and the violence of slavery. With the outbreak of World-War One, Lenin chose revolution, while, in India, Gandhi became the ‘recruiting agent-in-chief’ for the British army. At that moment, he struggled not for the general emancipation of colonial peoples, but only for the co-optation of the Indian people under the ruling races, and this co-optation was to be gained on the battlefield. While in the past, in spite of their mistakes and oscillations, the protagonists of nonviolence (Gandhi, Tolstoy, Martin Luther King, etc.) were an integral part of the anticolonialist movement, today nonviolence is the watchword of imperialism, which tries to discredit as violent its enemies and challengers.
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Haque, Ziaul. "Richard Sisson and Leo E. Rose. War and Secession: Pakistan, India and the Creation of Bangladesh. New Delhi: Vistaar Publications. 1990. 338 pp.Price Rs 225.00 (Hardbound)." Pakistan Development Review 30, no. 1 (March 1, 1991): 95–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v30i1pp.95-99.

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After thirteen long years of military dictatorship, national elections on the basis of adult franchise were held in Pakistan in December 1970. The Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and the Pakistan Peoples Party, under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, emerged as the two majority political parties in East Pakistan and West Pakistan respectively. The political party commanding a majority in one wing of the country had almost no following in the other. This ended in a political and constitutional deadlock, since this split mandate and political exclusiveness gradually led to the parting of ways and political polarization. Power was not transferred to the majority party (that is, the Awami League) within the legally prescribed time; instead, in the wake of the political/ constitutional crisis, a civil war broke out in East Pakistan which soon led to an open war between India and Pakistan in December 1971. This ultimately resulted in the dismemberment of Pakistan, and in the creation of Bangladesh as a sovereign country. The book under review is a political study of the causes and consequences of this crisis and the war, based on a reconstruction of the real facts, historical events, political processes and developments. It candidly recapitulates the respective roles of the political elites (both of India and Pakistan), their leaders and governments, and assesses their perceptions of the real situation. It is an absorbing narrative of almost thirteen months, from 7 December, 1970, when elections were held in Pakistan, to 17 December, 1971 when the war ended after the Pakistani army's surrender to the Indian army in Dhaka (on December 16, 1971). The authors, who are trained political scientists, give fresh interpretations of these historical events and processes and relate them to the broader regional and global issues, thus assessing the crisis in a broader perspective. This change of perspective enhances our understanding of the problems the authors discuss. Their focus on the problems under discussion is sharp, cogent, enlightening, and circumspect, whether or not the reader agrees with their conclusions. The grasp of the source material is masterly; their narration of fast-moving political events is superbly anchored in their scientific methodology and political philosophy.
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Al-Mubarak, Tawfique. "Sarmila Bose, Dead Reckoning: Memories of the 1971 Bangladesh War." ICR Journal 4, no. 3 (July 15, 2013): 472–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v4i3.470.

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In 1971, by a devastating war, Bangladesh (then East Pakistan) achieved independence from (West) Pakistan. Since then, both parties have documented and presented their research findings on the war. However, many of these findings have lacked credibility. Perhaps the only objective account on the 1971 war has been Richard Sisson and Leo Rose’s War and Secession: Pakistan, India and the Creation of Bangladesh (1991). Sarmila Bose’s recent work, Dead Reckoning, today constitutes a significant contribution to the research on Bangladesh’s war of independence, all the more so for its unique methodology in using multiple sources of original information and cross-checked eyewitness testimonies from all parties involved. Pakistani army personnel as well as Bangladeshi muktijoddhas (freedom fighters) and victims of the war were interviewed to authenticate currently available materials, many of which appear to have been exaggerated with the force of emotion. This distinguishes the work from many other books authored by proponents of either party to the conflict. This book is certainly an eye-opener for researchers on the 1971 war.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Secession India"

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Webb, Matthew John. "The right to secede and the case of Kashmir : a critical evaluation of contemporary normative theories of secession." Phd thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148091.

