Journal articles on the topic 'Science and state – Netherlands – History'

J.C. van Leur was not very kind to his fellow historians in 1940 when he addressed the Historical Section of the Batavian Society of Arts and Sciences, reviewing the fourth volume of the Geschiedenis van Nederlandsch Indië by E.C. Godée Molsbergen. The gist of his talk, entitled ‘On the Eighteenth Century as a Category in Indonesian History’, was that colonial historical studies in the Netherlands and in the Netherlands East Indies were of a fairly parochial nature. For Van Leur, who was well acquainted with social and economic historical theory, it was not difficult to criticize the traditional approach of Godée's study of the eighteenth century. He pointed out that it made no sense to use the eighteenth century as a category in Asian history. The reverse in fact was true, he argued, as from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century, Asian civilizations were characterized by a steady continuity. Nowadays many historians would agree with Van Leur's point of view, except for his refutation of the eighteenth century as a category in Asian history. The eighteenth century is now generally regarded as a period of change in many parts of Asia.

The article shows the importance of oriental publications Sulalat-us-salatin: Malay Manuscript of Kruzenshtern and its Cultural and Historical Significance and Travel and Latest Observations in China, Manila and the Indo-China Archipelago for studying the colonial policy of the Netherlands in Indonesia as part of the training course "Politics of European Powers in the Countries of the East in the 16th-early 20th century" of Master's program at the Petrozavodsk State University. The organization of the first Dutch expedition to the East Indies in 1595-1597 and the creation of the United East India Company are analyzed. The materials of the article can be useful in preparation for classes in the field of History.

AbstractThis article investigates developments in labour policies and social norms on gender and work from a colonial perspective. It aims to analyse the extent to which state policies and societal norms influenced gendered labour relations in the Netherlands and its colony, the Netherlands Indies (present-day Indonesia). In order to investigate the influence of the state on gender and household labour relations in the Dutch empire, this paper compares as well as connects social interventions related to work and welfare in the Netherlands and the Netherlands Indies from the early nineteenth century up until World War II. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, work was seen as a means to morally discipline the poor, both in the Netherlands and the Netherlands Indies. Parallel initiatives were taken by Johannes van den Bosch, who, in 1815, established “peat colonies” in the Netherlands, aiming to transform the urban poor into industrious agrarian workers, and in 1830 introduced the Cultivation System in the Netherlands Indies, likewise to increase the industriousness of Javanese peasants. While norms were similar, the scope of changing labour relations was much vaster in the colony than in the metropole.During the nineteenth century, ideals and practices of the male breadwinner started to pervade Dutch households, and children’s and women’s labour laws were enacted. Although in practice many Dutch working-class women and children continued to work, their official numbers dropped significantly. In contrast to the metropole, the official number of working (married) women in the colony was very high, and rising over the period. Protection for women and children was introduced very late in the Netherlands Indies and only under intense pressure from the international community. Not only did Dutch politicians consider it “natural” for Indonesian women and children to work, their assumptions regarding inherent differences between Indonesian and Dutch women served to justify the protection of the latter: a fine example of what Ann Stoler and Frederick Cooper have called a “grammar of difference”.

The existence of a specific ministry for overseas territories in the Netherlands — Binnenlandse Zaken en Koninkrijksrelaties (Interior Affairs and Relations within the Realm or Kingdom) — is the outcome of a few hundred years of (post) colonial history. In the 1970s and 1980s Dutch governments pushed for independence of the Netherlands Antilles and Suriname in order to get rid of the colonial stigma. In 1975, Suriname became an independent state. However, subsequently a combination of factors made decolonization of the Netherlands Antilles unfeasible. The first factor was the experience with the negative developments in Suriname after its independence.

