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Journal articles on the topic 'Sea-power China'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Marsetio, Marsetio. "Indonesian Sea Power and Regional Maritime Security Challenges." Journal of Maritime Studies and National Integration 1, no. 1 (July 23, 2017): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jmsni.v1i1.1369.

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The main objective of this paper is to examine the regional maritime security challenges facing Indonesia. As it is known that entering to the 21st century has come a new term in regional architecture in the Asia-Pacific region, namely the Indo-Pacific region. This region consists of the Indian Ocean and Pacific. Both of these areas became more interconnected than in the previous period. These two regions became a single, significant system in the global order. Key players in the Indo-Pacific region are China, India and the United States. Of course, their actions have created new challenges in maritime security. These challenges include maritime disputes, pirates, and maritime power competition. The dispute in the South China Sea has spawned a security problem in the Asia Pacific region that Indonesia must face in the future.

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2

Danastri, Hardhana. "The Rising Dragon and The Defending Eagle: Understanding the Geopolitical Rivalry between U.S. - China in South China Sea." Journal of International Studies on Energy Affairs 1, no. 1 (June 29, 2020): 28–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.51413/jisea.vol1.iss1.2020.28-42.

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This paper aims to understand the geopolitical rivalry between the long-standing great power U.S. and the world’s emerging economic power China, particularly their rivalry within contested South China Sea. This article conducted qualitative methods to produce in depth analysis towards the phenomenon. One question is at stake which is what both powers want in South China Sea. The answer raises an additional inquiry; what kind of significances that South China Sea promises for either U.S. or China? This article argues that U.S. and China both strive for control over the territory. To answer the latter question, this paper is using a geopolitical approach, emphasizing on the lines of communication and centers of resources that South China Sea offers. This paper also argues that China’s geopolitical objective is intended to strengthen their regional hegemony, ultimately global pre-eminence in the long-term. Meanwhile, U.S. seeks to re-assert their power in the region and to rebalance their rising power.

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3

Widian, Rizky, and Arimadona Arimadona. "Cooperation & Security Dilemma In The South China Sea." Jurnal Global Strategis 12, no. 2 (November 30, 2018): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.12.2.2018.91-106.

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This article will talk about security dilemma and offense-defense balance in the South China Sea. The rising of China’s power in the South China Sea that facilitate the process security dilemma makes cooperation between claimant countries become more difficult. Regarding this matter, it’s important to explain why cooperation in the area is difficult in the midst of many literatures that advocated cooperation as the tools for conflict management in the South China Sea. In order to form an ideal explanation, this article will refer to the concepts of security dilemma and offense-defense balance by Robert Jervis. The data in this article will be explored using qualitative research method of literature review to illustrate the distribution of power in the region. Through the data exploration, this article found that China’s offensive power in the South China Sea is large enough to cause the sense insecurity and security dilemma. Thus, this article argue that the security dilemma caused by China’s offensive power capability in the South China Sea is the main the reason that inhibiting cooperation between claimant states.

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4

Mitchell, Martin D. "The South China Sea: A Geopolitical Analysis." Journal of Geography and Geology 8, no. 3 (August 19, 2016): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jgg.v8n3p14.

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Since 1945 the South China Sea and the western Pacific has functioned as an uncontested global common patrolled by overwhelming U.S. naval and air power projected from a series of peripheral and over the horizon bases. The dramatic rise of China alters this situation and has transformed the South China Sea into a frontier of control as China seeks to morph this maritime theater into a landward extension of the Chinese coast where it can deploy land-based tactics into an arena previously dominated by maritime power and tactics to secure the South China Sea as a de facto territorial water that serves multiple Chinese strategic interests. Hence, the attempt by a land-based Eurasian power (China) to carve a permanent bridgehead into Spykman’s Eurasian maritime periphery. Against, this trend the United States has countered with President Obama’s Asian Pivot. However, the implementation of the Asian Pivot is limited by several post Cold War developments and certain constraints inherent in the geographic setting of the South China Sea. Beyond the South China Sea, the geographic setting favors the U.S. and its allies. Consequently, American options acting singly or in coalition with other nations, most notably Japan and Australia, remain more flexible and able to serve as a long term counterweight to Chinese force projection capabilities into the western Pacific proper.

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5

Sherazi, Tatheer Zahra, Arif Khan, and Hashmat Ullah Khan. "Great Water Wall in South China Sea: Maritime Designs of China under Mahan’s Theory of Sea Power." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 4, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): 278–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/4.2.22.

