Journal articles: 'Seabed politics'

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Riddell-Dixon, Elizabeth. "Deep Seabed Mining: A Hotbed for Governmental Politics?" International Journal 41, no. 1 (1985): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202351.

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Riddell-Dixon, Elizabeth. "Deep Seabed Mining: A Hotbed for Governmental Politics?" International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 1 (March 1986): 72–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100104.

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Menon, Gayatri A. "Teaching extraction and its discontents." Commodity Frontiers, no. 1 (September 30, 2020): 12–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.18174/cf.2020a17965.

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Anna Zalik, Associate Professor at York University’s Faculty of Environmental and Urban Change, teaches a course called Extraction and its Discontents: A Social History and Political Economy. The course builds on and extends her work on the politics of industrial extraction in Nigeria, Mexico and Canada, her more recent research on seabed mining, and her writing and reflections on the politics of fieldwork on natural resource extraction. What follows is a lightly edited transcript of an interview she had with Gayatri Menon, editor of the Teaching Commodity Frontiers section, in August 2020.

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Mulholland, Malcolm. "Seabed and Foreshore: How Politics Impacts Upon the Sustainability of a Resource." International Journal of Environmental, Cultural, Economic, and Social Sustainability: Annual Review 1, no. 5 (2006): 209–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1832-2077/cgp/v01i05/54210.

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Schmidt, Oscar, and Manuel Rivera. "No people, no problem – narrativity, conflict, and justice in debates on deep-seabed mining." Geographica Helvetica 75, no. 2 (June 16, 2020): 139–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/gh-75-139-2020.

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Abstract. While the idea of extracting deep-seabed resources dates back to as early as the 1960s, it remained pure fiction for decades due to limited technical possibilities and prohibitive costs. In recent years, against the backdrop of changing technical possibilities and a persistently high demand for raw materials, deep-seabed mining (DSM) has returned to the international political agenda. While numerous fact-finding missions engage in mapping the ocean's resources and public–private partnerships prepare to make an active engagement in mining the seabed, the International Seabed Authority (ISA) is entrusted with the development of a legal framework for possible future mining in accordance with the requirements defined under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). The preparations for DSM are accompanied and ultimately shaped by a discourse on possible opportunities and risks of mining the deep seabed. The paper at hand traces dominant discursive positions and their narrative structures as a way of explaining the relative success or failure of DSM proponents who speak in favor of mining the seabed and DSM critics who warn against its striking environmental impacts and inestimable risks. We proceed from the observation that the historic discourse on the deep sea beyond national jurisdiction was rooted in what we call “narratives of promise” regarding global procedural and distributive justice, environmental health, and peaceful international cooperation. Our findings show how in today's debates the theme of global marine justice, which dominated the historic DSM discourse, is close to a “nonstory”. DSM is commonly narrated as a merely technocratic and apolitical process that appears to be free of social and environmental conflict. We conclude by arguing that to arrive at more successful critical narratives on DSM will require more pronounced depictions of the negative consequences in particular for humans, exposing the “politics” in DSM policy making and developing more competitive stories on alternatives to DSM.

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Gagné, Natacha. "On the Ethnicisation of New Zealand Politics: The Foreshore and Seabed Controversy in Context1." Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 9, no. 2 (June 2008): 123–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14442210802023657.

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Pollard, E. J. D. "Edwin Egede: Africa and the Deep Seabed Regime: Politics and International Law of the Common Heritage of Mankind." Journal of Maritime Archaeology 7, no. 1 (June 8, 2012): 219–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11457-012-9090-0.

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Sullivan, Ann. "Politics, Indigenous Rights and Resource Ownership: Māori Customary Rights to the Foreshore, Seabed and Fresh Water in New Zealand." Studies in Arts and Humanities 3, no. 2 (December 7, 2017): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18193/sah.v3i2.105.

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Chen, Kuan-Jen. "Fishing for Oil: Natural-Resource Management between the United States and Maritime East Asia in the 1970s." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 27, no. 2 (July 15, 2020): 169–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02702004.

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The possibility of oil reserves under the seabed of the East China Sea created competition between Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan to claim ownership of these natural resources. The dispute marked the start of international cooperation in maritime East Asia and introduced the United States into this power game due to its exploration techniques and financial power. While Taibei, Tokyo, and Seoul put sovereignty-related disputes aside in an attempt to explore resources jointly, the change in international politics in East Asia and Washington’s perception of the western Pacific rim led to the failure of cooperation. This article argues that this international power game over natural resources management epitomized the dynamic politics between the United States and its East Asian allies. The roles of sovereignty, local interests, and U.S. international security created a dynamic scenario revealing how oil reserves were never the issue, but instead the embodiment of the actual concerns of these players behind their diplomatic language. Situating the 1970s oil exploration in the context of the Cold War, this article provides a historical lens to understand the contours of the shifting geopolitical structure in maritime East Asia.

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Karakasis, Vasileios P. "Energy Security and the Cyprus Question." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 27 (July 15, 2015): 5–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.27.1.

