Academic literature on the topic 'Scott, Walter, 1771-1832 Influence'

The year 1806–7 marked a critical juncture in British politics. The death in January 1806 of William Pitt, prime minister for nearly a generation, threw Westminster into disarray and brought the Foxite whigs into power for the first time since December 1783. For Scottish adherents of Pitt, the damage was compounded by the impeachment about to begin in April 1806, of Henry Dundas, Lord Melville, the kingpin of Scottish patronage at Westminster. For Walter Scott (1771–1832), who had just become famous after the publication of The Lay of the Last Minstrel (1805), this meant a last-minute journey to London in January 1806 to save a political appointment that would allow him to make literature his vocation. The death of Pitt and the vanquishing of Melville represented a personal catastrophe for the ambitious thirty-four-year-old Scott, and he moved quickly to secure the appointment about to be lost to him. My article looks at the negotiations of Scott, and more broadly those of Pitt's followers behind the scenes, as the All the Talents cabinet was being assembled and as Scottish patronage entered a new era after the fall of Melville. Scott proved to be a skilled negotiator at Westminster: he would eventually go on in 1822 to preside over the first visit of a Hanoverian monarch to Scotland. Culturally speaking, he was to take over where Melville had left off, and through his poetry and novels bring recognition to Scotland's role in Britain.

AbstractAs was the case with silversmiths (Note 3), many more cabinet-makers were wcrking in Amsterdam during the second half of the 18th century than in any other city in the Dutch Republic, the names of 195 of them being now known as opposed to 57 in The Hague and 32 in Rotterdam (Note 2). Most of those 195 names have been culled from the few surviving documents of the Guild of St. Joseph in Amsterdam, to which the cabinet-makers belonged (Note 4), supplemented by other sources, such as printed registers of craftsmen and shopkeepers (Note 6). Another important source is the newspaper the Amsterdamsche Courant with its advertisements placed by craftsmen themselves, with notices of sales, bankruptcies, lotteries and annual fairs and with advertisements concerning subsidiary or related trades. Since these advertisements were directed at the consumer, they often contain stylistic descriptions such as are not found elsewhere. Moreover, they aford valuable clues to archival material. Hence an investigation of all the advertisements from the years 1751-1800 has formed the basis for a study of Amsterdam cabinet-making, some results of which are presented here. Such a study is doomed largely to remain theoretical. The records can hardly ever be linked with surviving pieces, as these are virtually always anonymous since Amsterdam cabinet-makers were not required to stamp or sign their work. Moreover, only a few pieces of Dutch 18th-century furniture have a known provenance, so that it is only rarely possible to link a piece with a bill or another document and identify its maker. Thus it is not yet possible to form a reliable picture of a local Amsterdam style, let alone embark on attributions to individual makers (Note 8). In this light special importance may be attached to two commodes of the third quarter of the century which are exceptional in that they bear a signature, that of Andries Bongen (Figs. 1, 2, Notes 10, 11). These commodes, being entirely French-inspired, illustrate a specific and little-known aspect of Amsterdam cabinet-making. French furniture was so sought after in Amsterdam at that period that in 1771 a strict ban was imposed on its importation in order to protect local cabinet-makers (Note 12). It had begun to be imitated even before that and the commodes by Bongen exemplify this development. Andries Bongen, who was probably born in Geldern, south of Cleves and just east of the border of the Dutch Republic, is first recorded in Amsterdam in May 1763 on his marriage to Willemina, daughter of the smith Lambert van der Beek. He registered as a citizen on 5 July 1763 and became a master cabinet-maker some time between March 1763 and March 1764 (Note 19), so that, accordirtg to the Guild regulations, he must previously have trained for two years under an Amsterdam master (Note 20). At the time of his marriage he was living in St. Jorisstraat, but by the end of 1766 he had moved to Spui and between 1769 and 1771 he moved again, to Muiderpleinlje. When he and his wife made their will in 1772, their possessions were worth something under 8000 guilders (Note 23). This suggests that the business was quite flourishing, which seems to be confirmed by the fact that Bongen received a commission from the city of Amsterdam in 1771. Two more pieces were made for the city in 1786 and 1789, but in the latter year Bongen was declared bankrupt. The inventory of his possessions drawn up then (see Appeytdix) shows how parlous his conditions had become, his goods being valued at only 300 guilders. The reference to a shop indicates that Bongen sold his own furniture, although he had no stock to speak of at that point. The mention of eight work-benches, however, sugests that his output had previously been quite large. This is confirmed by the extent of his debts, notably that to the timber merchant Jan van Mekeren (Note 27). Other creditors included 'Rudolfeus Eyk', who probably supplied iron trelliszvork for bookcases and the like (Note 28), and the glass merchants Boswel en Zonen (Note 29) No debtors are listed and the only customer who can tentatively be identified is a 'Heer Hasselaar' who might be Pieter Cornelis Hasselaer (1720-95), several times burgomaster of Amsterdam between 1773 and 1794 (Note 30). Bongen died three years after