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Books on the topic "Secession India"

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Talrejā, Kanaʼiyālālu Manghandāsu. Secessionism in India. Mumbai: Rashtriya Chetana Prakashan, 1996.

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Kashmir's right to secede: A critical examination of contemporary theories of secession. New York: Routledge, 2012.

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Sisson, Richard. War and secession: Pakistan, India, and the creation of Bangladesh. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990.

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Richard, Sisson. War and secession: Pakistan, India, and the creation of Bangladesh. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990.

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Contested secessions: Rights, self-determination, democracy, and Kashmir. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2012.

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International Institute for Strategic Studies., ed. India redefines its role: An analysis of India's changing internal dynamics and their impact on foreign relations. Oxford: Oxford University Press for the International Institute for Strategic Studies, 1995.

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Webb, Matthew J. Kashmir's Right to Secede: A Critical Examination of Contemporary Theories of Secession. Taylor & Francis Group, 2012.

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Webb, Matthew J. Kashmir's Right to Secede: A Critical Examination of Contemporary Theories of Secession. Taylor & Francis Group, 2012.

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Webb, Matthew J. Kashmir's Right to Secede: A Critical Examination of Contemporary Theories of Secession. Taylor & Francis Group, 2012.

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Webb, Matthew J. Kashmir's Right to Secede: A Critical Examination of Contemporary Theories of Secession. Taylor & Francis Group, 2012.

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Book chapters on the topic "Secession India"

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"10. War: India." In War and Secession, 206–20. University of California Press, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/9780520912038-012.

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Butt, Ahsan I. "India’s Strategies against Separatism in Assam, Punjab, and Kashmir, 1984–1994." In Secession and Security, 83–124. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501713941.003.0004.

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This chapter investigates three movements that took place within half a decade of each other — Assam (1985–1992), Punjab (1984–1993), and Jammu and Kashmir (henceforth Kashmir, 1989–1994). It traces how these movements represent the three “hotbed” regions of ethno-national separatism in India. Muslim and Sikh nationalism in Kashmir and Punjab dominated regional, national, and even international headlines for years. The Northeast, meanwhile, has proved problematic for India to placate for decades, and Assam is the central state in the region. The chapter focuses on these cases because of the two basic clusters of secessionist movements in India: immediately after independence, and in the late 1970s through the 1980s. It then zooms in the most populous state in the Northeast of India region — Assam. It characterizes Assam as the “heart of this region” and considers it an apposite window to understand the secessionist conflict in the restive Northeast. Ultimately, the chapter elaborates on the interaction between the Indian state and Sikh nationalists in the 1980s as well as the crisis in Kashmir, set off by a fraudulent election in 1987, which pushed Kashmiri nationalists to launch a secessionist struggle.
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"9. India and the Prelude to War, June-October 1971." In War and Secession, 177–205. University of California Press, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/9780520912038-011.

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"Asymmetrical Federalism in India: Promoting Secession or Accommodating Diversity?" In Revisiting Unity and Diversity in Federal Countries, 362–76. Brill | Nijhoff, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004367180_016.

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Kapoor, Ria. "Ten Million Reasons for Self-Determination." In Making Refugees in India, 180–221. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192855459.003.0006.

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This chapter explores India’s rejection of the 1971 East Pakistan refugee crisis as an extension of the unfinished project of Partition, instead placing it as a political issue of self-determination for the people of East Pakistan and the violation of their collective rights even as the UNHCR-led international community focused on apolitical humanitarianism. Despite a massive fundraising effort and coordinating international and transnational aid agencies, the UN operation ‘Focal Point’ failed to address what India saw as Pakistan pushing its ‘internal matter’ onto India, constituting a demographic and economic aggression against Indian sovereignty. In insisting that all the refugees return, India was indicating an end to the Partition project in embracing the East Pakistanis displaced across the border as refugees in line with international definitions, even as the international community saw this as an India–Pakistan matter. India’s prioritisation of a political solution was, in a way, its understanding of how the international community could intervene meaningfully in refugee crises even as secession posed a challenge to sovereignty worldwide and assistance became increasingly oriented towards material assistance.
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Khanikar, Santana. "Of Blessings and Banes." In State, Violence, and Legitimacy in India, 131–62. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199485550.003.0006.