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Seas play a vital role in shaping and reshaping the course of global politics, from developing empires to new global orders. Virtually 80 percent of China’s trade resources passes through the Seas and mostly by South China Sea, so it has initiated developments in South China Sea, from building artificial island, light houses to air strips to secure its trade routes. The aim of the study is to clarify the assumptions that China is building a ‘sand wall’ or ‘water wall’ like great wall to secure its maritime trade. Descriptive, analytical approach has been adopted to study the marvel; Mahan’s theory of Sea power has been applied to quantify the developments made by China. It concludes that China is striving for naval supremacy as per Mahan’s theory along with synthesis of Mao’s ‘Active Defence’. Hence Peaceful and integrated strategies are required to minimize the implications of disruption of seaborne trade.

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6

Robertua, Verdinand, and Obsatar Sinaga. "Indonesia in the South China Sea Dispute: Humble-Hard Power." Jurnal Global & Strategis 11, no. 2 (January 12, 2018): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.11.2.2017.73-83.

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This research discussed the opportunities for Indonesia to act as humble-hard power in South China Sea dispute. Permanent Court of Arbitration’s decision in July 2016 to give South China Sea based on UNCLOS’s regulation has provoked China’s objection. This research question is on how to understand the conception of humble-hard power and the possibility for Indonesia to be humble-hard power in the South China Sea dispute? This article borrowed the concept of humble-hard power from Adam Nieves Johnson. This research shows two findings. First, the recent victory of the Philippines’ case in the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) should be opportunities for Indonesia to play his role as humble-hard power. Secondly, following the announcement of the ruling, there were already signs that the Chinese government was looking for more detailed the implementation of humble-hard power with Indonesia.

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7

Hidayat, Syafril. "Japan’s Renaissance and Its Effect to ASEAN." JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) 2, no. 1 (July 31, 2014): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/jas.v2i1.83.

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Japan has developed a new security policy against China in East China Sea, which has increased tension in that region. Japan’s new leadership under Shinzo Abe, who has conservative political view, has unbeatable policy against China’s hegemony. Abe revised Japan Self-Defence Forces role in the Japanese Constitution by making critical amendments on particular articles, which should be seen as Japan’s bargaining power against China. The two major powers in East China Sea can be seen as security dilemma of other states. Pursuit of power and hegemony will influence other major actors in the global world system and also small states. Japan’s new security policy is as a renaissance of Japan’s hegemony or pursuit of power in East China Sea. By using bargaining model of war, Japan’s security policy will determine overall situation in South China Sea or particularly in East China Sea: whether it will remain of high threat or balance of threat rather than balance of power, or it will face possible conflict in the future.

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8

Clark, Hugh R., and Gang Deng. "Maritime Sector, Institutions, and Sea Power of Premodern China." American Historical Review 106, no. 3 (June 2001): 956. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2692366.

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9

Forbes, Andrew. "China and Sea Power in the Twenty-First Century." International Journal of Maritime History 23, no. 1 (June 2011): 341–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/084387141102300119.

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10

Han, David Guo Xiong. "China’s Normative Power in Managing South China Sea Disputes." Chinese Journal of International Politics 10, no. 3 (2017): 269–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/pox002.

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11

Teixeira, Victor Alexandre G. "China on Stage: Assumptions and Strategies in South China Sea." Asian Journal of Social Science Studies 3, no. 3 (July 23, 2018): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.20849/ajsss.v3i3.436.

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This study attempts to better understand the geopolitical, geostrategic, and geo-economic underpinnings behind the USA’s so-called “Pivot to Asia” by analyzing the dynamics behind the South China Sea dispute. The emergence of Asia as the power epicenter of the world is the defining paradigm shift of our time; and China’s meteoric economic rise was the determining factor behind this repositioning of geopolitical polarity. The study analyzes this dispute from the perspectives of the Containment Theory, Assumptions, Geo-Economic Strategies and Power. It also points out solutions to the conflict through international law and cooperation. Finally, emphasizes the importance of both, the geostrategic point of view and a geopolitical standpoint and has demonstrated that the US policy strategies towards Asia and the SCS are not helpful at all. Instead of focusing on containing China, the US should embrace China as a trading partner and become a neutral player in matters of the region including South China Sea.

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12

Trapara, Vladimir. "Entering “neomahanean” world: Contemporary maritime rivalry of China and the United States." Medjunarodni problemi 72, no. 1 (2020): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp2001037t.

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The author uses Mahan?s sea power concept in order to determine its contemporary geopolitical significance compared to land power. The main thesis of the paper is that international relations - after a century long dominance of land power - are entering a new era of primary significance of sea power, due a rivalry of China and the United States, which is predestined to be mostly maritime. This is the consequence of contemporary globalization, which made biggest world economies dependent on uninterrupted sea commerce, as well as of the unique geopolitical position of China, which neither faces important land challenges, nor can pose them. Arms race and changes in maritime strategies show that the competition at sea between the U.S. and China has already started. Which direction and tempo it shall take depends on whether the U.S. abandons its hegemonic policy in favour of a defensive one, and adequately uses sea power in service of the latter.

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13

Teixeira, Victor Alexandre G. "The Hegemony’s Contest in the South China Sea." SAGE Open 11, no. 3 (July 2021): 215824402110312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21582440211031216.