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In February 2014, Nikos Anastasiades, the President of the Republic of Cyprus and Dervis Eroglu, the Turkish-Cypriot leader, signed a Joint Declaration that established certain “ground-rules” upon which the then stalled peace talks -aiming at the island’s reunification- could be revived. The main stimulant prompting this evolution was the discovery of new energy sources in the Eastern Mediterranean, and especially offshore the RoC. In October 2014, Turkish navigational warning notified mariners that Turkey would soon perform its seismic surveys in sea areas that encroach on Cyprus’s EEZ, raising concerns on the escalation of the intractable and protracted Cyprus conflict. Aim of this research project is to provide readers with an insight on how the flow between energy and power politics is played out in the Eastern Mediterranean. Suggesting that the existing tensions extend beyond the struggle over the existing material energy assets in the seabed of the Levant Basin, the project casts light upon the notion of energy security by setting forth the indicators it is composed of. While scrutinizing the statements of the leaders on these events and seeking to highlight the security discourses they are coming up with, the project resorts to discourse analysis.

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Krutilla, Kerry, David Good, Michael Toman, and Tijen Arin. "Addressing Fundamental Uncertainty in Benefit–Cost Analysis: The Case of Deep Seabed Mining." Journal of Benefit-Cost Analysis 12, no. 1 (2021): 122–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bca.2020.28.

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AbstractMineral deposits of base metals, precious metals, and rare earth elements have been discovered on deep seabeds, and the commercial exploitation of these resources seems poised to begin after faltering for many years. The development of seabed resources could be socially beneficial if all goes well, but the industry faces daunting challenges and uncertainties. Emerging regulations and contracting mechanisms are the principal means for managing these uncertainties. This article recommends a complementary approach: the use of ex ante benefit–cost analysis of proposed seabed mining contracts that incorporates a fundamental uncertainty evaluation. We argue that such an ex ante evaluation will improve the state of information for the decision-making, reducing the risk of regulatory noncompliance or costly contract disputes after seabed mining begins.

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Krzyżanowski, Michał. "Social media in/and the politics of the European Union." Journal of Language and Politics 17, no. 2 (February 7, 2018): 281–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.18001.krz.

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Abstract This paper looks at how social/online media – using the example of Twitter – are used in the politico-organizational communication of the European Union at a time when it faces multiple crises and is in acute need of effectively communicating its politics to the European demos. Proposing a critical discourse framework for the analysis of the politico-organizational use of Twitter, the paper shows that while, to some extent, bringing change or ‘modernization’ to EU political communication patterns, social/online media help in sustaining some of the deep-seated dispositions in EU communicative and organizational practices as well as political discourses. As deployed by the EU’s – and specifically the European Commission’s – spokesperson service, social/online help in solidifying some of the controversial patterns in EU political communication. They also bring in other, more contemporary, challenges as regards using Twitter and social media as parts of political and institutional/organizational communication.

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Riddell-Dixon, E., and Roderick Ogley. "Internationalizing the Seabed." International Journal 40, no. 3 (1985): 548. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202253.

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Jatula, Victor. "Media Power and Nigeria's Consolidating Democracy." Journal of Development and Communication Studies 7, no. 1-2 (July 10, 2020): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/jdcs.v7i1-2.9.

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In emerging democracies with weak public institutions, low literacy level, deep-seated ethnic rivalry, and history of centralized, authoritarian rule; to what extent does media agenda-setting influence the political process? The press/politics nexus in consolidating democracies is critical to understanding intricate yet overlapping connexion between politics and development in the Third World. This study examined if media-power shape elections and regime outcomes in Nigeria? Using semi-structured interviews (and incorporating News-Game research tool), findings indicate that Nigeria's two-decade-old democracy remains volatile, fragile, and vulnerable. This vulnerability is complicated by long-standing religious, ethno-regional political suspicions; and overburdened with shifting media ecology, particularly social media disinformation and propaganda. These complexities allow a politics of privilege, class, and power that not only ensures its preservation but also insulates the political elite from public outcry and media pressure. In conclusion, evidence indicates that media power exerts limited influence on elections and regime outcomes. The study recommends renewed effort to investigate power. Keywords: Nigerian politics, agenda-setting, mass media, democracy, underdevelopment

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Kane, Ross. "Ritual Formation of Peaceful Publics: Sacrifice and Syncretism in South Sudan (1991-2005)." Journal of Religion in Africa 44, no. 3-4 (March 20, 2014): 386–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12340024.

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During the most violent days of Sudan’s civil war in the 1990s, a peacemaking initiative known as People-to-People Peacemaking emerged to address ongoing conflict perpetuated by rival Dinka and Nuer rebel movements. The ritual of bull sacrifice, a central feature of the peace process, sealed peace between Nuer and Dinka and formed public alliances between church leaders and kinship authorities represented by elders and chiefs. Joining indigenous and Christian practices in a single ritual space allowed inclusive participation by a variety of actors, many of whom interpreted the ritual quite differently. Utilizing various methods of ritual analysis, this essay suggests that a seemingly religious ritual enabled new forms of political action, previously unavailable through rebel movements’ politics or kinship politics. While rebel leaders often perpetuated political power by manipulating ethnic sentiments, elders and Christian leaders developed forms of politics based on peaceful coexistence and shared identity between Dinka and Nuer.

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Balance, Gladys. "Agency and Capabilities: Rethinking Zimbabwean Women’s Participation in Politics." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 9, no. 3 (August 28, 2019): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v9i3.15347.