his bankruptcy, at which time he was living in Nieuwe Looiersstraat. He appears to have continued working as a cabiytet-maker up to his death and his widow probably carried on the business until her own death in 1808, but nothing is known of this later period. The clearest insight into the character of part of Bongen's output is aforded by the advertisement he placed in the Amsterdamsehe Courant of 4 December 1766, describing three pieces of furniture 'in the French manner'. This is the first announcement by an 18th-century Amsterdam cabinet-maker of work in the French style. Bongen mentions two commodes decorated with floral marquetry, a technique which had flourished in Amsterdam in the late 17th and early 18th centuries (Note 34), but which had largely fallen into disuse on the advent around 1715 of a more sober type of furniture with plain walnut veneers on the English model (Note 36). In France a form of floral marquetry reappeared in the 1740s, being further developed in the following decade under the influence of Jean-François Oeben (1721-63). From the late 1750s there are indications of the presence of pieces of French marquetry furniture in the new style in Amsterdam (Notes 42, 43). The earliest explicit description of floral marquetry appears in a sale catalogue of 5 June 1765 (Note 44), while in another of 25 March 1766 (Note 46) many French pieces are detailed. Obviously, then, Bongen was endeavouring to capture a share, of this new market. The reappearance of elaborate marquetry on Amsterdam-made furniture was the result of a desire to emulate the French examples. The two commodes described in Bongen's advertisement can be identified with the one now in Amsterdam (Fig.2) and the one sold in London in 1947 (Fig.1). The latter still had more of its original mounts at the time nf the sale (Fig. 4) and the two probably formed a pair originally. The unusual fact that they are signed indicates that Bongen intended them to serve as show-pieces to demonstrate his skill at the beginning of his career (cf. Note 51, for another craftsman from abroad who began his career in Amsterdam by similarly advertising a spectacular piece). The commode in Amsterdam, with all its original mounts, demonstrates most clearly how close Bongen came to French prototypes, although his work has many personal traits nonetheless. In the marquetry the vase on a plinth on the front and the composition of the bouquets on the sides are notable (Fig.5), as are the large, full-blown blooms. The carcase, made entirely of oak, is remarkably well constructed and has a heavy, solid character. The commodes are outstanding for the complete integration of the marquetry and the mounts, in the manner of the finesl French furniture. The mounts presenl a problem, as it is not clear where they were made. They do not appear to be French or English, but one hesitates to attribute them to Amsterdam, as it is clear from documentary material that ornamental furniture-mounts were hardly ever made there in the second half of the 18th century. The mounts advertised by Ernst Meyrink in 1752 (Note 53) were probably still of the plain variety of the early part of the century and there is no further mention of mounts made in Amsterdam in the Amsterdamsche Courant. Once, in 1768, the silversmith J. H. Strixner placed an advertisement which refers to their gilding (Note 55). There is virtually no indication either of French mounts being imported and there is little Dutch furniture of this period that bears mounts which are indisputably French. In contrast to this, a large number of advertisements from as early as 1735 show that many mounts were imported from England, while among English manufacturers who came to sell their wares in Amsterdam were Robert Marshall of London (Note 60), James Scott (Note 61), William Tottie of Rotterdam (Note 62), whose business was continued after his death by Klaas Pieter Sent (Note 64), and H. Jelloly, again of Rotterdam (Notes 66, 67). It seems surprising that in a period when the French style reigned supreme so many mounts were imported from England, but the English manufacturers, mainly working in Birmingham, produced many mounts in the French style, probably often directed expressly at foreign markets. On the two commodes by Bongen only the corner mounts and the handles are of types found in the trade-catalogues of the English manufacturers (Figs. 7, 8, Notes 65, 70). The corner mounts are of a common type also found on French furniture (Note 71), so they doubtless copy a French model. The remaining mounts, however, are the ones which are so well integrated with the marquetry and these are not found elsewhere. Recently a third commode signed by Bongen has come to light, of similar character to the first two (Fig.3). Here all the mounts are of types found in the catalogues (Figs.7-10, Note 72). Apparently Bongen could not, or did not choose to, obtain the special mounts any more, although he clearly wanted to follow the same design (Fig. 6). This third commode was undoubtedly made somewhal later than the other two. The marquetry on it is the best preserved and it is possible to see how Bongen enlivened it with fine engraving. Because this piece is less exceptional, it also allows us to attribute some unsigned pieces to Bongen on the basis of their closeness to it, namely a commode sold in London in 1962 (Fig.11, Note 73) and two smaller, simpler commodes, which may originally have formed a pair, one sold in London in 1967 (Fig.12, Nole 74) and the other in a Dutch private collection (Figs.13, 14). The first one has a highly original marquetry decoration of a basket of flowers falling down. On the sides of this piece, and on the front of the two smaller ones, are bouquets tied with ribbons. These were doubtless influenced by contemporary