Relevant bibliographies by topics / Scotland – Politics and government – 18th century

Academic literature on the topic 'Scotland – Politics and government – 18th century'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Scotland – Politics and government – 18th century"

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Raffe, Alasdair. "Wodrow's News: Correspondence and Politics in Early 18th‐Century Scotland *." Parliamentary History 41, no. 1 (February 2022): 135–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1750-0206.12611.

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Aguirre, Rodolfo. "The Indians and Major Studies in New Spain: Monarchical Politics, Debates, and Results." Social Sciences 10, no. 4 (March 25, 2021): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10040115.

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This article studies some stages and debates about the access of New Spain’s Indians to major studies: The discussion about their mental capacity in the 16th century, the impulse of Carlos II to the indigenous nobility in the 17th century, or the reticence in the Royal University of Mexico and the Church to their acceptance in the 18th century. It also analyzes the responses given by the Crown to the interest of the Indians elites in superior studies, degrees and public positions, protected by their rights as free vassals of the kingdom and as nobles, comparable to the Spanish nobility. Despite the insistent resistance of sectors of the colonial government and society to the rise of Indians, they firmly defended, in the 18th century, the rights and privileges granted to them by the monarchy since the beginning of New Spain, thereby achieving their entry into the university, colleges, and clergy.
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Çirakman, Asli. "FROM TYRANNY TO DESPOTISM: THE ENLIGHTENMENT'S UNENLIGHTENED IMAGE OF THE TURKS." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 1 (February 2001): 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801001039.

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This study aims to examine the way in which European writers of the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries represented Ottoman government. The Ottoman Empire had a special place in European experience and thought. The Ottomans were geographically close to Western Europe, yet they were quite apart in culture and religion, a combination that triggered interest in Turkish affairs.1 Particularly important were political affairs. The Ottoman government inspired a variety of opinions among European travelers and thinkers. During the 18th century, the Ottomans lost their image as formidable and eventually ceased to provoke curiosity in the European public. They were no longer dreaded as the “public calamity”; nor were they greatly respected as the “most modern government” on earth. Rather, they were regarded as a dull and backward sort of people. From the 16th century to the 19th century, the European observers employed two similar, yet different, concepts to characterize the government of the Ottoman Empire. The concept of tyranny was widely used during the 16th and 17th centuries, whereas the concept of despotism was used to depict the regime of the Ottomans in the 18th century. The transition from the term “tyranny” to that of “despotism” in the 18th century indicates a radical change in the European images of the Ottoman Empire. Although both of these terms designate corrupt and perverse regimes in Western political thought, a distinction was made between tyranny and despotism, and it mattered crucially which term was applied to the Ottoman state. European observers of the empire gave special meanings to these key concepts over time. “Tyranny” allowed for both positive and negative features, whereas “despotism” had no redeeming features. Early modern Europeans emphasized both admirable and frightening aspects of Ottoman greatness. On the other hand, the concept of despotism was redefined as inherently Oriental in the 18th century and employed to depict the corruption and backwardness of the Ottoman government. This transformation was profoundly reflected in the beliefs of Europeans about the East. That is, 18th century thought on Ottoman politics contains a Eurocentric analysis of Oriental despotism that is absent from the discussions of Ottoman tyranny in earlier centuries.
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Paterson, Lindsay. "Scottish higher education and the Scottish parliament: the consequences of mistaken national identity." European Review 6, no. 4 (October 1998): 459–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700003616.

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The creation of a Scottish parliament in 1999 will crystallize a cultural crisis for Scottish higher education. Scottish universities retained their autonomy after the 18th-century union between Scotland and England because the union was about high politics rather than the affairs of civil society and culture. Unlike in England, the universities developed in close relationship with Scottish agencies of the state during the 19th century, and these agencies also built up a system of non-university higher education colleges. In the 20th century, the universities (and later some of the colleges) sought to detach themselves from Scottish culture and politics, favouring instead a common British academic network. So the new constitutional settlement faces Scottish higher education institutions with an enforced allegiance to the Scottish nation that will sharply disrupt their 80-year interlude as outposts of the British polity.
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Apryshchenko, V. Yu, and N. A. Lagoshina. "Features of State Institutions of Ireland of XVIII Century." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 6 (June 29, 2020): 386–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-6-386-400.