At the end of a distinguished career as chronicler of the Burgundian court, Georges Chastellain (1404–75) penned a quick sketch of the outstanding accomplishments of his duke, Charles the Bold. Accustomed to expositions awash in chivalric pomp, Chastellain employed a different tack to commemorate this sovereign: He sketched eleven “magnificences” performed by the duke of Burgundy, all reconstructed images of this prince's engagement with ceremony. Foremost among this snapshot collection of state ritual was neither a tournament, nor a wedding ceremony, nor even a processional entry. What stood out, in Chastellain's estimation, as Charles' greatest deed was something more riveting and more powerful than any of these spectacles so beloved by the fifteenth-century Burgundian court:The first [magnificence] was at Brussels, where, seated on his throne, his sword unsheathed and held by his Marshall, he gathered the men of Ghent arranged kneeling before him and at his pleasure and in their presence cut and tore up the political charters they bore. Done for permanent record, this action was without parallel.For Chastellain, the supreme magnificence of Charles the Bold was a lesson in exemplary punishment, the public abasement of the aldermen and guild deans of the Flemish city of Ghent in January 1469, a year and a half after a city revolt of rank-and-file guildsmen had unsettled celebrations in honor of his accession to the countship of Flanders.

AbstractLooking at state finance in the Ottoman Empire from a Dutch perspective shows remarkable differences between the two systems. This article suggests that these differences were related to the fact that, in contrast to those in the Ottoman Empire, fiscal systems in western Europe, and especially in the Netherlands, developed within a context of economy-driven rather than state-driven trajectories of urbanization. This gave rise to separate systems of urban public finance, which enhanced possibilities for funding a debt serviced by indirect urban taxes, the root of later state debts. In Ottoman cities, systems of urban public finance managed by urban governments did not develop, thus precluding a similar development.

This article describes the history, development, and current position of Dutch foundations. In the past, the philanthropy sector and foundations initiated many nonprofit services in the Netherlands. Along with the growth of the welfare state, philanthropy was sidelined. Due to public funding, the pillarized Dutch nonprofit sector extended strongly. However, despite its large scale it shows a special feature. Most nonprofits are still privately governed institutions although publicly funded. In the 1980s, governmental budget cuts forced the nonprofits to embrace the market as income source. A dualistic model got dominancy or state or market. At the end of the 20th century, however, philanthropy revived and a new philanthropy sector emerged. The article addresses the issue of the role of philanthropy in changing (European) welfare states. Are we experiencing further marketization and privatization—toward a so-called Anglo-Saxon shareholder model—or are we seeing a continuation of the so-called Rhineland, multistakeholder model of government, market, and philanthropy?

The source material for the history of Catholic missionary activities in the Dutch colonies during the last century is hardly available in much abundance in the mother country. The Dutch archivist and bibliographer, Marius Roessingh, had to make do in his U.N.E.S.C.O. archival guide on Netherlandish Latin American materials with a “memorandum,” in which he signalled utility of the Vatican archives. Another author in the same series, Frits Jaquet, in his second volume on Asia and Oceania, could be more explicit: he pointed to the materials kept in the state archives at Utrecht, in the Catholic Documentation Centre at Nijmegen University, and in various ecclesiastical archives. In nearly all cases, his emphasis falls within the first half of the 20th century. Such is also true with the detailed survey of materials available in the Catholic Documentation Centre that was featured two years ago in Itinerario, with only one important exception: the archive of the apostolic prefecture, later Apostolic Vicarate of Batavia (1807–1949, on microfiche), that obviously forms an essential source for the mission history of the Netherlands Indies.

Indonesia is no obvious entity. The present borders of the largest archipelago in the world are the result of its colonial past; the only deviation from the borders of the former Netherlands Indies is the eastern part of the island Timor, which was annexed shortly after the departure of the Portugese in 1975. Thirty years earlier, following the declaration of independence of 17 August 1945, the young Republic of Indonesia had unambiguously proclaimed its ambition: the formation of a unitary state of Indonesia, encompassing all the former Asian territories of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. Several times separatist movements in different regions ran up against the barrier of the unitary state doctrine.