engravings, but no direct models have been identified. The construction of the commode in the Netherlands tallies completely with tltat of the signed example in Amsterdam. The mounts are probably all English, although they have not all been found in English catalogues (Fig.15, Note 76). A seventh commode attributable to Bongen was sold in Switzerland in 1956 (Fig.16, Note 77). It is unusual in that walnut is employed as the background for the floral marquetry, something virtually unknown in Paris, but not uncommon on German work of French inspiration (Note 78). That commodes constitute the largest group among the furniture in the French style attributable to Bongen should cause no surprise, for the commode was the most sought after of all the pieces produced by the ébénistes not only in France, but all over Europe. Two other pieces which reveal Bongen's hand are two tables which look like side-tables, but which have fold-out tops to transform them into card-tables, a type seldom found in France, but common in England and the Netherlands (Note 80). One is at Bowhill in Scotland (Figs.17, 19, 20), the other was sold in London in 1972 (Fig.18, Note 79). The corner mounts on the Bowhill table, which probably also graced the other one originally, are the same as those on the two small commodes, while the handles are again to be found in an English catalogue (Fig.21, Note 81). What sounds like a similar card-table was sold at auction in Amsterdam in 1772 (Note 82). In Bongen's advertisement of 1766 mention is also made of a secretaire, this being the first appearance of this term in the Amsterdamsche Courant and Bongen finding it necessary to define it. No secretaire is known that can be attributed to him. A medal-cabinet in the form of a secretaire in Leiden (Figs.22, 23) hasfloral marquetry somewhat reminiscent of his work, but lacking its elegance, liveliness and equilibrium. Here the floral marquetry is combined with trompe l'oeil cubes and an interlaced border, early Neo-Classical elements which were first employed in France in the 1750s, so that this piece represents a later stage than those attributable to Bongen, which are all in a pure Louis xvstyle. Virtually identical in form to the medal-cabinet is a secretaire decorated solely with floral marquetry (Fig. 24, Note 87). This also appears not to be by Bongen, but both pieces may have been made under his influence. The picture we can form of Bongen's work on the basis of the signed commodes is clearly incomplete. His secretaire was decorated with '4 Children representing Trade', an exceptionally modern and original idea in 1766 even by French standards (Note 88). His ambitions in marquetry obviously wentfar beyondflowers, but no piece has yet beenfound which evinces this, nor is anything known of the Neo-Classical work which he may have produced after this style was introduced in Amsterdam around 1770. Bongen may perhaps have been the first Amsterdam cabinet-maker to produce marquetry furniture in the French style, but he was not to remain the only one. In 1771 and 1772 furniture in both the Dutch and French mode was advertised for sale at the Kistenmakerspand in Kalverstraat, where all furniture-makers belonging to the Guild of St. Joseph could sell their wares (Note 89). The 'French' pieces were probably decorated with marquetry. Only a small number of cabinet-makers are known to have worked in this style, however. They include Arnoldus Gerritsen of Rheestraat, who became a master in 1769 and sold his stock, including a 'small French inlaid Commode', in 1772, and Johan Jobst Swenebart (c.1747 - active up to 1806 or later), who became a master in 1774 and advertised in 1775 that he made 'all sorts of choice Cabinet- and Flower-works', the last term referring to furniture decorated with floral marquetry. Not only French types of furniture, but also traditional Dutch pieces were now decorated with French-inspired marquetry,for example a collector's cabinet advertised in 1775 by Johan Jacob Breytspraak (c.1739-95), who had become a master in 1769-70; a bureau-bookcase, a form introduced in the first half of the century probably under English influence (Note 100), exhibited in 1772 (Note 99); and a display cabinet for porcelain supplied, though not necessarily made, by Pieter Uylenburg en Zoon in 1775 (Notes 101, 102). Even long-case clocks were enriched with marquetry, witness the one advertised by the clock-maker J. H. Kühn in 1775 and another by him which was sold by auction in Edam in 1777 (Note 104). The latter was, like the bureau-bookcase exhibited in 1772, decorated with musical instruments, again a motif borrowed from France, where it was used increasingly from the 1760s onwards (Note 105). A clock signed by the Amsterdam clock-maker J. George Grüning also has a case with marquetry of musical instruments. This must date from about 1775-80, but its maker is unknown (Fig. 25, Notes 106, 107). All four of the Amsterdam cabinet-makers known to have done marquetry around 1770 came from Germany and all were then only recently established in Amsterdam. In fact half of the 144 Amsterdam cabinet-makers working in the second half of the 18th century whose origins it has been possible to trace came from Germany, so the German element was even stronger there than in Paris, where Germans comprised about a third of the ébénistes (Note 108) and where they had again played an important role in the revival of marquetry. None qf the four in Amsterdam was exclusively concerned with marquetry. Indeed, for some of them it may only have been a secondary aspect of their work. This was not true of Bongen, but he too made plain pieces, witness the four mahogany gueridons he made for the city of Amsterdam in 1771 or the two cupboards also made for the city in 1786 and 1789 (Notes 111, 112).No