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The expansion of Great Britain in the 18th century greatly strengthened its influence both on the European continent and throughout the world. The nearby existence of Catholic Ireland, which had developed trade and socio-political ties with European countries, threatened the national security of Great Britain and determined the religious orientation of restrictive politics. In the first half of the 18th century, political, economic and religious struggles both within Ireland and between the British and Irish led to the fact that Ireland actually turned into an English colony. There are still disputes among foreign scholars about the status of Ireland in the 18th century, since the powers of the parliament in Dublin were limited, and most of the country's population did not have civil and political rights. Nevertheless, in the 1760s, the Irish parliament implemented a number of bills in the field of social policy and local self-government, which indicates the significant independence of this legislative body. The legal status of the Irish state in the 18th century, its powers are compared with some widespread definitions of the term state are examined in the article.
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Lenman, Bruce. "Scots and Access to Spanish America from Before the Union to 1748." Journal of Scottish Historical Studies 38, no. 1 (May 2018): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2018.0234.

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This article begins with the idea that there was a vigorous political life in Scotland in the first half of the eighteenth century which could focus on issues other than Jacobitism or government patronage. The article focuses on the non-dynastic issues in Scottish politics that predated the Union and which carried on into the Westminster parliament to the accompaniment of considerable activism in Scotland, and a distinctive contribution from Scottish members of both houses of the legislature. The example here examined is the burning issue of securing commercial access to the forbidden lands of Spanish America. Studying it reveals very clearly that ‘The theme of Scotland's partial integration into the British state’ and the way in which it ‘was never wholly successful’, goes back to the very start of the eighteenth century.
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Griffin, Stephen M. "Bringing the State into Constitutional Theory: Public Authority and the Constitution." Law & Social Inquiry 16, no. 04 (1991): 659–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1991.tb00864.x.

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This article brings the state into constitutional theory by presenting a theory of the development of the American state from the late 19th century to the present. The focus of the theory is the ability of the national state to exercise sovereignty or public authority over civil society. The main thesis is that the Constitution did not establish a government with a level of public authority adequate to the requirements of a modem democratic state. The result was a mismatch between the demands of civil society and the competence of state institutions, causing a reorganization of the political institutions of civil society in the early 20th century and a crisis of public authority in the 1960s. The United States continues to experience the consequences of an imbalance between the state institutions established by an 18th-century constitution and 20th-century democratic politics.
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McCullough, Katie Louise. "Resolving the ‘Highland Problem’: The Highlands and Islands of Scotland and the European Union." Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit 33, no. 4 (June 2018): 421–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269094218779516.

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Popular perception has historically constructed the Highlands and Islands of Scotland to be economically and socially backwards in comparison with the rest of the United Kingdom. As evoked in the phrase the ‘Highland Problem’, the area has been considered by outsiders to be beyond help and destined to remain in a state of underdevelopment and chronic depopulation. Despite the history of economic intervention in the area from the late 18th century onwards from private and government initiatives intended to alleviate poverty and bring wealth to the area, it was not until the 1980s with the implementation of sustained and tailored structural assistance from the European Union that emigration slowed and the population of the Highlands and Islands began to grow significantly. This economic success has largely been the result of not only a significant injection of capital but also the willingness of the EU to use local knowledge and collaborate with local agencies. This remarkable development, which is far from over, is being directly threatened by the Brexit phenomenon.
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Bowie, Karin, and Alasdair Raffe. "Politics, the People, and Extra-Institutional Participation in Scotland, c. 1603–1712." Journal of British Studies 56, no. 4 (September 27, 2017): 797–815. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2017.119.

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AbstractThis article examines popular political participation in early modern Scotland. In Scotland, some of the preconditions of public politics identified by recent scholars were less obviously present than in England or France. There was no culturally dominant metropolis or royal court; the volume of printed publications, though rising across the period, remained comparatively small. Because of these characteristics, historians of popular involvement in Scottish politics should pay particular attention to the traditional means of participation inherited from the medieval and Reformation periods. The article explores three forms of extra-institutional participation, each of which evolved out of formal, institutional political practices, but were deployed by ordinary Scots seeking to express their views. Protestations––formal statements of dissent from a statute or decision––developed in the courts, but were used in extramural contexts in the seventeenth century. Crowd demonstrations in towns took the place of traditional means of consultation, as urban government became increasingly oligarchical. And after congregational involvement in the appointment of parish ministers was legally instituted in 1690, significant numbers of small landowners and the landless poor claimed to have a say in the choice of their minister.
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Trąbski, Maciej. "Twierdze na straży lojalności. Brytyjskie fortyfikacje na terenie północnej Szkocji w pierwszej połowie XVIII w." Studia Historica Gedanensia 12, no. 1 (2021): 177–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23916001hg.21.032.15092.