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The paper acknowledges the role of international, Regional and Local instruments towards the social justices system that embraces women’s participation in politics. Despite the inherent nature of the domesticated gender equality policies, Zimbabwean women still lag behind. The country has failed to reach a critical mass from 1980 to 2018. As a phenomenological study, the research adopted a qualitative paradigm to purposively profile the experiences and achievements of women who broke the ‘glass ceilings’ to participate in the masculinized political domain. The sample constituted of selected members of parliament. Importantly the study focused on women’s political lived experiences. Findings revealed that despite making it to the political realm women were faced with a masculinist culture reinforced by internal political cultures and deep seated structures that denies the acceptance of women as capable political leaders. The paper reflected on the country’s political system of incremental change and concluded that even when women have been mainstreamed into politics; men continue to defend and protect their political status quo. Men have denigrating views about women in politics as a result women find themselves playing right into the hands of patriarchal domination. Recognition and manipulation of women’s capabilities and agency were adapted into the study as normative prescriptions; this study recommended the use of these variables to articulate how, individual and collective women’s visibility in the political realm can be enhanced. The study also touches on the significant value of women’s organizations as platforms for sharing political knowledge amongst candidates as well as potential political actors. The said women’s organizations were found to be valuable for the support base they offer through lobbying, advocacy and awareness campaigns for gender sensitive policies and gender mainstreaming into politics. The importance of organizations therefore links women to their political constituencies. Lastly the study recommends attitude changes as a way of embracing female political participation.

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Martin, Cynthia. "Policy review: national action plans for combating poverty and social exclusion – from 1997 to the present." Volume 2 Issue 1 (2010) 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2010): 86–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/ijpp.2.1.6.

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Against an historic social deficit and deep seated inequalities, Ireland adopted its first National Anti-Poverty Strategy in 1997 which held out the prospect of a comprehensive, structural response to poverty and social exclusion. Subsequent plans followed, and this review overviews these developments, placing the Irish strategy within the context of the EU social inclusion strategy. Progress is evaluated by examining key reports emanating from the EU and anti-poverty networks, and methodological questions are raised about the way government measures progress. Analysis suggests that selective priority actions within a context that defers to economic interests are unlikely to resolve deep seated structural features of society that reproduce inequalities. In addition, austerity measures are likely to mean that social progress will stagnate, unless there is a sea change in culture, politics, economy and society based on political values that embody social justice.

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Glawion, Tim, and Lotje de Vries. "Ruptures revoked: why the Central African Republic's unprecedented crisis has not altered deep-seated patterns of governance." Journal of Modern African Studies 56, no. 3 (August 6, 2018): 421–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x18000307.

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AbstractThe Central African Republic experienced unprecedented violence between 2012 and 2014. We analyse three recent ruptures that developed as a result of this crisis, suggesting a break with the country's past. First, the Séléka rebellion that started in 2012; second, the establishment of a robust UN Peacekeeping mission in 2014; and finally, the democratic election of a civilian president in 2016. However, three deep-rooted patterns of governance have in each case transformed these ruptures. A history of outsourced politics, a plurality of violence and peripheral neglect push actors to perpetuate the violent past rather than breaking with it. We conclude that after an initial attempt to break with the CAR's long-term political economic trends, rebel groups, the UN mission and the democratic government have backtracked and now risk reinforcing the violence that mark politics and everyday life in the country.

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Liu, Baodong. "POSTRACIAL POLITICS?" Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 11, no. 2 (2014): 443–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x14000113.

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AbstractThis paper examines the claim that the historical election of Barack Obama demonstrated a new era of postracial politics in America (Ceaser et al., 2009). Drawing on arguments in the recent American political development literature (King and Smith, 2005; Novkov 2008), this research proposes a racial tension theory to link Obama’s White voter support to the deep-seated racial tension at the state level. In doing so, a theoretic and empirical solution is offered to solve the problem of high correlations between the major contextual variables measuring Black density (Key 1949), racial diversity (Hero 1998), state political culture (Elazar 1984), and social capital (Putnam 2000). The converged findings based on multiple methods clearly show that the state-level White support for Obama in both 2008 and 2012 was directly related to the racial tension of a state. In contrast, racial tension did not affect the White vote for John Kerry, the Democratic nominee in the 2004 Presidential election.

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Yao, Yusheng. "Village Elections and Redistribution of Political Power and Collective Property." China Quarterly 197 (March 2009): 126–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741009000071.

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AbstractThis study of competitive elections in a northern China village identifies two contradictions: one between villagers and village officials, the other between village elite and those seeking power. The one between villagers and the old leadership in the village focuses on the latter's corruption and bad governance, which had led to serious erosion and unfair distribution of the collective property. The one between villagers and the new leadership lies in the latter's failure to address the problems left by the old leadership. Both led to popular discontent and fuelled political participation. The contradiction between elite members focuses on competing for political office, which has resulted in the formation of factions and factionalism in both election and post-election politics and has become a salient feature of the village politics. The investigation of this village with governing problems found that free elections have brought about a radical redistribution of political power, but little satisfaction to villagers because their deep-seated desire for a fair redistribution of the collective property remains unfulfilled.