AbstractThe author discusses the publishing history of ten rare maps of the Low Countries - the XVII Provinces -, which occur in the numerous Dutch, German, Latin and French editions of Emanuel van Meteren's 'Dutch History'. [The title of the first Dutch edition is Memorien der Belgische ofte Nederlantsche historie, van onse tijden [...] (Delft, J. C. Vennecool, 1599).] The first of these maps, almost certainly the work of Frans Hogenberg, may have been published as early as 1582; the tenth map, occurring in Jan Jacobsz Schipper's Dutch Van Meteren edition of 1647, is a second state of Willem Jansz Blaeu's map of 1604. This map appears to be a copy of the one J. B. Vrients used in 1608 for an Ortelius edition, the engraving of which - before 1588 - has been attributed to Philips Galle. Although much has been written about Van Meteren's work and the historical plates included in it, the maps have met with little interest. This in itself is proof that historical cartography is to some degree the stepchild of historiography - after all the maps in Van Meteren's 'History' discussed in this article are among the oldest of the Netherlands.

A list of the water mites (Acari, Hydrachnidia) types originally stated to be deposited in the Museum of Natural History in Montenegro, Podgorica, Montenegro and later on transferred to Museum of Natural History in Basel (Switzerland) and Naturalis Biodiversity Center in Leiden (the Netherlands) is given.

The project about the maritime history of the Java Sea, in which various scholars from Indonesia and the Netherlands have been participating since about 1996, bears the title ‘The Java Sea Region in an Age of Transition, 1870–1970’. From the beginning of the project there has been discussion about the time-span to be covered by the project, especially about the terminal year. Some people feared that the availability of sources would limit the prospects of fruitful research. On the basis of this, it was even proposed to stop at 1945, the date of Indonesia's independence. However, in the end most of the scholars involved agreed that it would be worthwhile to continue to roughly 1970, because then it would be possible to include the first years of the Orde Baru regime and pinpoint its effects on the rehabilitation of ports. Moreover, 1970 was also convenient for the simple reason that it was one hundred years after the year, taken as the starting point, namely 1870. The year 1870 as a point of departure was never the subject of any discussion. Because of the liberalization of the economy, namely the general shift from exploitation by the colonial state to exploitation by private enterprise and the alleged beginning of the so-called Age of Modern Imperialism, which tied the corners of the Archipelago closer together, it was simply accepted. Within the confines of the maritime sector, 1870 was assumed to symbolize the change from wind energy to steam power and a beginning of the improvement of ports. Confidently, the opening up of the Suez Canal in 1869 heralded an intensification of contacts between the Netherlands and the Netherlands Indies.

AbstractThis paper sketches how late seventeenth-century Dutch anatomists used printed publications to advertise their anatomical preparations, inventions and instructional technologies to an international clientele. It focuses on anatomists Frederik Ruysch (1638–1732) and Lodewijk de Bils (1624–69), inventors of two separate anatomical preparation methods for preserving cadavers and body parts in a lifelike state for decades or centuries. Ruysch's and de Bils's publications functioned as an ‘advertisement’ for their preparations. These printed volumes informed potential customers that anatomical preparations were aesthetically pleasing and scientifically important but did not divulge the trade secrets of the method of production. Thanks to this strategy of non-disclosure and advertisement, de Bils and Ruysch could create a well-working monopoly market of anatomical preparations. The ‘advertising’ rhetorics of anatomical publications highlight the potential dangers of equating the growth of print culture with the development of an open system of knowledge exchange.

This article questions how the return of cultural property from metropolitan centers of former colonial powers to the successor states of former colonies have been considered positive – if rare – examples of post-colonial redress. Highlighting UNESCO-driven publicity about the transfer of materials from the Netherlands to Indonesia, and tracing nearly 30 years of diplomacy between these countries, demonstrates that the return of cultural property depended on the ability of Dutch officials to vindicate the Netherlands’ historical and contemporary cultural roles in the former East Indies. More than anything, returns were influenced by the determination of Dutch officials to find and maintain a secure cultural role in Indonesia in the future. This article also considers how Dutch policies were initially independent from, but later coincided with, the anti-colonial activism that emerged within the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) around the issue of cultural property return to former colonies. Yet, rather than reveal a mediating role for UNESCO, this article re-positions the return debate within a broader framework of shifting post-colonial cultural relations negotiated bilaterally between the Netherlands – as a former colonial power – and the leaders of the newly independent state of Indonesia.