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[Fortresses as a guarantee of loyalty. British fortifications in the area of northern Scotland in the first half of the 18th century] In the first half of the 18th century, the Scottish Highlands were a “wild and inaccessible” area, and from London’s perspective, they were at least uncertain as far as local inhabitants’ loyalty was concerned. The Highlands were controlled by clans, who cultivated social and economic traditions dating back to the mediaeval times. Despite it being anachronistic, this system made it possible to gather significant forces, not so well armed, but usually strongly motivated. Although some clan leaders quickly backed William of Orange, and what follows the Hanoverian dynasty, state forces were not able to control the whole area of the Highlands. What is more, strategic territories on the western coast and in Great Glen were occupied by pro‑Jacobean clans. Due to that fact, the authorities were forced to introduce military garrisons into the Highlands that were supposed to force all the inhabitants to be loyal to the government. However, soldiers had to stay in safe conditions so that they could defend themselves in case Scottish Jacobites attacked them, especially if the latter were backed by the regular French military forces. That is why the first fortress started to be built already during the uprising of 1689. Finally, up to 1745, 3 fortress and 4 fortified barrack complexes were erected in the area of the Highlands.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Scotland – Politics and government – 18th century"

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Bedborough, Sheena J. "Unprincipled careerists or enlightened entrepreneurs? : a study of the roles, identities and attitudes of the Scots MPs at Westminster, c.1754 - c.1784." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/22144.

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The Scots MPs of the eighteenth century have traditionally been portrayed in a negative light. In a century once noted for electoral corruption and the abuses of patronage, they were seen by contemporaries and later writers as among the worst examples of their kind: greedy, self-seeking, unprincipled ‘tools of administration’ whose votes could be bought with the offer of places and pensions. Lewis Namier’s seminal work exposing the cynical approach to politics of MPs generally, sparked a backlash which has produced a more balanced evaluation of English politics. Strangely, although Namier exonerated the Scots MPs from the worst of the charges against them, his less judgmental verdicts are found only sporadically in more recent writing, while the older viewpoint is still repeated by some historians. There is no modern study of the eighteenth-century Scots MPs, a situation which this research proposes to remedy, by examining the group of MPs who represented Scotland at Westminster between 1754 and 1784. It re-assesses the extent to which the original criticisms are merited, but also widens the scope by examining the contribution made by Scotland’s MPs, to British and Scottish political life in the later part of the eighteenth century. A study of the social make-up and the careers of this particular cohort provides the backdrop for the two main themes: the participation of Scots MPs in the legislative process, and their effectiveness as representatives of Scottish interests at Westminster. Existing biographical information has been supplemented by an examination of Parliamentary Papers, debates, and personal correspondence to enable further analysis of attitudes, in particular with regard to politics and political mores. The research explores issues of motivation, asking questions about allegiance, identity, perceptions of government, and how conflicts of interest were resolved, before presenting a conclusion which aims to offer a revised, broader, but more nuanced, assessment of this much-criticised group, based on more recent approaches to interpretation of the period.
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Bartley, David D. "John Witherspoon and the right of resistance." Virtual Press, 1989. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/720155.

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This study investigated one central aspect of the political views of John Withexspoon: His steadfast belief in the right of resistance. A product of the Reformation and Enlightenment movements, this doctrine offered justification for questioning the authority of magistrates acting contrary to their sovereignty: it further compelled disobedience to unjust laws and the removal of unjust officials to protect the instituted social order. The context of post-Union Scottish society provided a distinct setting for Witherspoon's introduction to resistance theory. As a devout Scottish Presbyterian and a learned Enlightenment scholar, Withexspoon commanded a thorough understanding of this civil-religious right and duty to protect society.Through his education at Edinburgh University, Witherspoon became acquainted with the substance of Scottish Enlightenment philosophy. Edinburgh instructors utilized the writings of Commonwealth theorists and the classical writers to construct their views of society and social obligation: Society was a constituted civil order, restrained by law, preserved by the efforts of every individual citizen. Witherspoon's Scottish ecclesiastical heritage served to vindicate his Enlightenment education by echoing a similar view of restraint and balance.Covenant Pianism, the product of the 16th-Century reformer John Knox and the Westminster Assembly of the 1640s, invoked the supremacy of a sovereign God over all instituted states. In the Scotsman's view, human depravity and selfish ambition would destroy government if not for the diligent vigil of involved, virtuous citizens. Members of society were thus obliged to oppose tyranny -the unjust, illegitimate exercise of civil-religious authority. Hence, both academic enterprise and doctrinal conviction provided Witherspoon a firm theoretical foundation to support the right of resistance.As President of Princeton during the Anglo-American crisis of the 1770s, Witherspoon directed the education of many future leaders of the new American nation. He was certainly not an idealistic crusader nor a reluctant follower, but consistently argued for the right of American colonists to resist the tyranny of England's Parliament. An early supporter of independence, Witherspoon was the only clergyman to sign Jefferson's Declaration. His most significant contributions, though, were made as a committee member in the Second Continental Congress.
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Wallace, Mark Coleman. "Scottish freemasonry 1725-1810 : progress, power, and politics." Thesis, St Andrews, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/324.