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Constantly analyzed in scientific, theoretical, and empirical studies, the “ Asian Mediterranean” region has received renewed attention as a consequence of the rise of China. China’s emergence combines its strong economic dynamic with increased confidence, positioning it as a potential regional hegemony. On that conceptual basis, this study aims to answer whether a power transition has already occurred in the South China Sea and how the process of a regional hegemonic transition took place. Through an examination of the instruments used by the United States and China to exercise power, articulated with the power transition theory, it establishes that a transition in the South China Sea dispute could have already occurred. However, the study disclaims that Beijing’s evolution and sudden change of behavior aim to overthrow the U.S. global leadership but rather intends to reclaim its position of regional hegemony.

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14

TSENG, Katherine Hui-Yi. "Vietnam’s Domestic Politics and South China Sea Policy." East Asian Policy 07, no. 03 (July 2015): 107–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s179393051500032x.

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Since May 2014, China-Vietnam relations had plummeted due to conflicts in the South China Sea. The two sides eventually managed to repair relations via both governmental and party channels. Vietnam’s South China Sea policy was a conglomeration of political calculations, energy pursuits and legal pragmatism. However, China still holds great sway over Vietnam’s future South China Sea policies due to economic concerns and the Vietnam Communist Party’s aspiration to maintain a tight grip on power.

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15

Hsiung, James C. "Sea Power, the Law of the Sea, and the Sino–Japanese East China Sea “Resource War”∗." American Foreign Policy Interests 27, no. 6 (December 2005): 513–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10803920500433625.

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16

Lee, Yusin, and Sangjoon Kim. "Dividing Seabed Hydrocarbon Resources in East Asia: A Comparative Analysis of the East China Sea and the Caspian Sea." Asian Survey 48, no. 5 (September 2008): 794–815. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2008.48.5.794.

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Abstract This paper examines why there is no multinational regime governing resource extraction in the East China Sea. After comparing the East China Sea case with the partially successful regime governing Caspian Sea resources, we suggest two explanatory variables: relative power relations and trust factors.

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17

Kivimäki, Timo. "'Reason' and 'Power' in Territorial Disputes: The South China Sea." Asian Journal of Social Science 30, no. 3 (2002): 525–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853102320945385.

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18

Hayton, Bill, and Greg Torode. "The South China Sea: The Struggle for Power in Asia." Contemporary Southeast Asia 36, no. 3 (December 30, 2014): 467–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs36-3f.

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19

Leonard, Jane Kate. "Maritime Sector, Institutions, and Sea Power of Premodern China (review)." Technology and Culture 42, no. 3 (2001): 609–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tech.2001.0123.

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20

Mathur, Akshita. "The South China Sea: The Struggle for Power in Asia." Maritime Affairs: Journal of the National Maritime Foundation of India 11, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 133–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09733159.2015.1029721.

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21

Rogers, Duncan. "The South China Sea: The Struggle for Power in Asia." RUSI Journal 159, no. 6 (November 2, 2014): 76–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2014.990820.

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22

Djelantik, Sukawarsini. "KEKUATAN NASIONAL TIONGKOK DALAM SENGKETA LAUT TIONGKOK SELATAN." Indonesian Journal of International Relations 5, no. 2 (August 23, 2021): 292–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.32787/ijir.v5i2.248.

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The South China Sea (LTS) has a strategic position and rich in natural resources. These waters are claimed by several countries such as China, the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei Darussalam, and Taiwan. The overlapping claims have not yet reached a resolution, even though tensions have increased and potentially to become an open conflict. The United States (US) and China have economic, political and strategic interests in winning the competition in the South China Sea. This paper answers the question what is China's position in the dispute in the South China Sea? Has China as a great power succeeded in utilizing its national power to control the waters? China's position is analyzed using the concept of national power consisting of Diplomacy, Information, Military and Economics (DIME), which is commonly used to assess state power. China's strength is compared indirectly with the US, which is the main competitor in the region from a diplomatic, military and economic point of view. From the diplomatic aspect, China controls countries in Southeast Asia which are part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) infrastructure project, whose various projects are funded through the Asian Investment Infrastructure Bank (AIIB). To confirm the claim, China has carried out various constructions of artificial islands in the disputed area, which are equipped with military facilities. From an economic perspective, China's rapid growth in recent decades has made it one of the most respected world powers. These facts indicated that China is a great power that has managed to match the power and influence of the US in the region. In the case of the LTS dispute, it is likely that China will win the competition, influence and support from the disputing countries. China; South China Sea; diplomacy, information, military, economy

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23

Akbar, Muhammad. "BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE (BRI) AND ITS IMPLICATION ON MARITIME SECURITY IN ASIA PACIFIC: CASE STUDY ON CHINA-AUSTRALIA TRADE COOPERATION." Jurnal Asia Pacific Studies 3, no. 1 (July 5, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/japs.v3i1.1031.