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Ekeh, Peter P. "Obasanjo and the Burden of Civilianization." Issue 27, no. 1 (1999): 73–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700503199.

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The foundations of modern Nigerian politics were laid in the 1950s. That decade began with the Ibadan constitutional conference of 1950, at which leaders of northern and southern Nigeria met for the first time in a common political forum since the amalgamation of these two separate British colonies in 1914. It ended with the attainment of independence in 1960. In the course of that fateful decade, Nigerians, previously estranged from one another by the circumstances of colonial rule, not only got to know themselves but worked together to produce a blueprint for the country’s political future. In essence, they rejected British as well as nationalist proclivities toward centralization. Instead, they forged a consensus that federalism was the appropriate vehicle for resolving political problems created by the nation’s deep-seated diversity.

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Feichtner, Isabel. "Sharing the Riches of the Sea: The Redistributive and Fiscal Dimension of Deep Seabed Exploitation." European Journal of International Law 30, no. 2 (May 2019): 601–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ejil/chz022.

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Abstract This article seeks to clarify how the principle of common heritage is being implemented and concretized by the fiscal regime of deep seabed mining. It first explicates the exploitation rationale underlying the common heritage principle. It argues that common heritage is a jurisdictional principle that lays the basis for the international allocation and administration of exploitation rights and, thus, for the effective economic exploitation of seabed minerals. This exploitation bias is strengthened by the perceived remoteness of deep seabed mining and the real institutional disembeddedness of the International Seabed Authority (ISA). To better understand the distribution conflicts that the law of deep seabed mining addresses, the article introduces two (competing) sets of public interest objectives: participation in exploitation and revenue generation pursued by newly independent (and, today, developing) states and access to raw materials pursued by industrialized states. The article then focuses on the different ways in which the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and the 1994 Agreement on the Implementation of Part XI promote, reconcile and detract from the identified public interest objectives. It reveals how the participation objective has given way to a focus on market supply and revenue generation, and how the changes of the 1994 Implementation Agreement may be read as an attempt to dissolve the conflict between these competing public interest objectives, and to depoliticize the seabed regime. Third, the article turns to the ongoing work on a mining code for the deep seabed that, inter alia, must implement the ISA’s mandates to generate revenue from deep seabed mining and to redistribute this revenue. It shows how the ISA’s adoption of an individualist stakeholder orientation and its deference to commercial expectations of profitability, in the context of growing political attention to the oceans as a source of economic growth, are further transforming the notion of common heritage and benefit sharing and concomitantly undermine the regime’s redistributive ambitions. It also clarifies how the sponsorship of deep seabed mining by small Pacific island states holds only little promise of significant public revenue generation for these states, but may work to undermine solidarity among developing states. The article ends with a call on international lawyers to recognize the designing of a mining code for the deep seabed as the making of political economy.

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TISMANEANU, VLADIMIR. "The Revolutions of 1989: Causes, Meanings, Consequences." Contemporary European History 18, no. 3 (August 2009): 271–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309005049.

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AbstractThe events of 1989 had world-shattering revolutionary consequences. They brought about a new vision of the political based upon a rediscovery of democratic participation and civic activism. The upheaval in the east, and primarily in the central, European countries, represented a series of political revolutions that led to the decisive and irreversible transformation of the existing order. When explaining 1989, one needs to focus on three major themes: the deep-seated meanings of the collapse of state socialist regimes in east central Europe, the nature of revolutions at the end of the twentieth century, and the role of critical (public) intellectuals in politics. There is no single factor that explains the collapse of Leninism: economics as much as politics, and culture as much as insoluble social tensions converged in making these regimes irretrievably obsolete. The aftermath of 1989 generated a fluidity of political commitments, allegiances and affiliations that signalled a general crisis of values and authority. There is a need for ‘social glue’ and the existing political formations have failed to imagine such ingredients for the consensus needed in order to generate constitutional patriotism. A fundamental source for reinforcing democracy in east central Europe is the synthesis between the history and the memory of communism with the purpose of achieving moral justice.

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Rensmann, Lars. "The Noisy Counter-Revolution: Understanding the Cultural Conditions and Dynamics of Populist Politics in Europe in the Digital Age." Politics and Governance 5, no. 4 (December 29, 2017): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v5i4.1123.

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The article argues for a cultural turn in the study of populist politics in Europe. Integrating insights from three fields—political sociology, political psychology, and media studies—a new, multi-disciplinary framework is proposed to theorize particular cultural conditions favorable to the electoral success of populist parties. Through this lens, the fourth wave of populism should be viewed as a “noisy”, anti-cosmopolitan counter-revolution in defense of traditional cultural identity. Reflective of a deep-seated, value-based great divide in European democracies that largely trumps economic cleavages, populist parties first and foremost politically mobilize long lingering cultural discontent and successfully express a backlash against cultural change. While the populist counter-revolution is engendered by profoundly transformed communicative conditions in the age of social media, its emotional force can best be theorized with the political psychology of authoritarianism: as a new type of authoritarian cultural revolt.

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ALI, NADIA BOU. "BLESSETH HIM THAT GIVES AND NOT HIM THAT TAKES: BUṬRUS AL-BUSTĀNĪ AND THE MERCY OF DEBT." Modern Intellectual History 16, no. 02 (September 20, 2017): 443–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244317000294.