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Hawes, Claire. "Community and public authority in later fifteenth-century Scotland." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/7812.

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This thesis offers a reassessment of the political culture of Scotland in the later fifteenth century, from c. 1440 to c. 1490, through an examination of communitarian discourses and practices. It argues that the current understanding of political relations is limited by too great a focus upon personal relationships. While these were undoubtedly important, it is necessary also to consider the structures of law and governance which framed political interactions, and the common principles and values which underpinned action, in order to gain a fuller picture. In particular, it is argued that the current model, which assumes a more or less oppositional relationship between crown and ‘political community', ought to be replaced with a public domain in which claims to authority were asserted and contested. This approach allows the familiar political narrative to be firmly connected to the ideas expressed in contemporary advice literature, while also situating political authority spatially, by asking how it was experienced as well as how it was projected. The focus upon language and space allows for clear parallels to be drawn between different local political cultures, and allows connections and contrasts to be made between those cultures and the norms of kingship and lordship. It argues that reforms to civil justice made during James III's reign have played a far more important part in the turbulent politics of the time than has been appreciated, that both royal and aristocratic authority could be presented as acting both for the common good and for the interests of the crown, and that Scotland's towns not only had a vibrant political culture of their own, but were an important part of the politics of the realm.
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ENA, SANJUÁN Íñigo. "The vertebrae of the Leviathan : municipal debt and state formation in the eighteenth-century Crown of Aragon." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/74919.

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Defence date: 28 September 2022
Examining Board: Prof. Pieter Judson (European University Institute); Prof. Tamar Herzog (Harvard University); Prof. Christopher Storrs (University of Dundee); Prof. Regina Grafe (European University Institute)
Why and how did modern states emerge in Southwestern Europe? These are the main questions that this thesis answers by examining the debt of six municipalities of the Crown of Aragon during the 18th century through a multiscale, transversal, and comparative approach. The ancient practices which constituted the Aragonese polity appeared in the mid-fourteenth century and survived at least until the mid-eighteenth century partially thanks to the debt of the municipalities. Towns and kingdoms were in many cases ruled by assemblies of creditors by virtue of debt restructuring agreements. Debt accounts for the long survival of the Aragonese polity, but also for its sclerosis. The financial situation of the debtholders, mostly ecclesiastical institutions, prevented rulers from defaulting on municipal debt and adopting drastic measures against the Church, as they feared a financial meltdown. The emergence of the modern state was an intricate process which started by 1750, mainly due to the collapse of the ancient mechanisms. The modern state appeared as a set of practices devised and implemented by a myriad of actors who tried to recompose social and political life. State formation was first and foremost a local process in which municipal debt proved crucial too. The examination of local dynamics reveals that modern states in Southwestern Europe followed similar paths during the early phases of their formation.
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Thompson, Stephen John. "Census-taking, political economy and state formation in Britain, c. 1790-1840." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265510.

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Since 1801 the British government has counted the population once every ten years. Only the Second World War has interrupted this practice, making the census one of the most enduring administrative institutions of the modern British state. This dissertation is about why legislators and political economists first sought to quantify demographic change in the early nineteenth century. The first chapter explains the administrative organisation of census-taking under John Rickman, who directed the first four censuses. The second chapter examines the legislative origins of census-taking in eighteenth-century Britain. It compares the efforts of two backbenchers, Thomas Potter and Charles Abbot, to establish a national census in 1753 and 1800. The third chapter analyses the pre-census empirical basis of fiscal policy during the 1790s, paying patticular attention to William Pitt the Younger's use of political arithmetic to estimate the yield of Britain's first income tax. The fou1th chapter examines the function and limitations of the population data used by four national accountants - Benjamin Bell, Henry Beeke, J. J. Grellier and Patrick Colquhoun - in their responses to Pitt's new tax. The fifth chapter re-assesses the economic and social thought of Robet1 Southey, whose opposition to T. R. Malthus's Essay on the pr;ndple of populahon, and especially its commitment to poor law abolition, arose from a fundamental disagreement about the state's role in welfare provision. The sixth and seventh chapters consider the relationship between information gathering and state formation. Chapter six quantifies the number and range of printed accounts and papers produced by the House of Commons in the early nineteenth century. It challenges previous analyses which have used public expenditure and statute-making as measures of state formation. The final chapter explores how census data was used to determine the redistribution of parliamentary representation that took place as a result of the 1832 Reform Act. Employing a diverse range of methodologies and sources, this study contributes to histories of economic thought and state formation by revealing the extent to which political arithmetic converged with Smithian political economy during the French revolutionary and Napoleonic wars. This convergence proved sho1t-lived, however, and early nineteenthcentury political arithmetic was consigned to historical oblivion by the world 's first professional economist, John Ramsay McCulloch. Nonetheless, reasoning by 'number, weight, or measure', paiticularly in respect of population, challenged and transformed the conduct of parliamentary business in this period, leading to the legislative dissolution of the existing electoral system in 1832.
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Tanner, Roland J. "The political role of the Three Estates in Parliament and General Council in Scotland, 1424-1488." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/10986.