marquetry is listed in his inventory either. Perhaps fashions had changed by the time of his bankruptcy. Such scant knowledge as we have of Amsterdam cabinet-making between 1775 and 1785 certainly seems to suggest this. In the descriptions of the prizes for furraiture-lotteries, such as took place regularly from 1773 onwards (Note 114), marquetry is mentioned in 1773 and 1775 (Notes 115, 116), but after that there is no reference to itfor about tenyears. Nor is there any mention of marquetry in the very few cabinet-makers' advertisements of this period. When the clock-maker Kühn again advertised long-case clocks in 1777 and 1785, the cases were of carved mahogany (Notes 121, 122). Certainly in France the popularity of marquetry began to wane shortly before 1780 and developments in the Netherlands were probably influenced by this. Towards the end of the 1780s, however, pieces described as French and others decorated with 'inlaid work' again appear as prizes in lotteries, such as those organized by Johan Frederik Reinbregt (active 1785-95 or later), who came from Hanover (Note 128), and Swenebart. The latter advertised an inlaid mahogany secretaire in 1793 (Note 132) and similar pieces are listed in the announcement of the sale of the stock of Jean-Matthijs Chaisneux (c.1734-92), one of a small group of French upholsterers first mentioned in Amsterdam in the 1760s, who played an important part in the spread of French influence there (Note 134). In this later period, however, reference is only made to French furniture when English pieces are also mentioned, so a new juxtaposition is implied and 'French' need not mean richly decorated with marquetry as it did in the 1760s. In fact the marquetry of this period was probably of a much more modest character. A large number of pieces of Dutch furniture in the late Neo-Classical style are known, generally veneered with rosewood or mahogany, where the marquetry is confined to trophies, medallions on ribbons, geometric borders and suchlike. A sideboard in the Rijksmuseum is an exceptionally fine and elaborately decorated example of this light and elegant style (Fig. 26) None of this furniture is known for certain to have been made in Amsterdam, but two tobacco boxes with restrained marquetry decoration (Fig.27, Note 136) were made in Haarlem in 1789 by Johan Gottfried Fremming (c.1753-1832) of Leipzig, who had probably trained in Amsterdam and whose style will not have differed much from that current in the capital. Boxes of this type are mentioned in the 1789 inventory of the Amsterdam cabinet-maker Johan Christiaan Molle (c.1748-89) as the only pieces decorated with inlay (Note 138). In the 1792 inventory of Jacob Keesinger (active 1764-92) from Ziegenhain there are larger pieces of marquetry furniture as well (Note 139), but they are greatly in the minority, as is also the case with a sale of cabinet-makers' wares held in 1794 (Note 141), which included a book-case of the type in Fig.28 (Note 142). Similarly the 1795 inventory of Johan Jacob Breytspraak, one of the most important and prosperous cabinet-makers of the day, contains only a few marquetry pieces (Note 144). The 1793 inventory of Hendrik Melters (1720-93) lists tools and patterns for marquetry, but no pieces decorated with it (Note 145). Melters seems to have specialized in cases for long-case clocks, the Amsterdam clock-maker Rutgerus van Meurs (1738-1800) being one of his clients (Note 146). The cases of clocks signed by Van Meurs bear only simple marquetry motifs (Note 147). The Dutch late Neo-Classical furniture with restrained marquetry decoration has no equivalent in France; it is more reminiscent of English work (Note 148). The pattern-books of Hepplewhite and Sheraton undoubtedly found their way to the Dutch Republic and the 'English' furniture mentioned in Amsterdam sources from 1787 probably reflected their influence. However, the introduction of the late, restrained Neo-Classical style in furniture was not the result of English influence alone. Rather, the two countries witnessed a parallel development. In England, too, marquetry was re-introduced under French influence around 1760 and it gradually became much simpler during the last quarter of the century, French influences being amalgamated into a national style (Notes 150, 151). On the whole, the Frertch models were followed more closely in the Netherlands than in England. Even at the end of the century French proportions still very much influenced Dutch cabinet-making. Thus the typically Dutch late Neo-Classical style sprang from a combirtation of French and English influences. This makes it difficult to understand what exactly was meant by the distinction made between ;French' and 'English' furniture at this time. The sources offer few clues here and this is even true of the description of the sale of the stock of the only English cabinet-maker working in Amsterdam at this period, Joseph Bull of London, who was active between 1787 and 1792, when his goods were sold (Notes 155, 156).

In the spring of 1820, immediately after his arrival in China, Poul Martin Møller (1794-1838) wrote a prose piece based on Walter Scott’s (1771-1832) historical novel of the Scottish Highlands, “The Lady of the Lake,” of 1810. This work, consisting of eight closely written pages, is Møller’s first attempt at continuous prose and is the beginnings of what would become his literary masterpiece, the unfinished short novel “The Tale of a Danish Student.” Although in many respects Møller’s Scottish effort appears but distantly related to the story of the Danish students, it is possible, with the appropriate detours, to trace the connection between Scott and Møller and to see how the latter transformed the historical point of departure into a psychological portrait of his contemporaries.