The Dutch sale of major weapons to Taiwan in 1980 ran counter to the Netherlands’ recent recognition of the People’s Republic of China as the sole representative of China. This led to a rupture of diplomatic relations, an outcome seemingly unexpected in spite of the Dutch Foreign Ministry’s strong opposition to the deal. A few years later a new government composed of the same parties turned down a follow-up order. Why did the Dutch government sail so close to the wind and what made it change course? Such questions are tackled using approaches from international relations theory, such as politico-military strategy, good judgment in foreign policy, and (international) political economy. Yet in this case the analyst cannot be satisfied with easy explanations. Might not a fruitful angle be to consider the Netherlands as a highly competent but small state, driven by the high stakes involved to explore to the limit what little manoeuvring room it had vis-a-vis China?

“Above all, we will put on record, that the Rechtsschool has not missed its target: the creation of independent (native) lawyers, who are aware of their position as independent judicial officers in the indigenous social relations.”C.C. van Helsdingen,Gedenkboek Rechtsschool 1929When the Dutch introduced peace and order as the governing doctrine in the East Indies at the turn of the twentieth century, the network of colonial state institutions needed to project themselves as a unified, legitimate state with an authority to enforce justice. This state required a corps of jurists who embodied specific forms of subjectivity in order to maintain the projected authority. Educating natives as jurists offered the most economical means to staff the judiciary. This essay looks at legal education for Native elites as a colonial project of subject formation that was inseparable from colonial state formation. It does so by surveying three institutions in the Indies and the Netherlands between 1909 and 1939: the Batavia Rechtsschool, the Leiden United Faculty of Law and Letters, and the Batavia Rechtshoogeschool. Drawing on Foucauldian notions of disciplinary power and biopower in education and concepts from state theory, I argue that the pedagogical strategies and the legal education curricula in the Indies were deliberately designed to produce independent and critical Native jurists who were at the same time loyal to the Netherlands. The argument, thus, stands in contrast to literature that relies on early Foucault to construct education as a strictly normalising institution. I further suggest that although various state institutions did not unanimously agree on this ideal vision of Native jurists, they nevertheless tolerated it due to the urgent need to project the presence of a just state.Using a variety of sources I focus my attention on two arenas of investigation: the vision of the ideal subjectivity to be embodied by Native jurists, and the technologies employed to achieve it. With this focus, I do not attempt to represent a comprehensive native point of view. Instead, I limit myself to examining the debates among Dutch educators and policy makers regarding proper legal education for the Native elites, the resulting policies as decreed in various ordinances, and the policies' implementation in the schools' curricula and pedagogy.

In world-systems analysis, the United Provinces are interpreted as one of only three hegemonic states in the history of the capitalist world-economy. Unlike the subsequent hegemons Britain and the United States, the United Provinces only became an independent country just before its rise to hegemony in the early seventeenth century. This essay explores how this new small state became the first hegemon of the modern world-system. Two questions are asked: why did the area of northern Netherlands became a state, and why did this state became a hegemon? Using Mann's sources of social power, it is shown how a promiscuous combination of ideological, military, political, and economic power produced a unique state combining the economic policies of city-states with the protective capacity of territorial states. It is concluded that the Dutch promotion of an economic raison d'etat was a necessary component for the consolidation of a competitive interstate system, itself a necessary requirement for the expansion of the capitalist world-economy.

AbstractOpenness of knowledge was in the Dutch Republic no more a natural state of affairs than in other parts of Europe at the time, but it became dominant there at an earlier date than elsewhere. This puzzling phenomenon is the subject of this essay. The article shows that tendencies to secrecy in crafts and trades in the Netherlands were by no means absent and that public authorities were not principled supporters of openness. Openness of knowledge did not prevail because arguments in favour of a free exchange of knowledge won the day against a rhetoric in defense of secrecy or because a rapid change in methods of production and marketing rendered the maintenance of craft secrecy practically impossible. The weakness of secrecy in the early-modern Netherlands, this essay argues, can be explained by the relative tardiness of the growth of the corporate system and the typical features of the institutional structure of the Dutch Republic. Craft secrecy in the Dutch Republic, as far as it existed before the middle of the eighteenth century, was normally based on a contractual relationship between individual actors rather than on any form of enforcement by public agencies.