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This thesis examines the political role of the three estates in the Scottish parliament and general council between 1424 and 1488. Previous histories of the Scottish parliament have judged it to be weak and constitutionally defective. By placing each meeting of the estates within the context of political events, examining the frequency of meetings, identifying previously unknown parliaments, and studying those who attended and sat on its committees, a more detailed picture of parliament's role and influence has been created. A broadly chronological approach has been used in order to place parliaments in the context of the time in which they sat. Chapters 1 and 2 examine parliament between the return of James I from England in 1424 and 1435 and show the opposition he faced regarding taxation and the developing noble and clerical resentment to attempts to extend royal authority in the secular and ecclesiastical spheres. Chapters 3 and 4 discuss the crisis in parliament and general council between 1436 and James I's death, its role in the establishment of a new minority government, and the interaction between the Crichton, Livingston and Douglas families between 1437 and 1449. Chapter 5 examines James II's use of parliament as a tool against the Black Douglases between 1450 and 1455, while Chapter 6 shows parliament's ability to exert influence over royal lands and possessions and to criticise royal behaviour from 1455 to 1460. Chapter 7 shows the role of factions in parliament in the minority of James III, and their ability to undermine the government. Chapters 8, 9 and 10 discuss the campaign of criticism against James III in the 1470s, the parliamentary crisis that faced him in 1479-82, and the greater royal control exerted in the 1480s. Chapter 11 examines the lords of the articles between 1424 and 1485 and concludes that the committee was not, as has formerly been suggested, a royal board of control. In conclusion the Scottish parliament is judged to have played a leading role in political affairs, providing a forum in which the estates were able to criticise, oppose and defeat the crown over a broad range of issues.
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Lightowler, Claire. "Policy divergence and devolution : the impact of actors and institutions." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/16785.

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The creation of the National Assembly for Wales and the Scottish Parliament in 1999 was accompanied with an aspiration that these new institutions would allow Scotland and Wales to develop their own policies, better suited to local needs than those designed in Westminster or Whitehall. This thesis explores policy-making in the first terms of the devolved institutions in Scotland and Wales, focusing on where the policies developed by these institutions diverged from those pursued at Westminster. Policy divergence is examined by studying the development of the financing long-term care for the elderly policies. The aim of this thesis is to identify why policy divergence occurred in the long-term care case, considering the impact of actors (or agents) and the institutional setting in which they operate, as suggested by Scharpf's model of actor-centred institutionalism. As actor-centred institutionalism suggested, both actors and institutions played a major role in shaping policy responses. In the Scottish case a range of actors cooperated and lobbied together for the introduction of free personal care, spurred on by the First Minister, who created an opportunity for those in favour of free personal care to pressurise his government to introduce the policy. In contrast, in Wales, actors were divided and never built up the same momentum to ensure the introduction of a more generous long-term care package. The institutional setting in which these actors operated was a major factor in shaping their policy preferences and the strategies they adopted to achieve them. This thesis considers the impact on policy-making of the devolved institution's electoral system, financial and legislative powers, design of the institutions, and the place of these institutions in a UK setting. The different institutional structures in Scotland and Wales provided different incentives and resources for actors, encouraged different styles of policy-making from Westminster and affected the way in which issues were framed. Examining the roles of actors and institutions in the formation of distinctive policies highlighted that in the real world these two elements are mutually dependent and cannot be separated. As a result it is impossible, and pointless, to determine whether actors or institutions were most influential on the development of distinctive policies. Instead this thesis explores how the difference between the configurations of actors and institutions in Scotland and Wales contributed to the creation of policies which were distinctive both from each other and the UK Government.
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Ferguson, William Alexander Stewart. "Scottish-Irish governmental relations, 1660-90." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283971.