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Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) or One Belt One Road (OBOR) first introduced by Xi Jinping on September 2013 in Kazakhstan, when he stated â€œSilk Road Economic Beltâ€, specifically. One month later, he stated the term â€œMaritime Silk Roadâ€ in Indonesia. OBOR is both a concept and a work plan that designed by China to connect towards Eurasia, Africa, and Oceania. The connections are both distance and political influence. Chinaâ€™s bargaining position on Australia is considered strong enough, and vice versa. Australia is important for China for its iron ore that exported to China. China will not put their position at a stake considering its 60% dependency of iron ore from Australia, based on the research by Professor Rory Medcalf from Australia National University (Medcalf 2017, 110). The complexity of the struggle for power in this region is increasing since Australia has been the ally of The United States of America (USA) to whom China is declaring Trade War. Chinaâ€™s expenditure and development of the Navy growing increasingly reflects the higher attention on maritime security. Political condition in Asia Pacific will be effected by this condition with the growing influence of the superpower of the South China Sea, the Peopleâ€™s Republic of China. This paper will explore about sea power in Asia Pacific and its relations with the growing and more advanced China-Australia relations. Keywords: OBOR (One Belt One Road), Maritime Security, Sea Power, Asia Pacific. Abstrak Istilah Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) atau dikenal juga dengan jargon One Belt One Road (OBOR) pertama kali digaungkan oleh Xi Jinping pada bulan September 2013 di Kazakhstan, ia mengucapkan â€œSilk Road Economic Beltâ€, secara spesifik. Sebulan kemudian, Ia menyinggung konsep â€œMaritime Silk Roadâ€ dalam kunjungannya ke Indonesia (Davies, 2016, 218). OBOR adalah sebuah konsep, sekaligus juga workplan yang dirancang sedemikian rupa oleh China untuk mendekatkannya dengan Eurasia, Afrika, dan Oceania. Dekat dalam artian keterhubungan melalui kemudahan transportasi, dan dekat secara pengaruh (political influence). Tulisan ini akan mengambil studi kasus kerja sama perdagangan yang dilakukan antara China dan Australia. Posisi tawar China terhadap Australia cukup kuat, dan begitu pula sebaliknya. Australia diunggulkan dengan komoditi biji besi yang diekspor ke China, sehingga membuat China memiliki ketergantungan terhadap Australia. Professor Rory Medcalf dari Australia National University (ANU) mengatakan bahwa China tidak akan mempertaruhkan hubungan perdagangannya dengan Australia, mengingat dependensi China terhadap impor biji besi dari Australia sebesar 60% (Medcalf 2017, 110). Australia adalah sekutu Amerika Serikat (AS) yang kini sedang dalam kondisi perang dagang dengan China, membuat hubungan diantara negara-negara ini menjadi kompleks. Anggaran belanja pertahanan dan percepatan pertumbuhan Armada Laut China cenderung meningkat, sehingga dapat disimpulkan adanya keseriusan dalam hal peningkatan keamanan maritim (maritime security). Kondisi politik regional di kawasan Asia Pasifik akan terdampak atas kedigdayaan maritim China di kawasan. Tulisan ini akan membahas mengenai Sea Power di kawasan Asia Pasifik dan kaitannya dengan hubungan dagang China-Australia yang semakin intens. Kata kunci: OBOR (One Belt One Road), Keamanan Maritim, Sea Power, Asia Pacific

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24

Araújo, Lauro. "Chinese Strategic Culture and Sea Power: Geographic and Historical Sources." DAXIYANGGUO - REVISTA PORTUGUESA DE ESTUDOS ASIÁTICOS / PORTUGUESE JOURNAL OF ASIAN STUDIES, no. 25 (2020): 39–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.33167/1645-4677.daxiyangguo2020.25/pp.39-71.

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This paper sought to understand how geographic and historical sources of Chinese strategic culture shaped China’s stance regarding sea power throughout the imperial period and in the People’s Republic of China. By applying a deductive qualitative analysis, it was possible to identify that the borders of the Chinese heartland with the northern strategic periphery inhabited by non-Han peoples constituted an element of vulnerability that prompted the various dynasties to prioritize land-based strategic options. In the People’s Republic of China, the strategic environment favored the construction and adoption of sea power, however, continental domestic imperatives still influence Chinese strategic culture and security decisions. The study of the Chinese case enabled this paper to contribute to the understanding of how strategic culture molds strategic decisions by interacting with material and ideational variables. Keywords: maritime; continental; China, strategic culture.

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25

De Castro, Renato. "The Philippines Confronts China in the South China Sea: Power Politics vs. Liberalism-Legalism." Asian Perspective 39, no. 1 (2015): 71–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.2015.0010.