For decades after their introduction in 1854, state-defined categories of subjects and citizens in the East Indies remained largely uncontested. But a furore erupted when Indo-Europeans — legally Europeans and citizens of the Netherlands — demanded rights to own land, rights exclusively apportioned to the autochthonous population. This article recounts a contentious campaign in the 1930s by the Indo-European Association to gain rights to own land, and the vehement rejection by Indonesians expressed in various civic outlets. I argue that by challenging state categories of entitlement, race, and belonging, the debates on rights to own land defined more sharply notions of citizenship among the Indies population. Drawing on ‘acts of citizenship’, I situate the discourse of rights at the centre of the debate on colonial citizenship. In so doing, I offer an insight into the genealogy of exclusion that has haunted the idea of citizenship in postcolonial Indonesia.

In the wake of the Second World War, cultural officers from the western Allied powers recovered several million objects plundered by the Nazis – works of art, Judaica, fine furniture, collectible books and archive collections. Recent books and films have popularized the history of the heroic art recovery effort, but less well-known is the story of what happened to objects that were never returned to rightful owners. In France, Belgium and the Netherlands, postwar governments selected the best of the unclaimed objects and distributed them to public museums, ministries, embassies and other state buildings. This public use of recovered art quietly endured until the 1990s, when heightened awareness of Holocaust-era assets led to greater public and press scrutiny and an increase in restitution claims. This article examines the origins of postwar art custodianships in a comparative analysis of French, Belgian and Dutch restitution policies. The comparison reveals national differences in the scope of looting operations and postwar restitution policies, yet the broad contours of each government’s approach to ownerless art are remarkably similar. In all three cases the custodianships continued the long-term dispossession of Jewish owners wrought by the Nazis and their collaborators.

This editorial regards a Special Issue of Water on river training. It introduces five papers in a framework of history, fundamentals, case studies and future. Four papers result from decades of experience with innovation, planning, design and implementation of river training works on rivers in Colombia, the Rhine branches in the Netherlands and the Brahmaputra-Jamuna River in Bangladesh. A fifth paper reviews the state-of-the-art in predicting and influencing the formation and behavior of river bars. The editorial argues that the future lies in more flexible river training, using a mix of innovative permanent structures and recurrent interventions such as dredging, sediment nourishment, vegetation management and low-cost temporary structures.

This paper is dedicated to the memory of Hans Rensema (1948–2020), medical artist of Microsurgical Developments Foundation.The history of training in microsurgical and experimental techniques in the Netherlands goes back to the 1960s. The training was mostly done on an individual basis. Clinical surgeons could benefit from the 'Wet-Lab' training at the Erasmus University of Rotterdam. Experimental microsurgery and techniques training for larger groups of bio-technicians and researchers started at Utrecht University in 1993, and later at Groningen University. The first commercial training was offered at the International Microsurgical Training Centre in Lelystad (IMTC,) in 2002. This paper presents the current state-of-the-art training in the Netherlands and some future perspectives.Professor Remie studied Pharmacy at the University of Groningen. After completing his studies in 1983, he specialised in pharmacology and did his PhD on the presynaptic modulation of noradrenergic neurotransmission in the freely moving rat portal vein. He joined Solvay Pharmaceuticals as a Group leader in Pharmacology, specialized (1991) in Laboratory Animal Science (Utrecht University), and became Laboratory Animal Scientist and Animal Welfare Officer of Solvay Pharmaceuticals and Fort Dodge Animal Health Holland. He is chairman of the Microsurgical Developments Foundation and several IACUCs. From 1997 until 2012, he was appointed professor with a special chair in Microsurgery and Experimental Technique in Laboratory Animals at the Groningen Centre for Drug Research, Department of Biomonitoring & Sensoring, University Centre for Pharmacy, University of Groningen. He is CEO of 3-R's Training Centre BV, and Director of the René Remie Surgical Skills Centre (www.rrssc.eu).Irene Cuesta Cobo earned a BSc in Biology and physiotherapy, and an MSc in manual therapy at the University of Jaén (Spain). She worked at the department of physiology at the same university on an in-vivo assay with gliomas in rats and subsequently, at the Laboratory of CAR Madrid to analyse top athletes' blood samples. She is a senior instructor at RRSSC.Edwin Spoelstra earned an MSc in Pharmacy and specialised stereotaxic surgery and microdialysis in the rat. He developed several techniques in mice and spent the last ten years on catheter design and blood-sampling.