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Lakhipathar in Assam is defined as a margin due to both its lack of ‘order’ or ‘normalcy’ and its precarious physical location at the edges of the proclaimed territories of India. It is this unruly margin where the rebel organization ULFA fighting for Assam’s secession had its central head quarters. With the intention to introduce the field-site to the readers, here I discuss the socio-historical and geographical cultural background of the ULFA camp in Lakhipathar and go on to discuss how the media reported the first moment of conflict between the state and ULFA in Lakhipathar. I also discuss briefly the field-work anxieties of a researcher. The chapter draws on memory based oral narratives and personal observations in the field, archival sources, literary works, and newspapers of the time.
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Cabrera, Luis. "Introduction." In The Humble Cosmopolitan, 1–16. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190869502.003.0001.

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This chapter first offers narratives introducing actors in the book’s major case studies. In India, these include members of the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights, which has sought to enlist global allies to press the Indian government for stronger action against caste discrimination, and its critics in the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party. The right-wing populist UK Independence Party’s aims for British secession from the European Union are highlighted, as are its claims that the prospect of European Union accession for predominantly Muslim Turkey is a chief reason why Britain should leave. The Turkish case is introduced via street scenes of activists confronting police amid the country’s rising authoritarianism. Then the chapter outlines the book’s major claims for how a robust institutional cosmopolitanism can be shown to orient to political humility rather than arrogance. Variants of cosmopolitanism are discussed, and the book’s argument is previewed by chapter.
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"7. The Indian Response." In War and Secession, 134–53. University of California Press, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/9780520912038-009.

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Wight, Martin. "International Legitimacy." In International Relations and Political Philosophy, 182–209. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198848219.003.0016.

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Wight defined international legitimacy as ‘the collective judgment of international society about rightful membership of the family of nations’. International legitimacy derived mainly from prescription and dynasticism, the customary rule of hereditary monarchs, until the American and French Revolutions instituted the popular and democratic principle of the consent of the governed. The increasing reliance on popular politics led to the triumph of national self-determination in the 1919 peace settlement, with certain exceptions, notably the decision not to conduct a plebiscite in Alsace-Lorraine. New principles, such as territorial contiguity and integrity, influenced decisions about the legitimacy of the frontiers of the states formed from the breakup of European colonial empires after the Second World War. India, for example, referred to the principle of territorial integrity to justify the acquisition of Hyderabad and Goa. Critics of colonial arrangements have regarded them as illegitimate and unacceptable by definition. A state seeking independence via secession can succeed in its bid for self-determination only if it can gain sufficient external support. Therefore Biafra’s bid failed while that of Bangladesh succeeded. Communist principles of legitimacy emphasize the self-determination of the proletariat under the guidance of the Communist party. Legitimacy principles are subject to pragmatic constraints, and in practice governments generally recognize whoever controls state power.
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Butt, Ahsan I. "Pakistan’s Genocide in Bengal and Limited War in Balochistan, 1971–1977." In Secession and Security, 42–82. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501713941.003.0003.

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This chapter examines why the Pakistani state was so much more indiscriminate and extreme in its use of violence against Bengali secessionists in 1971 than Baloch secessionists three years later. It reveals that the primary reason for the variation in state strategy was the perceived differential in third-party support. The chapter then details how the Bengali movement was deemed to be operating hand-in-glove with the Indian state, while by contrast, the Baloch only received sanctuary from Afghanistan. This distinction between moderate and high levels of third-party support meant that the Bengali movement was deemed a much more significant threat to Pakistan's external security than the Baloch movement was. The chapter also looks at the decision makers and soldiers on the ground who were more aggressive and violent in East Pakistan than they were in Balochistan. It recounts Bangladesh's hard-won freedom from Pakistan and explores how it resulted in significant political instability.
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