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Cai, Penghong. "The South China Sea: Troubled Waters in China-U.S. Relations." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, no. 02 (January 2017): 283–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500130.

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Similar to his foreign policy and strategic thinking, President Trump’s South China Sea policy features strong uncertainty. The new president is keen on enhancing U.S. military strength, but often uses “suspense” to achieve better deals on the negotiation table. Whether the practice can be directly linked to the rebalancing strategy is uncertain, but it can be said that the Trump administration is seeking peace through stronger military power, which will exert complex impact on the security situation of the South China Sea as well as the rest of the Asia-Pacific region. President Trump believes that the United States should consolidate its maritime supremacy in the Asia-Pacific, yet seeking confrontation and conflicts is by no means a policy option for the United States to maintain its regional hegemony. In comparison, China’s approach to resolving disputes and the security dilemma with the United States is to seek common ground while shelving disputes. Both countries should try to enhance their mutual understanding on the South China Sea issue for sustainable development of China-U.S. relations.

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27

Zhao, Suisheng. "East Asian Disorder." Asian Survey 60, no. 3 (May 2020): 490–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2020.60.3.490.

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In the South China Sea territorial disputes, China has shifted from a delaying strategy characterized by strategic ambiguity to strategic clarity and an increasingly assertive stance. Yet, this power play, asserting sovereignty over a large portion of the South China Sea, has not prompted a decisive push-back from regional states or major powers, raising the question of what kind of norms China will bring to the regional order and indicating the difficulty of building rules-based order in a region characterized by unbounded power politics in a twenty-first-century Hobbesian struggle.

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Vo, Sen Van, and Trung The Nguyen. "The geopolitical change in the east sea (from the post-cold war until now)." Science and Technology Development Journal 17, no. 1 (March 31, 2014): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v17i1.1244.

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After Vietnam War and especially the disintegration of the Soviet Union (1991), a “geopolitical vacuum” has appeared in the East Sea. However, the East Sea has not become a geopolitical dispute of the world after a long time. In recent years, after the settlement of hot spots in the Balkans, the Middle East, Central Asia,... and the rise of China, there has been an increase in the East Sea’s geopolitical status. The U.S. has declared its interest in this region. The geopolitics of the East Sea has attracted the attention of many countries all over the world. At the same time, it has also had great influence on the strength, the status and the foreign policy of countries like the U.S., China, Japan, India, Russia and the ASEAN community. When controlling the East Sea, China can break the “siege” of the U.S. and other countries near the East Sea, control the second busiest sea lane in the world, enhance its power and political status. This means that Japan, Russia and India will be surpassed by China in the “Eurasian chessboard”. Thus, there would be so many changes in the complexion of the world. The U.S. concern stems from the rise of China, the freedom of navigation, the U.S. allies and the U.S. unique status. ASEAN Community fears “the claims” of China - a major power trying to extend its power from “regional” to "worldwide". It can be said that just from a regional matter, the geopolitics of East Sea has become a global one. This paper will clarify that geopolitical change.

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Peng, Junyuan, and Jing Shi. "A Critical Assessment of China’s Role in the South China Sea Dispute." Journal of Politics and Law 13, no. 4 (October 13, 2020): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v13n4p169.

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South China Sea is only a small part on the map, but it plays a vital role in the stability of the Pacific-Asian region. South China Sea issue has been under spotlight. Five countries have claimed their rights on these tiny islands splashed in the region of South China Sea. Spratly Islands (Nansha) is endowed with abundant natural resources of petroleum, gas, and others. China, as an emerging super power, plays an important role in maintaining the stability of the region. Which role will China play, a bull in the china shop or a coordinator in finding a peaceful solution? This paper attempts to answer this question by presenting a critical assessment of China’s role in the South China Sea dispute.

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Yee, Andy. "Maritime Territorial Disputes in East Asia: A Comparative Analysis of the South China Sea and the East China Sea." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 40, no. 2 (June 2011): 165–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261104000207.

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This article systematically compares maritime territorial disputes in the East and South China Seas. It draws on the bargaining model of war and hegemonic stability theory to track the record of conflicts and shifts in the relative power balances of the claimants, leading to the conclusion that certainty and stability have improved in the South China Sea, with the converse happening in the East China Sea. To enrich the models, this article also considers social factors (constructivism) and arrives at the same conclusion. This calls for a differentiated methodological approach if we are to devise strategies to mediate and resolve these disputes.

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Larin, V. L., and S. K. Pestsov. "The Emergence of China as a “Great Maritime Power”." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 13, no. 3 (August 20, 2020): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2020-13-3-2.