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Bennett, Andrew Peter Wallace. "20th century Bannockburn : Scottish nationalism and the challenge posed to British identity, 1970-1980." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ29481.pdf.

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Books on the topic "Scotland – Politics and government – 18th century"

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Hopeful monsters: Empire and the birth of civil society. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009.

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Kléber, Monod Paul, Pittock Murray, and Szechi D, eds. Loyalty and identity: Jacobites at home and abroad. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

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Enlightenment and reform in 18th-century Europe. London: I.B. Tauris, 2005.

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The political history of eighteenth-century Scotland. Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan Press, 1999.

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Mahajan, T. T. Maratha administration in the 18th century. New Delhi, India: Commonwealth Publishers, 1990.

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Scottish politics in the twentieth century. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave, 2001.

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Allies yet rivals: International politics in 18th century Europe. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 2010.

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Cone, Carl B. The English Jacobins: Reformers in late 18th-century England. New Brunswick, N.J: Transaction Publishers, 2010.

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The English Jacobins: Reformers in late 18th-century England. New Brunswick, N.J: Transaction Publishers, 2010.

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Statesmen, diplomats, and the press-essays on 18th century Britain. Lewiston, N.Y: E. Mellen Press, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "Scotland – Politics and government – 18th century"

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"Chapter Eighteen. Politics And Government In The Scottish Burghs, 1603–1638." In Sixteenth-Century Scotland, 427–50. BRILL, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004168251.i-476.32.

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Scott, Hamish. "The Austrian Fiscal-Military State in International Perspective." In The Habsburg Monarchy as a Fiscal-Military State, 34–59. British Academy, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197267349.003.0002.

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This article begins by exploring – and insisting upon – the difference between a ‘fiscal-military state’ and a ‘fiscal state’, concepts often amalgamated by historians. It then explores how the idea of a fiscal-military state in 18th-century Britain has evolved since the term’s invention in 1988, paying particular attention to its impact upon Ireland and Scotland and on relations between central and local government. It goes on to suggest that the concept might profitably be applied to the Austrian Habsburg Monarchy during its Heldenzeit (‘Age of Heroes’) between the 1670s and 1720 and, more generally, during the long 18th century, when many financial and administrative innovations resembling those in Britain were introduced due to the impact of regular and large-scale warfare, above all the development of a system of structured borrowing supported by public bodies and by fiscal innovations.
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Matsuzono, Shin. "‘Could the Scots Become True British?’ The Prelude to the Scottish Peerage Bill, 1706–16." In Liberty, Property and Popular Politics. Edinburgh University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474405676.003.0003.

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This chapter revisits the debates and contests surrounding the question of the role of post-union Scots peers in the House of Lords, thus illuminating the interaction of political argument and party interests in the early eighteenth century. In June 1706, thirty-one Scottish commissioners met their English counterparts for the Treaty of Union between England and Scotland and, after heated discussions, succeeded in making a framework for the Union. Even before the ratification of the Union, Scotland's approach to the nuptials was fraught with numerous challenges, one of which was the Scottish peerage question. In 1719 the Whig ministry expected that a Peerage Bill would answer it, by turning the notorious system of representative peers into one based on heredity, but the government failed to pass the legislation. This chapter examines the controversies surrounding Union negotiations and how they led to the crisis around the Peerage Bills in 1718–1719.
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Marks, Adam. "The Scots colleges and international politics, 1600–1750." In College Communities Abroad. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784995140.003.0005.