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This article discusses Nahda intellectual Buṭrus al-Bustānī’s public and pedagogic writings. It focuses on the nationalist pamphlets, the Nafīr Sūrriya, written in the wake of the first sectarian–civil war, and his translation of Defoe's Robinson Crusoe, both published in Beirut in 1860. I analyze Bustānī’s politico-theological and economic thought by looking at the nexus of debt, guilt, love, and mercy that he draws out in the Nafīr. The article argues that Bustānī’s nation is inaugurated into a “guilt-history” and eternally faced with the task of confronting the mercy of debt and the un-requitable debt of mercy. Nationality in this specific sociohistorical context became a form of artifice that in a postlapsarian age requires religion, labor, and exchange to survive as a social contract. The “civil war” exemplified a return to a state of nature that could only be amended by a return to the laws of nature and the seeking of refuge under the name of one God and one religion, diyāna. The social contract, articulated in these terms, could only be sealed through the recognition of natural laws as the foundation provided by God himself, while politics remained concealed under the folds of political theology.

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Corthell, Ronald. "Politics and Devotion." Journal of Jesuit Studies 1, no. 4 (July 9, 2014): 558–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00104009.

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Devotional writers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries liked to promote their works as an antidote to the toxic polemical literature of the period. Even Robert Persons, the fiercely tenacious and effective polemicist for the Catholic cause, and a favorite Jesuit “bogeyman” in anti-Catholic propaganda, professed to desire a future when Christians would focus their energies on cultivation of the inner spiritual life. However, the irenic dispositions of these writers were counterbalanced by both polemical pressures of the day and deep-seated convictions regarding the true church. The ideological stake in devotion is foregrounded in Edmund Bunny’s Protestant appropriation of Persons’s devotional best-seller, the Christian Directory. This article places Persons/Bunny in the context of the struggles between English Catholics and the English government (and, for that matter, between Catholics) regarding political and religious loyalties. It is argued that the writing—and especially the reading—of such works of devotion in the highly charged polemical environment of this period constitutes a still under-appreciated contribution to the formation of early modern subjectivity. The Persons/Bunny episode is an important chapter in a larger literary struggle for control of conscience.

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Hayashi, Moritaka. "Japan and deep seabed mining." Ocean Development & International Law 17, no. 4 (January 1986): 351–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00908328609545810.

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Collins, Richard, and Duncan French. "A Guardian of Universal Interest or Increasingly Out of Its Depth?" International Organizations Law Review 17, no. 3 (December 9, 2020): 633–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15723747-2019011.

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In contemporary debates on the authority of global institutions, there is an important yet often overlooked organisational curiosity: namely, the International Seabed Authority (‘ISA’). The ISA reflects a highpoint in international communitarian governance. Premised around traditional notions of access, control and allocation of deep seabed resources, its mandate is both invariably spatial-temporal, and yet also limited and functional. Its purpose is to govern the extraction of seabed mineral resources for the collective benefit of the international community. To achieve that ambition, however, a highly complex and bureaucratic regulatory structure has been established. In this paper we aim to consider this tension in the mandate of the ISA, particularly insofar as it manifests in aspects of its institutional design and functioning in practice. Recognising these dynamics not only helps one better understand governance of the deep seabed, but also broadly demonstrates the innate tensions in granting institutional control over common spaces.

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Carbone, Giovanni M. "Continuidade na renovação? Ten years of multiparty politics in Mozambique: roots, evolution and stabilisation of the Frelimo–Renamo party system." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 3 (July 28, 2005): 417–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x05001035.

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Post-conflict elections in Mozambique, held in 1994, 1999 and 2004, established a formally competitive and pluralistic system. This paper examines the country's emerging two-party system as an essential feature affecting prospects for democratic deepening and consolidation. The condition for political parties to actually help the establishment of democratic politics is their development as durable, socially rooted, country-wide effective and legitimate organisations. The paper contends that the current party system has indeed been a major instrument for political expression and for the channelling and peaceful management of conflicts. It shows how both Frelimo and Renamo – and the competition between them – have deep-seated historical origins and well-established regional roots. Yet, a number of aspects concerning the Mozambican party system negatively affect the deepening of democratic politics: the legitimacy of the party system is weakened by post-conflict polarisation and uncertain mutual recognition; the ethno-regional entrenchment of the two main parties bestows a communal connotation on electoral competition; and most importantly, the party system remains unbalanced and unevenly institutionalised, with Frelimo's disciplined and fundamentally institutionalised organisation opposed by a strongly personalistic and weakly organised Renamo, which struggles to operate within state institutions and to accommodate internal differences.

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Rech, Walter, and Janis Grzybowski. "Between regional community and global society: Europe in the shadow of Schmitt and Kojève." Journal of International Political Theory 13, no. 2 (April 6, 2016): 143–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088216638682.