AbstractThe emergence of two states in Indonesia in the aftermath of the Second World War, namely the Republic of Indonesia and the Netherlands Indies Civil Administration, instigated a war that imposed citizenship, which schoolteachers had to choose carefully. By examining the quest for professional trajectories of Dutch and Indonesian schoolteachers during the 1945–1949 period, this paper argues that expanding citizenship fostered decolonisation through the teachers’ detachment from a shared dream of social mobility. The post–World War II reconstruction project, which is largely depicted as narratives of state building in many of the existing bibliographies, reflected a growing discontent in teachers’ expectations for economic reestablishment at the personal levels. The teachers’ detachment from a shared dream of social mobility reflected the dissolution of an imagined community where transnational cultural identities had met and melded in the early twentieth century. In contrast to the emerging historiography that emphasises atrocities and violence, this paper offers a perspective on the soft process of decolonisation.

Urban troubles were endemic in early modern Europe. Not only did cities undergo sieges, conquests, and epidemics, but the rapid spread of rural protoindustrial manufacturing threatened established markets and employment patterns. The acute problems of Antwerp, captured by Spanish troops in 1685, or of Como, whose textile industry collapsed in the early seventeenth century are not isolated examples of cities in trouble. Many more could be offered. Indeed, descriptions of cities in the seventeenth century, particularly those of the Spanish Empire, stress depopulation and decay. Contemporaries saw around them scenes of urban desolation. Sir Thomas Overbury, travelling in the Spanish Netherlands around 1610, wrote of the “ruinous” towns, while visitors to Ciudad Real in Spain around 1620 noted vacant, tumbledown houses, unemployment, and urban land gone to waste (Parker 1977:253; Phillips 1979:29). After several years in which Spanish Lombardy was devastated by wars, famine, and plague, the Milan City Council complained of “the destitution of all sorts of persons and the threat of impending ruin.” Moreover, throughout the state, values of houses and landed property had allegedly plummeted (Sella 1979:57,63).

Abstract. Management of coastal fresh groundwater reserves requires a thorough understanding of the present-day groundwater salinity distribution and its possible future development. However, coastal groundwater often still reflects a complex history of marine transgressions and regressions, and is only rarely in equilibrium with current boundary conditions. In addition, the distribution of groundwater salinity is virtually impossible to characterize satisfactorily, complicating efforts to model and predict coastal groundwater flow. A way forward may be to account for the historical development of groundwater salinity when modeling present-day coastal groundwater flow. In this paper, we construct a palaeo-hydrogeological model to simulate the evolution of groundwater salinity in the coastal area of the Netherlands throughout the Holocene. While intended as a perceptual tool, confidence in our model results is warranted by a good correspondence with a hydrochemical characterization of groundwater origin. Model results attest to the impact of groundwater density differences on coastal groundwater flow on millennial timescales and highlight their importance in shaping today's groundwater salinity distribution. Not once reaching steady-state throughout the Holocene, our results demonstrate the long-term dynamics of salinity in coastal aquifers. This stresses the importance of accounting for the historical evolution of coastal groundwater salinity when modeling present-day coastal groundwater flow, or when predicting impacts of e.g. sea level rise on coastal aquifers. Of more local importance, our findings suggest a more significant role of pre-Holocene groundwater in the present-day groundwater salinity distribution in the Netherlands than previously recognized. The implications of our results extend beyond understanding the present-day distribution of salinity, as the proven complex history of coastal groundwater also holds important clues for understanding and predicting the distribution of other societally relevant groundwater constituents.