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The nature of the Scottish reformation and the Presbyterian settlement that followed meant that from the very onset of Protestantism in Scotland Catholics were forced to look elsewhere for their education. Historians have largely focused on the resulting Scots colleges as individual entities, producing capable and detailed accounts of their educational achievements. This chapter will move beyond this by analyzing how they operated together to pursue the common goal of restoring Catholicism to Scotland and the rest of the Stuart Kingdoms. The conflicts that engulfed Europe from 1618 onwards provided ample opportunity for this newly developed network to lay out an alternative and Catholic vision of the recently formed British-Stuart state. Developing from the Thirty Years’ War the outbreak of the British Civil Wars in 1638 changed this and increasingly emphasised the Stuart outlook of the college network. The politics of the colleges became increasingly bound to the dynasty over the latter part of the century as they became associated with the Jacobite cause. Crucially, the activities of the colleges need to be understood not just from the perspective of individual episodes, or indeed from narrative collegial histories but within an arc that spans both chronologically and geographically the rise and fall of the Stuarts to the British monarchies. The confirmation that domestic Catholic life could continue through the use of missionaries provided a base from which Scots college alumni could build, allowing them to influence not only the piety of Scots Catholics but also, in an indirect way, the government of Scotland. Through an analysis of these networks it becomes apparent that the colleges had a British rather than an exclusively Scots context. The Colleges were undeniably Scottish in terms of personnel and patronage but their outlook was thoroughly British and Irish as their policies were not confined to their home nation but considered also the other Stuart Kingdoms. This chapter will analyse the political activities of the colleges from their beginnings to the mid eighteenth century. It will emphasise their broad British outlook. Throughout their existence the specific aims of those associated with the colleges evolved but the institutions themselves never lost their international perspective. By looking beyond the religious education provided by the colleges it is possible to re-integrate the Scots collegial networks into a broader understanding of the historical experience of Scots, English and Irish Catholics and their relationship with the Stuart dynasty.
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Duke-Evans, Jonathan. "Fair play in pre-industrial Britain." In An English Tradition?, 99–135. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192859990.003.0006.

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Abstract To recognise obligations of fair play to someone one must accept them as in some sense being of equal status. In England from the later Middle Ages virtually all were entitled to call themselves free; distinctions between nobles and commoners were less important than elsewhere; cooperative institutions flourished in town and countryside. Such habits and institutions allowed the idea of fair play to take root. By the early modern period virtually all English people were entitled to the protection of the common law, and six principles which enshrine procedural fair play had emerged: jury trial, open justice, the presumption of innocence, the right to silence, habeas corpus, and the principle that an Englishman’s home is his castle. It was in the 18th century that a kind of fair play began to permeate the political system. The intellectual roots of fair play in politics go back to the ancient ideas of government by consent and of the mixed constitution, which asserted themselves more effectively when religious conflict subsided in the late 17th century. The Church of England only emerged as a force for (comparative) moderation, and hence fairness, with the rise of the Latitudinarians after 1660. Neither the social system, nor the common law, nor the political system, nor the Church can fully explain the existence of the fair play tradition in England; all were heavily influenced by it, however, and the social structure and common law in particular helped to shape the way in which the tradition was to develop.
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Whatmore, Richard. "Rights After the Revolutions." In Philosophy, Rights and Natural Law, 338–65. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474449229.003.0014.

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The period of the French Revolution was famous for erecting an entirely new system of government and social mores on the basis of a declaration of the rights of man and the citizen. Everything changed in France, over a remarkably short period of time, leading to an especially intense debate about what a society founded on equal rights for all ought to look like. This chapter examines two of the systems expounded, derived from the political philosophies of Thomas Paine and Emmanuel Sièyes. The chapter examines the shock with which opponents such as Edmund Burke and Edward Gibbon greeted rights-based politics, and what happened when the new worlds of peace and prosperity promised by Paine and Sièyes descended into chaos and poverty. Around the turn of the eighteenth century the chapter charts a turn away from France and towards Britain as a possible model state for rights compatible with order and with civil liberty; in this turn the history of Scotland, and the existence of brilliant Scottish philosophers played a prominent role, being proof that Britain was not an empire run for the benefit of a mercantile class based in London, but was rather a cosmopolitan empire whose peripheries benefitted as much as the metropole. Republican voices still dedicated to the kinds of transformative natural jurisprudence promised in the early years of the French Revolution, shouted from the sidelines that if Britain was now the model state for humanity, then all of the reform projects of the eighteenth century had altogether failed.
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Cropf, Robert A. "The Virtual Public Sphere." In Encyclopedia of Multimedia Technology and Networking, Second Edition, 1525–30. IGI Global, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-60566-014-1.ch206.