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The article discusses strategic intentions and practical actions of modern Chinese leadership aimed to make China a “great maritime power”. The authors analyze theoretical investigations of Chinese scientists in the fields of maritime strategy and politics; examine basic principle of contemporary Chinese maritime policy, Beijing strategic documents and specific plans aimed at developing marine activities, as well as the problems that arise on this way and some practical results achieved. The authors conclude that despite an active “sea rhetoric” of Chinese top leaderships, the global ocean is not in the main focus of Chinese politics which is primarily oriented towards Eurasian continent. For the PRC leadership, “turning China into a great sea power” neither an ultimate goal, nor a path to achieve the world hegemony, but one of the means to solve some goals to support country’s economic and social development. Today main efforts of Chinese maritime policy are aimed at the ocean studies, legal and technical preparation for excavation of deepwater resources, marine environmental protection, upholding the sea rights and interests of China. As far as Beijing considers the “near seas” as “vital” for ensuring China economic and military‑political security, it acts in their space offensively, actively and uncompromisingly. However, although China’s maritime policy focuses mainly on achieving the economic goals, for the past decade the country’s maritime economy has developed at a slower pace than the country’s economy as a whole. The authors conclude that China has a lot to do in order to effectively use not only its own sea space, but also the vast resources of the global oceans to realize the ambitious goals and objectives of the country’s development.

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Nandyatama, Randy Wirasta. "Beyond Brinkmanship: The Implication of South China Sea Conflicts on China’s Soft Power in Southeast Asia." JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) 7, no. 1 (July 1, 2019): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/jas.v7i1.5684.

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While contemporary scholarly literatures on South China Sea conflicts have been dominated by hard power calculations, some other aspects remain under-researched. Rather underplayed in the existing literature is the question on the political implication of the conflicts on China’s soft power in the region. In responding to this issue, this article tries to carefully investigate the nature of the China’s soft power and the linkage between the increasing Chinese assertive measures in the South China Sea and the foundation of China’s soft power in the region. Through some cases of China’s skirmishes with Southeast Asian countries on the South China Sea between 2009 and 2012, this article argues that Beijing’s increasing hard power measures have induced growing threat perceptions in the region. This very context not only signals a distinct dissonance of Beijing’s image in Southeast Asia but also creates surging discontents and rejections to China’s role and political position in the region. Ultimately, China’s perceived inappropriate hard power measures affect its soft power, particularly in eroding the reputation of being a benign political entity as its source of soft power in Southeast Asia.

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Balakrishnan, K. S. "GREAT POWER RIVALRY AND MILITARY ACTIVITIES IN THE SOUTH CHINA SEA." Samudera - Journal of Maritime and Coastal Studies 1, no. 1 (September 30, 2019): 16–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/samudera.vol1no1.2.

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Heng, Derek. "China as a Sea Power 1127–1368 by Lo Jung-Pang." Journal of Song-Yuan Studies 43, no. 1 (2013): 366–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sys.2013.0026.

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Buell, Paul D. "Book Review: Maritime Sector, Institutions, and Sea Power of Premodern China." International Journal of Maritime History 12, no. 2 (December 2000): 238–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/084387140001200222.

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Lijun, Sheng. "China´ s Rising Sea Power: The PLA Navy´ s Submarine Challenge." Contemporary Southeast Asia 28, no. 3 (December 2006): 528–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs28-3l.

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Rudra, Eshita. "China’s Strategic Interests in the South China Sea: Power and Resources." Maritime Affairs: Journal of the National Maritime Foundation of India 13, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 102–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09733159.2017.1319614.

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Buszynski, Leszek. "The South China Sea Maritime Dispute: Legality, Power, and Conflict Prevention." Asian Journal of Peacebuilding 1, no. 1 (May 31, 2013): 39–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.18588/201305.000004.

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Hermez, Marta. "Global Commons and the Law of the Sea: China’s Lawfare Strategy in the South China Sea." International Community Law Review 22, no. 5 (December 9, 2020): 559–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341447.

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Abstract The portions of the South China Sea which fall outside the jurisdiction of any coastal state, are some of the world’s most important global maritime commons. Disputes over the maritime features and their surrounding waters of the South China Sea therefore threaten the governance of this global commons, both from a preservation and security perspective. This contribution analyses China’s lawfare strategy in the South China Sea by deconstructing its legal discourse on the matter. It will to that end scrutinize elements of China’s official and academic rhetoric, domestic legislation and operational conduct related to the South China Sea. The contribution will lay some groundwork for an enhanced engagement with China in the battle of the arguments on the South China Sea. In the same vein, it ultimately calls for further deepening our knowledge on China’s interpretation of the law of the sea and an increased interaction thereon in order to be better equipped to face China’s incremental geopolitical and discourse power and their influence on the future development of the legal global governance structure of the oceans.

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Zhao, Lijie. "Discussion on the relationship between power generation output of intermittent offshore energy and Marine Climate and Environment -- Taking wave energy and solar energy as examples." E3S Web of Conferences 248 (2021): 02049. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202124802049.