AbstractThe history of Dutch private law, or - as it was called - 'ancient national law' ('oud vaderlands recht'), which was taught at Dutch universities since the days of S.J. Fockema Andreae sr (1844-1921), suffered from at least three serious disadvantages, viz. the absence of anything like a "Dutch nation" before the creation of the modern centralized state in 1798, the absence of anything like a "national law", least of all private law, before the enactment of the first Dutch civil code of 1809 and the inability to come to terms with the reception of Roman law, which was regarded as a cataclysmic event brought about by the "unhistoric" attitude of sixteenth-century Dutch lawyers (S.J. Fockema Andreae jr in 1950). Hence the emphasis on pre-reception medieval law and public rather than private law. On the other hand, the Dutch civilians were interested in "classical" Roman law rather than the history of private law after the reception of Roman law in the Netherlands. To most of them Roman law had become distorted and disfigured in the process. So the study of the history of substantive private law of the era between the reception of Roman law and the enactment of the first civil code was rather unattractive to both groups of legal historians. To the "germanists" national law was tainted with Roman law, whereas to the civilians, the "romanists", Roman law had become contaminated by the mould of ancient customary and statutory law and the expediency of legal practitioners. So, in spite of the fact that the very same era is commonly regarded as the heyday of Dutch legal science (Voetius, Grotius, Vinnius), no comprehensive introduction to what is also commonly regarded as a most important Dutch contribution to European legal culture, viz. "Roman-Dutch" law, was ever written in the Netherlands. Students had to be referred to R.W. Lee's Introduction to Roman-Dutch Law, an English textbook! The volumes of the Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis bear witness to this sorry state of affairs. There are many learned and solid articles on subjects of classical Roman law and French customary law, but relatively very few on subjects of substantive Dutch private law and even less on subjects of "Roman-Dutch" law. There is, of course, an explanation for this. The "germanists" had (and have) their own magazine, the "Verslagen en Mededeelingen" ("Reports and Proceedings"), published by de "Vereniging tot uitgaaf der bronnen van het oud-vaderlands recht" (the "Society for the edition of the sources of ancient national law"), founded in 1879, whereas there is also, as far as "Roman-Dutch" law is concerned, the "Tydskrif vir Hedendaagse Romeins-Hollandse Reg", published in South Africa. There is another consideration to be taken into account too: much of what has been written on the history of substantive Dutch private law in the last 75 years was not, or at least not primarily, written with a public consisting of legal historians in mind, but in view of practical questions of and developments in modern Dutch private law intended to be read by legal practitioners, rather than the professional historians. That is why so much which would have been of interest to professional historians at large, was published in Dutch and in Dutch legal journals. So, in the final analysis, it is the international profile and the emphasis on history that have prevented the publication of more articles on the history of substantive Dutch private law in the volumes of the Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis.

In 1976 I published an article in the Acta Historiae Neerlandicae (an annual series of publications in English on the history of The Netherlands, alas abruptly discontinued in 1982 for financial reasons) in which I tried to summarize the main causes of the decline of the cultivation system in Java (Fasseur, 1976, 143–62). Being then a young and ambitious historian with little respect for the big names in the field of Indonesian sciences, I stated that the literature on the cultivation system contained many misunderstandings as to the origins of the ‘decay’ of the system. In this connection I mentioned in particular Wertheim's well-known study on Indonesian Society in Transition and Clifford Geertz's stimulating essay on Agricultural Involution (1963). Although this latter book is certainly not without its shortcomings, it has greatly obliged all historians by reviving the interest in the role played by the cultivation system in the development of Java during the last century and a half. The period of the cultivation system, in the words of Geertz, was ‘the classic stage’ of colonial history, ‘the most decisive of the Dutch era’. Although I did not realize that fully in 1975, it was thus an opportune moment to publish, twelve years after Geertz's provocative study, a doctoral dissertation on the history of the system. The main flaw of Geertz's work was its weak historical component. The only ‘historical’ data Agricultural Involution provided, were borrowed from an agricultural atlas ofJava published in 1926.