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The public sphere does not exist and operate in the same way everywhere. Every country is different with regard to its own economic, social, political, and cultural characteristics and relations; therefore, each country’s public sphere has its own roots which grow and develop within a unique set of conditions and circumstances. As a result, the impact of information technology (IT) on a public sphere will also vary considerably from one country to another. According to the German social theorist, Jürgen Habermas (1989,1996), the public sphere serves as a social “space,” which is separate from the private sphere of family relations, the commercial sphere of business and commerce, and the governmental sphere, which is dominated by the activities of the state. Its importance is that it contributes to the strengthening of democracy by, in effect, serving as a forum for reasoned discussion about politics and civic affairs. Furthermore, Habermas regards the public sphere as embodying such core liberal beliefs as individual rights, that is, the freedoms of speech, press, assembly and communication, and “privacy rights” (Cohen & Arato 1992, p. 211), which he thought were needed to ensure society’s autonomy from the state. Thus, for the purposes of this article, public sphere is defined as a “territory” of social relations that exist outside of the roles, duties, and constraints established by government, the marketplace, and kinship ties. Habermas’ conception of the public sphere is both a historical description and an ideal type. Historically, what Habermas refers to as the bourgeois public sphere emerged from the 18th century Enlightenment in Europe, for example, England and France, as well as early America, and which went into decline in the 19th century as a result of the increasing domination of the mass media, which transformed a reading public that debated matters of culture into disengaged consumers (Keane, 1998, p. 160). Along the way, active deliberation and participation were replaced by passive consumption of mass culture. As an ideal type, however, the public sphere represents an arena, absent of class and other social distinctions, in which private citizens can engage in critical deliberation and reasoned dialogue about important matters regarding politics and culture. The emergence of IT, particularly in the form of computer networks, as a progressive social force coincides with the apex of mass media’s domination of the public sphere in liberal democracies. Since the creation of the World Wide Web (WWW) in the early 1990s, various observers have touted IT’s potential to strengthen democratic institutions (e.g., Barber 2003; Becker & Slaton, 2000; Benkler, 2006; Cleveland, 1985; Cropf & Casaregola, 1998; Davis, Elin, & Reeher, 2002). The WWW, it is thought, provides citizens with numerous opportunities to engage in the political process as well as to take a more active role in the governance process. Benkler (2006), for example, asserts the WWW encourages a more open, participatory, and activist approach because it enables users to communicate directly with potentially many other users in a way that is outside the control of the media owners and is less corruptible by money than are the mass media (p. 11). Fulfilling the promise of the virtual public sphere, however, depends on political will; governments must commit the resources needed to facilitate public access to the technology and remove legal and economic barriers to the free flow of information inside and outside national boundaries.
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"monarch’s power, delegated to the Lord Chancellor, gave rise to a stream of English law known as equity, that area of law which rectifies the cruelties and injustices of the common law. An area of law where would-be litigants must prove their moral worth prior to the hearing of the case. It can be seen that it is the body of the sovereign that tacitly unites religion, law and politics. It is, of course, the Government that has acquired these powers in reality; the monarch is merely the symbol of their existence. English monarchs still retain, by law, the power to heal. The English system of secular justice, in terms of personnel, processes and rules, is steeped in the Judaeo-Christian justice as interpreted and mediated through English translations of the Greek translations of the Hebrew and Aramaic of the Bible. A Greek language whose vocabulary is shot through with the philosophy of dualism— light/dark, good/bad, good/evil, male/female, slave/free, gods/humans—a dualism not that apparent in Hebrew and Aramaic. This dualism has entered the law through language. So language is powerful, it enables the manifestation of the past in the present and the projection of the future into the present. Language, thus, facilitates easy discussion of complexities like time. Lawyers too, in a similar manner, have tried to prove that the integrity of the judge and/or legislator is carried in the words. A key problem in relation to the integrity of law is the maintenance of certainty despite the variability of language. Some legal doctrines relating to the interpretation of law deny that language has a flexibility, fearing that this would be a sign of its weakness and lack of certainty; others acknowledge the flexibility of language and look to the legislators intention. This, too, is a search for the mythical as legislation is changed for a variety of reasons during its drafting and creation stages. If language is seen to be too flexible, the law begins to look less certain. The root problem here is the language, not the law, yet the two are intimately connected, for the law is carried by the language; so is it not true that the law is the language? The following illustration of linguistic difficulties that concern translation, interpretation and application initially draws quite deliberately from religion to attempt to break preconceptions about language, and to illustrate the problems arising from the necessarily close relationship between language and law. There will be a return to law shortly. The Christian religion, rather than any other religion, is being considered because it is the religion that remains today at the core of English law. This is one reason why English law can have, and has had, difficulty with concepts from differing religious traditions that have presented themselves before the courts demanding acceptance and equality. Whilst English law states that it maintains neutrality in matters of religion and yet fails to resolve major tensions within it in relation to Christianity, discrimination remains at the heart of English law. The law’s understanding of Christianity has come from the collected texts that make up the Bible: texts that different Christian groups in England, Scotland and Wales went to war over in the 16th and 17th centuries. The wars were initiated and supported by differing political factions established after Henry VIII made his break with the authority, but not the theology, of Rome in the early 16th century. Henry VIII took for." In Legal Method and Reasoning, 27. Routledge-Cavendish, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781843145103-14.

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