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In recent years, with the continuous promotion of China’s marine power strategy, the comprehensive development and application of marine resources in many aspects and in depth has become a trend. China’s South China Sea is vast and rich in resources, which has important national defense, economic and environmental significance for its comprehensive development and construction. The South China Sea is a vast sea area with abundant wave energy and solar energy. The pilot development and application of natural energy in this area is of great strategic and environmental significance for the decentralized power supply of deep-sea islands. Therefore, based on the actual application of the wave energy-solar power generation platform on YX Island, a comprehensive analysis is carried out based on the characteristics of the marine climate and environmental elements of the South China Sea, exploring the apparent efficiency of intermittent energy such as wave energy and solar energy under specific environmental conditions and putting forward relevant suggestions. The forecast will provide relevant theoretical basis and data support for the subsequent in-depth development, application and system optimization of renewable energy in the South my country Sea.

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Wang, Gang, and Jian Zhong Shi. "New Non-Grid Wind Power Desalination Systems Research." Applied Mechanics and Materials 488-489 (January 2014): 970–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amm.488-489.970.

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the large-scale application of non-grid-connected wind power in sea water desalination industry has not only solved the difficulty in grid connection of wind power, but also can be an inexhaustible clean energy supply for the sea water desalination. Such application, breaking through the traditional sea water desalination technology and wind power development ideas and realizing the 100% local use of renewable energies, is a perfect combination of the new energy industry and the power consumption industry. The large-scale industrialization application of non-grid-connected wind power sea water desalination can not only maximize the efficiency of wind power and realize the unification of social benefit, environmental benefit and economic benefit, but also is of great strategic significance in accelerating the transformation of the economic development mode of China, and meanwhile, plays a leading role in the diversified development of the world wind power industry. 1. High-energy consumption factors restrict the development of sea water desalination Sea water desalination is a source-opening incremental technology for realizing the utilization of water resources, which can increase the total amount of fresh water and is not limited by time, space and climate with good water quality, and can guarantee the stable water supply of drinking water for coastal residents and industrial water supplementation. Since sea water desalination is the substitutional and incremental technology of fresh water resources, many countries are attaching more and more importance on it. With the rapid development of the economy and society of China, especially with the acceleration of urbanization, some coastal developed areas and large cities near the sea are having a greater and greater demand on water resources. In this condition, the development of sea water desalination has a great strategic significance in the supplementation of water resources in the sustainable development process of these areas[1,2].

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Huang, Faming, Jie Lin, and Binxin Zheng. "Effects of Thermal Discharge from Coastal Nuclear Power Plants and Thermal Power Plants on the Thermocline Characteristics in Sea Areas with Different Tidal Dynamics." Water 11, no. 12 (December 6, 2019): 2577. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w11122577.

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The thermal discharge from coastal nuclear power plants and thermal power plants (CNATPP) not only increases the water temperature, but it also stratifies the seawater. Comprehending the characteristics of stratification that is caused by thermal discharge constitutes the basis for developing a comprehensive understanding of how thermal discharge affects marine organisms. The spatial and temporal characteristics of seawater stratification induced by thermal discharge were analyzed on the basis of measured data while using two study areas with different tidal dynamics as examples. The results showed the following. (1) Thermal discharge influenced the area within 3 km of the outlet. (2) In the East China Sea (which has strong tidal dynamics), the most significant stratification occurred 0.5 km–1.0 km from the outlet; however, in the South China Sea (which has weak tidal dynamics), the degree of stratification decreased with increasing distance from the outlet. (3) In the East China Sea (i.e., strong tidal dynamics), the depth of the thermocline during ebb tide gradually moved upward, while that during flood tide gradually moved downward, and the opposite was observed in the South China Sea (i.e., weak tidal dynamics). Finally, (4) the thermocline that was caused by thermal discharge mostly occurred at water depths above 7 m.

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Tanner, Murray Scot. "China in 2016." Asian Survey 57, no. 1 (January 2017): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.1.65.

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As the next Party Congress loomed in 2017, China’s top leaders in 2016 endorsed President Xi Jinping as the leadership “core,” a move that may allow his further consolidation of political power. The economy grew at a targeted 6.7%. Beijing challenged the new Taiwan administration, and sought to consolidate its muscle-flexing in the South China Sea. The likely direction of US relations under Donald Trump remained uncertain.

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Zheng, Chong Wei, Chong Yin Li, Xuan Chen, and Jing Pan. "Numerical Forecasting Experiment of the Wave Energy Resource in the China Sea." Advances in Meteorology 2016 (2016): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2016/5692431.