John Keats (1795-1821) is widely regarded as a main figure in the scope of English Romantic Literature. Although the poet lived a short life, the quality of his work has earned him a place in the literary cannon, alongside Lord Byron (1788-1824) and Percy Bysshe Shelley (1792-1822), within the second generation of English romantic poets. The reception of Keats in Portugal, however, took place long after the poet achieved literary recognition in England. There were virtually no references to the poet, either in published volumes or in the Portuguese press of the 19th century, and the first translation of one of his poems was only published in 1915. The poet’s famous odes, generally considered his most influential works, were only translated in 1960. This was followed by an increase in the number of published translations, as well as essays on Keats and his work. The reception of John Keats in Portugal was evidently dissimilar to the ones of Lord Byron and Walter Scott (1771-1832), two Anglo-Saxon romantics tremendously appreciated in the country since the early 19th century. The aim of this case study is, to the extent that is possible, to point out and to clarify the reasons that led to the late reception of this English romantic in Portugal. It is therefore important to draw a comparison between the receptions of Keats, Byron and Scott in the country, as well as to discuss the importance of the French cultural system in the mediation of English authors and works to Portugal during that period.

Cette these etudie la representation de l'histoire et de ses mouvements, souvent contradictoires, dans huit romans ecossais de walter scott. En replacant ces oeuvres dans leur contexte esthetique et philosophique, elle montre que scott se situe au carrefour de deux modes de pensee, classique et romantique. La theorie de l'auteur apparait d'abord dans l'appareil de prefaces qui emprisonne ses romans. Tout en parodiant les formes litteraires traditionnelles, scott elabore une vision de l'histoire "ideale" qui se fonde sur les modeles de l'esthetique neoclassique. Mais l'histoire releve aussi de l'experience vecue, comme le montre le parcours du heros. Scott emprunte ici ses modeles a la philosophie empiriste ecossaise (notamment a hume) et aux sciences contemporaines. Dans ses romans, le paysage acquiert un statut nouveau : au sein de la nature, l'associationnisme vibratoire permet la remontee des souvenirs enfouis. Enfin, scott aboutit a une vision organique de l'histoire, en representant les echanges et la circulation qui s'operent dans le corps social. Le texte lui-meme devient d'ailleur un corps vivant, ou des echanges ont lieu entre l'auteur et ses "personae"
This study of eight of scott's waverley novels analyzes the representation of history and of its various movements. It replaces the works in their aesthetic and philosophical context, and shows that scott's thoughty is at the junction of classicism and romanticism. Through the numerous prefaces that frame his work, he develops a vision of "ideal" history which owes much to neoclassical aesthetic theories. But the hero's journey also shows that history is a field of experience, both for the traveller and for the author. Here scott's models derive from the scottish school of empiricist philosophy and the sciences of his time. In his novels, natural landscape acquire a new dimension. This is where associations (as analyzed by david hartley) take place and allow memories to resurface. Finally, scott gives an organic view of history, as he represents the circulation and exchanges that occur within the social body. The text itself becomes a living body where exchanges take place between the author and his "personae"

John Macrone (1809-1837) was a Scotsman who arrived in London around 1830 and became a publisher, in partnership with James Cochrane between January 1833 and August 1834, and independently between October 1834 and his death in September 1837. A friend of Dickens and Thackeray, he published Sketches by Boz and, posthumously, The Paris Sketch Book. One of his other projects was a life of Scott, which he began to write soon after the death of the novelist; but his book, chiefly remembered because Hogg wrote his Anecdotes of Scott for inclusion in it, fell under the displeasure of Lockhart, and was cancelled shortly before it was to have been published. A fragmentary manuscript, however, was recently discovered by the author of this thesis and has now been edited for the first time, together with a biographical study of Macrone, in which extensive use is made of previously unpublished and uncollected material.

Après avoir distingué trois aspects explicatifs propres au roman (aspects psychologique, social ou romanesque) et défini, grâce à eux, trois types de romans (romans de caractères, de mœurs ou d’intrigue), ce travail s’intéresse plus particulièrement au roman de mœurs à l’époque de la Restauration et de la Monarchie de Juillet. Héritant de toute une tradition, ce genre s’illustre particulièrement dans le roman historique à la Walter Scott, puis dans le roman contemporain des physiologies. Balzac, d’abord influencé par le roman de mœurs en tant que tel, développe dans La Comédie humaine une forme hybride (mêlant aspects social et psychologique, roman de caractères et roman de mœurs), que l’on peut appeler roman réaliste (on y note un surinvestissement du vraisemblable romanesque). Cette définition du réalisme n’aplanit en rien les différences entre tel ou tel auteur ; elle permet, au contraire, de prendre la mesure des poétiques bien particulières développées par des romanciers comme Stendhal, George Sand ou Champfleury