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While celebrated for bringing peace and prosperity to the region, European integration has been recently challenged by various internal and external crises that call the progressivist narrative of ever closer—and larger—union into question. Torn between regional community and global society, particularism and cosmopolitanism, and politics and technocracy, the European Union appears beset by fundamental tensions. In search of a different theoretical perspective on “the crisis,” some commentators have drawn on Carl Schmitt’s political theory to emphasize key issues concerning political decisions, identities, and boundaries in Europe. Yet, Schmitt comes with his own blind spots. For the purpose of a critical engagement with Schmitt’s potential insights and their limits, this article contrasts his approach with that of his contemporary Alexandre Kojève, who envisioned the integration of world society through economy, law, technology, and administration, a perspective not unfamiliar to the original story of European integration. In reconsidering the dialectic between Schmitt’s and Kojève’s positions, this article goes beyond their apparent contradictions and discusses attempts by both authors to reconcile the opposition, from Kojève’s move to Empires to Schmitt’s theory of the union, thereby illuminating deep-seated dilemmas of contemporary European politics which fundamentally condition its trajectory between contestation and re-constitution.

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Shyam, Manjula R. "Deep seabed mining: An Indian perspective." Ocean Development & International Law 17, no. 4 (January 1986): 325–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00908328609545809.

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Anson, Patrick. "Rebecca West's ‘Seamed Red Hand’." Modernist Cultures 16, no. 2 (May 2021): 139–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/mod.2021.0326.

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The political commitments of Rebecca West's The Return of the Soldier (1918) have proven hard to define. More subdued in its tone and telos than her volleys against patriarchal capitalism in publications such as The Freewoman and The Clarion, some argue that Return undermines West's socialist-feminist pronouncements, while others contend that the novel engages subtler modes of critique. Deepening and extending the latter vein of scholarship, this essay reveals uncharted lines of connection between West's early fiction and nonfiction by performing a ‘palm reading’ of Return: an examination of the work of hands in the text – particularly Margaret's ‘seamed red hand’, which ties her to the women workers West extols in her ‘Hands That War’ article-series (1916). Although West's foreclosure of Margaret's disruptive potential at the end of Return might seem ideologically suspect, I argue that this manoeuvre, rather than betray quietism, indexes West's burgeoning recognition of the difficulty of achieving the kind of social change she called for in her nonfiction.

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Dahlman, Ola, and Jenifer Mackby. "Sealed for your protection." Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 61, no. 4 (July 1, 2005): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2968/061004020.

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Scovazzi, Tullio. "Mining, Protection of the Environment, Scientific Research and Bioprospecting: Some Considerations on the Role of the International Sea-Bed Authority." International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law 19, no. 4 (2004): 383–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571808053310125.

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AbstractThe innovative concept of the common heritage of mankind is embodied in the 1982 LOSC for the seabed beyond the limits of national jurisdiction (the Area). It has been subsequently adapted to meet further political and economic realities. Despite the present uncertain situation, the mandate of the International Seabed Authority (ISBA) is already broader than it is commonly believed. The legal condition of the space (the Area), its being the common heritage of mankind, may have an effect also on matters and activities that (though different from minerals and mining activities) are located in that space. While bioprospecting is not specifically regulated by the UNCLOS, there is an inextricable factual link between the protection of the deep seabed environment (including its biodiversity), marine scientific research and bioprospecting. the ISBA, the principles that it represents, as well as its existing competences and responsibilities, need to be taken into consideration when States decide to fill the legal gap of bioprospecting. The role of the ISBA could be expanded in the future to meet new objectives under commonly agreed cooperative schemes.

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35

Enders, Adam M., and Joseph E. Uscinski. "The Role of Anti-Establishment Orientations During the Trump Presidency." Forum 19, no. 1 (July 1, 2021): 47–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2021-0003.

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Abstract Growing levels of polarization and out-group hostility have become fashionable explanations for the caustic politics of the Trump presidency. However, partisan and ideological identities cannot explain popular attraction to Trump’s anti-elite and populist rhetoric, nor can polarization and sorting account for rising levels of mass identification as political independents. In light of these discrepancies, we offer an explanation for the Trump era unrelated to traditional left-right identities and ideologies: anti-establishment orientations. We argue that much of what is interpreted as an expression of partisan and ideological extremism or polarization is actually the product of a deep-seated antagonism toward the broader political establishment. We first exhibit the individual-level correlates of anti-establishment orientations, finding that people holding strong anti-establishment views exhibit relatively high levels of anti-social personality traits and distrust of others. We then show that anti-establishment orientations are more predictive than left-right orientations of beliefs in conspiracy theories regarding COVID-19, QAnon, and voter fraud. Most importantly, we demonstrate that, while anti-establishment orientations are positively related to support for Donald Trump, they are negatively related to support for Joe Biden and both major parties. In short, the toxicity emblematic of the Trump era—support for outsider candidates, belief in conspiracy theories, corrosive rhetoric, and violence—are derivative of antipathy towards the established political order, rather than a strict adherence to partisan and ideological dogma. We conclude that Trump’s most powerful and unique impact on American electoral politics is his activation, inflammation, and manipulation of preexisting anti-establishment orientations for partisan ends.

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Schofield, Clive. "Unlocking the Seabed Resources of the Gulf of Thailand." Contemporary Southeast Asia 29, no. 2 (August 2007): 286–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs29-2d.