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The short-term forecasting of wave energy is important to provide guidance for the electric power operation and power transmission system and to enhance the efficiency of energy capture and conversion. This study produced a numerical forecasting experiment of the China Sea wave energy using WAVEWATCH-III (WW3, the latest version 4.18) wave model driven by T213 (WW3-T213) and T639 (WW3-T639) wind data separately. Then the WW3-T213 and WW3-T639 were verified and compared to build a short-term wave energy forecasting structure suited for the China Sea. Considering the value of wave power density (WPD), “wave energy rose,” daily and weekly total storage and effective storage of wave energy, this study also designed a series of short-term wave energy forecasting productions. Results show that both the WW3-T213 and WW3-T639 exhibit a good skill on the numerical forecasting of the China Sea WPD, while the result of WW3-T639 is much better. Judging from WPD and daily and weekly total storage and effective storage of wave energy, great wave energy caused by cold airs was found. As there are relatively frequent cold airs in winter, early spring, and later autumn in the China Sea and the surrounding waters, abundant wave energy ensues.

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ŠIMALČÍK, MATEJ. "China and the South China Sea Conflict: A Case for Confucian Strategic Culture?" Journal of Indian and Asian Studies 01, no. 01 (January 2020): 2050002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2717541320500023.

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Chinese actions in the South China Sea are often viewed as proof of an assertive China, despite the Chinese claims that their Confucian values make China a peaceful power. This paper analyzes the South China Sea conflict through a prism of strategic culture theory and examines both the Chinese narrative on the conflict as well as the actual Chinese behavior in the area. Confucian norms and values provide a powerful rhetoric device utilized by the Chinese policymakers to legitimize the Chinese behavior to the domestic and to some extent also foreign audiences. However, the actual Chinese behavior rarely exhibits strong influences of Confucianism, suggesting that in actual behavior China acts in accord with realist predictions.

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Li, Lixiao, Yiqing Xiao, Ahsan Kareem, Lili Song, and Peng Qin. "Modeling typhoon wind power spectra near sea surface based on measurements in the South China sea." Journal of Wind Engineering and Industrial Aerodynamics 104-106 (May 2012): 565–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jweia.2012.04.005.

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LORTEAU, STEVE. "China’s South China Sea Claims as “Unprecedented”: Sceptical Remarks." Canadian Yearbook of international Law/Annuaire canadien de droit international 55 (June 20, 2018): 72–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cyl.2018.6.

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AbstractA solely legalistic analysis of China’s South China Sea claims has given way to speculation regarding their exact nature. Scholars and the tribunal inPhilippines v Chinahave collectively described China’s position as “ambiguous” and “vague.” For others, China’s regulatory framework sets dangerous new precedents in the areas of effective occupation, historic rights, and exclusive economic zones. This article seeks to nuance these assessments. Contextualizing China’s framework within a broader geopolitical project reveals a China exploiting historic legal precedents in a manner reminiscent of imperial America. This should cast doubt on those too quick to see China as a rule-breaking new power eager to upset international norms. Rather, China’s “Caribbean” is a microcosm for a new great power coming into its own following an existing model.

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Pitra, Haetami. "CHINA COERCIVE DIPLOMACY THROUGH SOUTH CHINA SEA CONFLICT AND BELT & ROAD INITIATIVES." Jurnal Pertahanan 5, no. 2 (August 2, 2019): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jp.v5i2.522.

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<p>This paper studies Chinese coercive diplomacy by first analyzing the South China Sea (SCS) issue from the perspective of China national interest which has Belt & Road Initiatives (BRI) political agenda (formerly known as OBOR). Through BRI, China will be a counterweight to the world economic power in countering US hegemony. This paper aims to describe the coercive form of China diplomacy which has been implemented through both phenomena and to analyze China coercive diplomacy using theory and relevant concept. To achieve those goals, this paper employs qualitative research method as well as national interest and neorealism theory. The findings of this paper suggest that, in reflection of China-Sri Lanka bilateral experience, BRI is one of debt-track diplomacy of China commodities in maintaining energy and economy security. This paper is expected to be one of the studies about South China Sea which can see BRI more in the opportunities it brings</p>

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Yu, Lei. "Contending Chinese Perspectives on China-Russia Military Partnership." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 240–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2020.53.4.240.

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China has worked with Russia to formulate a strategic partnership in the post–Cold War era to counter US containment and make the world order “more reasonable” and “fairer.” China has synchronized its military collaboration with Russia to modernize the once obsolete People’s Liberation Army (PLA) in pursuit of these objectives. The partnership and the modernization of the PLA reveal China’s preparedness for US military intervention in Taiwan and the South China Sea and for the power transition triggered by China’s ascent at the systemic (global) level. This reflects China’s intention to attain two goals: the first, to safeguard its territorial sovereignty particularly over the South China Sea, which has been in escalating disputes since US adoption of the strategies of “pivot to Asia” and “free navigation operations”; and the second, to protect China’s dream of national rejuvenation and reemergence as a great power from being interrupted by foreign intervention.

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Colin, Sébastien. "Bill Hayton, The South China Sea: The Struggle for Power in Asia,." China Perspectives 2016, no. 3 (September 1, 2016): 71–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/chinaperspectives.7061.

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