After having distinguished three explicative aspects of the novel (the psychological, social and plot-driven aspects) and defined three corresponding types of novels (novels of characters, manners and plot), this work focuses on the novel of manners during the Bourbon Restoration and the July Monarchy. Heir to quite an old tradition, this genre is at its peak with the Scottian historical novel and the novel of contemporary manners of the 1820’s. Balzac, first influenced by the novel of manners, develops in The Human Comedy a hybrid form (combining social and psychological aspects, novel of characters and novel of manners), which we may call the realistic novel (characterized by an overloading of verisimilitude). This definition of realism does not erase the differences between the authors; it allows, on the contrary, to appreciate the specific poetics developed by Stendhal, George Sand or Champfleury

La thèse propose une lecture des préfaces de Walter Scott, Henry James et Joseph Conrad, ainsi que celles d'autres auteurs britanniques, à partir de diverses théories de la communication combinées à une approche systémique. Le chapitre 1 résume les principales théories existantes de la préface, et les situe dans la problématique de la thèse. Le chapitre 2 définit le statut des préfaces à partir de leur contexte communicationnel (appellation, destinateur, destinataire, lieu). Le chapitre 3 montre comment ces éléments de contexte s'agencent en systèmes organisés, aussi bien à l'intérieur de chaque préface que dans les rapports de celle-ci à son environnement. Le chapitre 4 décrit certaines fonctions communicationnelles induites, différentes selon les auteurs (la négociation, la leçon faite au lecteur, la conversation, la représentation du moi). Enfin, le chapitre 5 s'interroge sur la portée sémantique des préfaces
This dissertation offers a reading of the prefaces of Walter Scott, Henry James, Joseph Conrad and other authors, based on a systemic approach and on various theories of communication. Chapter 1 sums up the main existing theories on prefaces and shows their relevance to the present research. Chapter 2 describes the main elements in the schemes of communication of the prefaces : title, author, reader, locus. Chapter 3 shows how those elements form organised systems, both within each preface and regarding intertextual connections. Chapter 4 explores some of the functions of communication brought about accordingly by each author : negotiation, lecture to the reader, conversation, representation of the self. Finally, chapter 5 deals with the semantic effects of the prefaces

La culture populaire, celle de la paysannerie de l’Angleterre est présente, de manière diffuse, dans le roman anglais du 19e siècle. Cette étude examine les aspects multiformes des coutumes, superstitions et pratiques populaires dans le roman anglais, de Scott à Hardy. Après avoir défini, de manière théorique d'abord, puis à l'aide d'exemples précis, l'héritage culturel antérieur au 19e siècle, l'étude s'efforce de montrer comment Scott, les sœurs Brontë, George Eliot et Thomas Hardy emploient et adaptent cette culture populaire à leurs créations romanesques. L'imprégnation dans l'enfance et la jeunesse a familiarisé les écrivains à cette culture orale, aux contes, légendes et ballades. Dans l'oeuvre de Scott, il s'agit d'une exploration des valeurs anciennes d’Ecosse, des coutumes des hautes-terres, par exemple, dans le contexte global de la récupération du merveilleux superstitieux. Avec les sœurs Brontë, c'est le fantastique des contes et ballades, celui du surnaturel; avec la différence que là où Charlotte se préoccupe davantage de fantaisie, de fantasmagorie, Emily se tourne vers les superstitions et le merveilleux des ballades populaires. La seconde partie du travail porte sur George Eliot et Thomas Hardy comme écrivains régionalistes, tous deux traitant du folklore, le plus souvent local, qu'ils appréhendent selon leur sensibilité personnelle. George Eliot prend du recul par rapport aux rites et coutumes qu'elle ne renie pas, mais dont elle déplore le travestissement. Dans ses œuvres, rites et coutumes fonctionnent comme un discours, un langage servant à illustrer la théorie qui lui est chère de la communauté bien intégrée. Avec Hardy, l'on voit le folklore à l'œuvre. L'auteur emploie les divertissements dans leurs formes les plus variées pour enrichir la substance de ses œuvres romanesques. Danses, fêtes populaires et rites agraires, tout cela est présent dans ses œuvres. Le rapprochement de toutes ces œuvres nous amène à la conclusion que le roman anglais du 19e siècle repose sur une solide tradition de culture populaire ; et que sa genèse est indissociable de celle-là
Agarian popular culture is an important component of the nineteenth-century english novel. This thesis is an attempt to map out the manifestations of customs, beliefs and popular superstitions, in the english novel, from Walter Scott to Thomas Hardy. The first chapter of this dessertation deals with the cultural heritage. Next, follow the chapters on Scott, Emily, Charlotte Brontë, George Eliot and finally, Hardy who availed themselves of the popular culture they had known and observed, in order to give substance and depth to their fiction. Scott taps the customs, beliefs, of the scottish highlands aiming, in so doing, at the rivival of ancient popular culture. Whereas the Brontë sisters approach it differently. Charlotte is more sensitive to fantasay, fantasmagoria and mental issues ; Emily deals with the supernatural germane to the ballad tradition (fairies, ghost-lores, witchcraft and demonology). The second part of the dissertation reviews George Eliot and Hardy as regional novelists who explore the folklore and local customs of their respective midlands and dorsetshire. In george eliot's treatment, satire and irony take the lead over romanticism. In Hardy’s works one can observe the richness and depth of dorsetshire folklore : popular feasts, fair-grounds, superstitions, and sundry customs and beliefs are handled vividly. As a conclusion, the thesis states that the rise of the english novel is closely related to the genesis of folklore scholarship and popular culture