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Jadoon, Aisha, Samia Wasif, and Uzma Imtiaz. "Literary Responses to the War on Terror: A Psychological Analysis." Global Social Sciences Review III, no. IV (December 30, 2018): 380–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2018(iii-iv).25.

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Politics as theory and practice of the power, and the existence of authoritative structures for the governance of a country remains among the staple contents of imaginative literature. The catastrophic incident of 9/11 at the turn of the new millennium has not only impacted the international politics but also resulted in the proliferation of political ideas in the literary writings. Glut production of fiction on War on Terror exposes the readers to the wide range of ideological constructions regarding the issue. Compared to the theoretical discourse, fiction serves as a better medium to persuasively depict the emotional and psychological traumas of the local population whose lives continue to suffer years after the 9/11 tragedy. In particular, Fatima Bhutto’s novel The Shadow of the Crescent Moon (2013) counters the fixed ideas about War on Terror. By portraying the social and political relationships and institutions within which this evil conflict thrives, she draws into our imagination the understanding and reality of the War on Terror, and to those who are its worst victims. For Bhutto, the psychological understanding of the worst victims of war on terror reveal that neither West nor the Pakistani state has suffered those dire consequences that the youth of the tribal areas face. As a consequence of this unending war, their fate is sealed as ‘lost generation’, both as a result of denial of justice, and the destruction caused by war on terror.

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Ogley, Roderick C. "Canada and the international seabed: domestic interests and external constraints." International Affairs 66, no. 3 (July 1990): 642. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623186.

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39

Santoso, Purwo. "Cross-Cultural Learning for Securing Decentralisation and Democratisation: Assessing Indonesia's Response to Globalisation." PCD Journal 4, no. 1-2 (June 8, 2017): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.25767.

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Drawn by globalization, Indonesia's governance has been transformed into a more decentralised and democratically shaped one in the pas decade. Given the scale of the challenges, its achievement deserves admiration. Yet, the remaining challenges, namely to ensure that decentralised democratic governance remains culturally deep-seated in Indonesia politics is enormous. The stage of the transformation has hardly reached the fundamentally required cultural change due to the lack of cultural understanding within the process of transformation. Since democratisation and decentralisation are, essentially, forms of cultural engagement of global political-economic powers, the article proposes to reframe those two processes as the kings of cultural transformation. Analysing along this line of thought allows us to uncover the fact of the stubborn obstacle that Indonesia has been facing to reconcile the intangible, yet, continuously-embedded clashes of sub-cultures. A kind of cross-cultural learning strategy is important for Indonesia to secure that agenda.

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Charney, Jonathan I. "U.S. Provisional Application of the 1994 Deep Seabed Agreement." American Journal of International Law 88, no. 4 (October 1994): 705–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2204138.

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On July 28, 1994, the United States voted at the United Nations General Assembly in favor of a resolution endorsing the new Agreement that essentially amends the deep seabed regime (Part XI) of the 1982 Convention on the Law of the Sea and calls on states to ratify the Convention. Shortly thereafter, it signed the new Agreement. Plans call for the Convention to be submitted to the Senate for its advice and consent to ratification in October 1994 and for hearings to be held during the next Congress in the spring of 1995. By signing the Agreement, the United States will provisionally apply the deep seabed regime, as amended, until the United States becomes a party to the Convention or decides not to do so. In this paper I examine whether such provisional application is appropriate under the U.S. system of government.

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Hodgets, Darrin, Alison Barnett, Andrew Duirs, Jolene Henry, and Anni Schwanen. "Maori media production, civic journalism and the foreshore and seabed controversy in Aotearoa." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 11, no. 2 (September 1, 2005): 191–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v11i2.1061.

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This article explores the social significance of increased media production by Maori in Aotearoa/New Zealand as an opportunity for challenging a tendency in mainstream journalism to promote Pakeha perspectives. The analysis focuses on the recent documentary Hikoi, which was initiated by two young Maori women as a challenge to media framing of Maori protests as 'unjustified' and 'disruptive' acts. We argue that this documentary illustrates the potential for civic journalists to broaden public deliberations regarding political issues such as the foreshore and seabed controversy.

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DONNELLY, SEÁN. "REPUBLICANISM AND CIVIC VIRTUE IN TREATYITE POLITICAL THOUGHT, 1921–3." Historical Journal 63, no. 5 (April 23, 2020): 1257–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x20000072.

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AbstractRepublicanism has been one of the most influential political ideologies in modern Irish history; however, it remains conspicuously undertheorized by historians of the revolutionary period. While recent historiography has challenged representations of anti-Treaty Sinn Féin as a mindlessly destructive, anti-democratic force, the extent of ideological and rhetorical continuity linking the Provisional Government formed to assume control of the Free State on 7 January 1922 with the pre-Treaty republican tradition has not been understood. This article rejects the historiographical thesis that the Provisional Government abandoned republican ideas. Drawing from the Cambridge School's contextualist account of republicanism as a polysemic and contingent political language, it highlights the vigorously contested nature of republican thought in the intellectual firmament of revolutionary Sinn Féin and argues that the Free State leadership articulated its vision of politics and society through classical republican concepts of ‘civic virtue’ and the ‘common good’. It is suggested additionally that the colonial dynamics of the Anglo-Irish relationship helped to shape the vision of republican citizenship promoted by an administration possessed of a deep-seated determination to refute historical perceptions of the Irish people as congenitally ‘unfit’ for sovereignty.