Le développement du roman historique dans l'Europe du XIXème siècle a partie liée avec l'émergence et l'identité des identités nationales. En France, la question de la genèse de la Nation sur la longue durée, jusqu'à l'événement décisif de la Révolution, permet de penser les tensions et les paradoxes d'une société post-révolutionnaire à la recherche de sa propre intelligibilité. Comment faire émerger l'idée de la collectivité nationale par le biais de l'action de sociétés secrètes, dont le principe et l'action sont souvent largement anti-démocratiques ? Il conviendra de comprendre comment Scott, Dumas et Raffi résolvent chacun à leur manière ce paradoxe
In Europe, the development of the historical novel in the nineteenth-century is relied to the emergence of the national identities. In France, the question of the genesis of the nation over a long period, until the decisive event of the Revolution, makes it possible to think about the tensions and paradoxes of a post-revolutionary society looking for its own intelligibility. How can the idea of ​​the national community emerge through the action of secret societies whose principle and action are often largely undemocratic? It will be necessary to understand how Scott, Dumas and Raffi solve this paradox in their own way

Le roman historique italien mineur connut un vif succès dans la première partie du dix-neuvième siècle. Comme dans les romans de Walter Scott, le décor de ces romans est constitué par la nature et les architectures, qui sont vues à la façon des romans "gothiques" anglais, en référence à l'esthétique "sublime" et au sensualisme. La narration connaît une fréquente division entre l'histoire et la fiction ; ce sont, d'une part, les personnages, d'autre part, le narrateur, qui confèrent une unité relative à ce récit fortement intertextuel, influencé par Manzoni, Scott, et les romans gothiques. L'intertextualité de ces textes n'est toutefois pas purement littéraire ; elle provient aussi de l'insertion de l'érudition historique, effectuée grâce à l'évocation d'événements, de personnages ou de mœurs historiques et au moyen de diverses opérations sur la source historique ; les infidélités à l'histoire sont fréquentes. A la veille du risorgimento, le roman historique italien apporte par rapport au genre créé par Scott, la nouveauté de la dimension idéologique nationaliste, et ses auteurs oscillent entre la philosophie des lumières et le romantisme
The minor Italian historical novel met great success during the first half of the nineteenth century. As in Walter Scott's novels, the setting of these novels is nature and architectures, seen as in the English "gothic" novels, referring to "sublime" aesthetics and sensualism. The narration is frequently divided into history and fiction ; the characters, on one hand, and the narrator, on the other, give a relative unity to the narrative, which is strongly intertextual, influenced by Manzoni, Scott and the gothic novels. The intertextuality of these texts is not, however, purely literary , it also comes from the insertion of historical erudition, which is carried out thanks to the evocation of events, people or historical customs and through various processes on the historical source ; there are a lot of inacurracies to history. On the eve of the risorgimento, the Italian historical novel brings the innovation of nationalist ideological dimension, compared to the genre created by Scott and its authors waver between enlightenment philosophy and romanticism

Cette monographie invite à une étude de la pensée de la frontière chez Walter Scott (1771-1832) à partir d’une analyse textuelle détaillée de ses romans écossais — dont l’intrigue se déroule en Écosse, près des Borders ou de la faille frontalière des Highlands, principalement aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles autour de l’Union des deux royaumes anglais et écossais. Elle découvre un ensemble d’interactions entre les concepts de limite et de frontière en s’appuyant sur une stratégie particulière, élaborée par l’auteur, fervent opposant à tout manichéisme. Ce dernier fixe les frontières envisagées comme des limites, des bornes immuables et infranchissables, pour ensuite les déconstruire, c’est-à-dire les traverser, les déplacer et les brouiller avant de les dissoudre dans le but d’atteindre un état d’entre-deux parfait où les contraires s’unissent harmonieusement. Cette thèse permet de dégager une voie du milieu scottienne faisant de Scott un écrivain d’avant-garde pour son époque, et qui reste très novateur aujourd’hui encore, car il annonce bien des préoccupations postmodernes
This monograph is dedicated to the question of limits and borders in Walter Scott (1771-1832)’s Scottish novels — thus called because the stories are set in the Borders or near the Highland line mostly in the 17th and 18th centuries at the time of the Union between the two kingdoms of England and Scotland. A very detailed analysis of the texts of the novels helps us to discover a series of interactions between the two concepts of limit and border which are grounded in a particular strategy developed by the author — a fervent opponent to Manichaeism. He sets boundaries, seen as fixed and impassable limits, and then deconstructs them, i.e. has them be crossed, moved, blurred before dissolving them in order to reach a perfect in-between state where all opposites mingle harmoniously. This thesis enables us to define a Scottian middle way, which makes Scott an avant-garde writer in his own time, and still nowadays since he paves the way for many a postmodern concern

Cette étude se place dans le champ des études transatlantiques afin d’analyser les modalités selon lesquelles les romances historiques ont constitué une réponse aux exigences lancinantes de doter les États-Unis d’une littérature nationale dans la première moitié du XIXe siècle. Créé en Grande-Bretagne par Walter Scott, ce genre est repris et adapté par ses contemporains américains, en particulier James Fenimore Cooper, Washington Irving et Catharine Maria Sedgwick. Dans un premier temps, nous avons étudié la réception de Walter Scott et de ses Waverley Novels et leur impact sur le marché du livre américain. Une analyse, notamment, des journaux qui fleurissent lors du regain de patriotisme de l’après-Guerre de 1812, a permis de montrer que se côtoient alors panégyriques de Walter Scott et appels récurrents à l’émergence d’un « Scott américain ». C’est ensuite la réponse des auteurs américains que nous avons étudiée. S’ils adoptent certains codes génériques scottiens afin de répondre à la volonté nationale de mettre en scène l’Histoire américaine, Cooper, Irving et Sedgwick font de leurs romances historiques le vecteur privilégié d’une mise en valeur de la matière américaine : une Histoire riche en événements, des ancêtres à célébrer, un territoire national aux propriétés spécifiques, qui la mettront sur un pied d’égalité avec les nations européennes. Alors que les romanciers utilisent leurs œuvres pour promouvoir une nation américaine culturellement distincte, s’opère une recomposition générique. La romance historique se fait alors le lieu d’une mythogenèse pour l’Amérique via l’écriture d’une épopée nationale, qui permet de remonter les âges vers une temporalité indéfinie afin de fonder la Jeune République en une nation organique, digne de soutenir la comparaison avec ses homologues outre-Atlantique
This work, belonging to the field of transatlantic studies, analyses to what extend historical romances formed a response to the ongoing wish to provide the United States with a national literature in the first half of the nineteenth century. The genre, fashioned in Great Britain by Walter Scott, was taken up and adapted by his American contemporaries, and in particular, James Fenimore Cooper, Washington Irving, and Catharine Maria Sedgwick. The first chapter tackles the reception of Walter Scott and of his Waverley Novels, and their impact on the American book market. Our analysis in particular of the newspapers and periodicals that flourished in the surge of patriotism following the War of 1812, has enabled us to show that the panegyrics for Walter Scott stood just alongside the recurrent calls in the same pages for the birth of an “American Scott.” The response given by the American authors forms the second part of our analysis. As they appropriate some of the generic traits of the Scottian historical romance in order to comply to the nation’s wish for a portrayal of American history, Cooper, Irving, and Sedgwick use the genre to showcase the American matter – a history full of events worth narrating, ancestors worth celebrating, and a national territory with its own features – that would bring the United States on a level with the European nations. As the writers thus promote a culturally distinct American nation, the genre gradually morphs into a form of national epic. Through this mythogenesis at work in the writings under study, the United States are given a timeline that dissolves into an indeterminate temporality, thereby shaping the Early Republic as an organic nation, fit for contention with its transatlantic counterparts

Cette thèse vise à analyser quatre traductions du roman de Walter Scott Quentin Durward (1823) par le même traducteur, Auguste-Jean-Baptiste Defauconpret. Nous proposons de déterminer si ce traducteur est intervenu seul dans le processus de retraduction, si les trois versions françaises postérieures à la première traduction de 1823 sont de véritables retraductions ou de simples révisions, et si les modifications successives apportées à la première traduction vont dans le sens d’un rapprochement vers le texte source. La première partie de la thèse est dédiée, tout d’abord, aux concepts traductologiques, et plus particulièrement au phénomène de retraduction dont nous faisons l’état des lieux avant d’évoquer les théories de Brownlie et de Koskinen et Paloposki, puis d’envisager les raisons qui peuvent motiver une retraduction. Dans un second temps, nous abordons les contextes de la traduction, de l’édition et de la littérature au début du XIXe siècle. La deuxième partie de la thèse s’intéresse à Walter Scott, à Defauconpret et à l’œuvre dont les traductions sont analysées. Leur réception par la critique et par le lectorat est notamment évoquée. La dernière partie de ce travail est consacrée à l’analyse de notre corpus. Il y est en particulier question des notes de bas de page et des scotticismes, qui représentent deux éléments caractéristiques de la littérature scottienne
This dissertation aims to analyse four translations of Walter Scott’s novel Quentin Durward (1823), all translated by the same translator, Auguste-Jean-Baptiste Defauconpret. We consider determining whether the translator was the sole participant in the retranslation process, whether the three French versions that followed the first translation of 1823 are genuine retranslations or mere corrections, and whether or not the successive modifications to the first translation are oriented towards the source text. In the first part of the dissertation, some translation studies concepts are proposed, particularly the retranslation phenomenon, of which we offer an overview, before we evoke the Brownlie and the Koskinen & Paloposki theories, and the reasons why a retranslation can be envisaged. Secondly, we describe the translational, literary and publishing contexts in the beginning of the 19th century. The second part of the dissertation is dedicated to Walter Scott, Defauconpret and the novel whose translations are analysed. Their reception by the critics and the readership is discussed in particular. The analysis of the corpus follows in the last part of our work, in which we mainly study the footnotes and the scoticisms that represent characteristic features of Walter Scott literature