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43

Jackson, Judge Hal. "Policy and Politics: Two recent examples in Western Australia." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 29, no. 1 (March 1996): 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000486589602900105.

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In a state known for consistently high incarceration rates, especially of Aboriginal people, the Labor governments of the 1980s created two criminologically based research or advisory bodies. The paper looks at the background and history of each — the State Government Advisory Committee on Young Offenders and the Crime Research Centre (and the lessons learned therefrom in light of policy making decisions, both by the Labor Government which created them and its successor, the Liberal Government of Richard Court). The first was composed largely of high ranking judicial, police and bureaucratic members, high profile community members and skilled research staff. Its fate was sealed by its insistence on independence. The second is university-based with a statistical and research focus. Independently funded, it survives but what effect has it had? The author was at one time a member of the Committee and a member of the Advisory Board of the Centre.

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44

Larson, David L. "Deep seabed mining: A definition of the problem." Ocean Development & International Law 17, no. 4 (January 1986): 271–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00908328609545807.

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45

Riddell-Dixon, Elizabeth. "State Autonomy and Canadian Foreign Policy: The Case of Deep Seabed Mining." Canadian Journal of Political Science 21, no. 2 (June 1988): 297–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900056316.

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AbstractThe article assesses the utility of Eric Nordlinger's statist approach in explaining Canada's policies on deep seabed mining at the United Nations Third Conference on the Law of the Sea. Nordlinger argues that government decision-makers in liberal democratic societies enjoy considerable autonomy in translating their preferences into public policies even when opposition is mounted by major groups outside government circles. Nordlinger's thesis on state autonomy is useful in explaining Canada's deep seabed mining policies since government decision-makers determined policy outcomes. Nevertheless, the approach requires important modifications to enhance its relevance to the Canadian parliamentary system. It needs to distinguish between politicians and government bureaucrats, to identify the sources of their policy preferences and to recognize provincial involvement.

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46

Pratt, Cranford, and Elizabeth Riddell-Dixon. "Canada and the International Seabed: Domestic Determinants and External Constraints." International Journal 46, no. 1 (1990): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202854.

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47

Hibbing, John R., Kevin B. Smith, and John R. Alford. "Differences in negativity bias underlie variations in political ideology." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 37, no. 3 (June 2014): 297–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x13001192.

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AbstractDisputes between those holding differing political views are ubiquitous and deep-seated, and they often follow common, recognizable lines. The supporters of tradition and stability, sometimes referred to as conservatives, do battle with the supporters of innovation and reform, sometimes referred to as liberals. Understanding the correlates of those distinct political orientations is probably a prerequisite for managing political disputes, which are a source of social conflict that can lead to frustration and even bloodshed. A rapidly growing body of empirical evidence documents a multitude of ways in which liberals and conservatives differ from each other in purviews of life with little direct connection to politics, from tastes in art to desire for closure and from disgust sensitivity to the tendency to pursue new information, but the central theme of the differences is a matter of debate. In this article, we argue that one organizing element of the many differences between liberals and conservatives is the nature of their physiological and psychological responses to features of the environment that are negative. Compared with liberals, conservatives tend to register greater physiological responses to such stimuli and also to devote more psychological resources to them. Operating from this point of departure, we suggest approaches for refining understanding of the broad relationship between political views and response to the negative. We conclude with a discussion of normative implications, stressing that identifying differences across ideological groups is not tantamount to declaring one ideology superior to another.

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Henry, Taylor M., and Thomas P. Oates. "“Sport Is Argument”: Polarization, Racial Tension, and the Televised Sport Debate Format." Journal of Sport and Social Issues 44, no. 2 (October 21, 2019): 154–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0193723519881199.

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This article analyzes what we term the “televised sport debate format” exemplified in shows such as Pardon the Interruption and First Take. This design borrows from established formats in political television such as Firing Line, Crossfire, and Hannity and Colmes, and is characterized by mostly male hosts debating a range of salient events, often with an animated, argumentative tone. This article identifies the convergence of factors influencing the growth of the televised sport debate by focusing on the industrial and political contexts in which these programs emerged. We examine the commercial and cultural realities that created the space for ESPN’s debate programs, and how ESPN (and then its competitors) sought to exploit that space. In the second half of the article, we explain the political context within and beyond sport that opened the cultural and ideological spaces for ESPN and its competitors to subtly reshape the televised sport debate format to appeal more directly to race- and gender-based grievances. We show how these realities, combined with ESPN’s presentational strategies, express deep-seated racial tensions, both within the institutional culture of ESPN and in the wider sphere of U.S. culture. We conclude by asking what these shifts mean for the future of sports television programming strategies, and the politics that both inform them and are informed by them.

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Strati, Anastasia. "Deep Seabed Cultural Property and the Common Heritage of Mankind." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 40, no. 4 (October 1991): 859–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclqaj/40.4.859.

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Collins, Edward, and Elizabeth Riddell-Dixor. "Canada and the International Seabed: Domestic Determinants and External Constraints." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 16, no. 1 (March 1990): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3551272.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Seabed politics'

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