The close, reciprocal relationship between overseas expansion and domestic state formation in early modern Western Europe has long been understood. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Portugal, the Netherlands, and England used the resources arising from their Atlantic colonies and Asia trades to defend themselves against their respective Spanish and French enemies. Creating and sustaining a territorial or trading empire, therefore, enabled polities not only to survive but also to enhance their standing with-i n the hierarchy of European states. The proposition that success overseas facilitated state development at home points however to the opposite logic, that where kingdoms failed as colonial powers they might well suffer from inhibited state formation. Indeed, if the example of England demonstrated how empire augmented a kingdom's power, then the experience of its neigh-bour, Scotland, seemed to reveal one possible outcome for a country unable to access colonial expansion. In 1707 Scotland negotiated away its political sovereignty and entered into an incorporating union with England. The new British framework enabled the Scots to access English markets (both domestic and colonial) previously closed to them. This does not mean that the 1707 union was simply an exchange of Scottish sovereignty for involvement in England's economy. Pressing political concerns, not least the Hanoverian succession played an equal if not more important role in the making of the British union. The question of political causation notwithstanding, the prevailing historiography of 1707 still places Scotland in a dichotomous framework of declining continental markets on the one hand and the lure of more expansive trade with England' domestic and overseas outlets on the other.

In his speech of throne of October 17, 1825, the Dutch king William I expressed his concerns on the extremely loss-making Dutch colonial enterprise of that moment. The aftermath of the closing down of the Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC) in the 1790s and the transfer of the company's indebtedness to the state, threatened to bring about the loss of the Dutch first-rate position on the international colonial forum. Moreover, the fiasco of the so-called liberal interlude of the enlightened Governor-General G. van der Capellen and his often frivolous politics in Java during the period 1816–1826, deeply disillusioned the king. Therefore, William officially announced the appointment of a commissioner-general, a representative provided with extraordinary power and authority who was only supposed to give account direcdy to the king himself. He also informed the States General of the appointment of the governor of the province of SouthBrabant in the Southern Netherlands Leonard du Bus de Gisignies as his commissioner-general on August 10 of the same year.

Introduction. The paper considers the Ripuarian dialect group spread on the territory of three modern states – Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands. The research concentrates on the dialect’s reception by its speakers, while special attention is paid to the language situation in Belgium. Defining the correspondence of state and linguistic borders in this region might be of great current scientific interest.Methodology and sources. The research methodology is based on Russian and foreign studies in dialectology (V. M. Zhirmunskii, F. Münch, W. Haubrichs) and dialectography (K. Haag, A. Bach, J. Kajot and H. Beckers). For the dialects’ characteristics descriptive and comparative methods were used. The analysis of the sociolinguistic situation is based on the works of P. Auer, Th. Frings, J. Kajot and H. Beckers and others. To follow the current dialect speakers’ point of view the data from Belgian Internet-sites and forums were used. Such complex method allows to valuate not only linguogeographic but also the newest extralinguistic facts. Results and discussion. The paper examines the spread and the characteristics of the Ripuarian dialects, the history of their use in Germany, underlining the special role of Cologne’s dialect. The situation with the Ripuarian dialects in modern Eastern Belgium is as well analyzed. Problems of self-identity of the dialect speakers and of dialect’s connection to the High German are also considered.Conclusion. The dependence of linguistic situation in Belgium on political and sociocultural factors, while the state boundaries play a significant role in the self-identity of dialect speakers.

The award system of Indonesia reflects its state developments, including the formation and transformations of the Indonesian Armed Forces (Tentara Nasional Indonesia). The Republic of Indonesia was formed as a result of its struggle for independence against the Netherlands Colonial Empire. Many islands of Indonesia, their equatorial and tropical climate, as well as technical backwardness of the Indonesian society in the 1940s were among the main factors of the guerilla warfare against the Dutch. Guerilla squads were the main part of the People’s Security Army (Tentara Keamanan Rakyat), later named the Republic of Indonesia Army (Tentara Republik Indonesia). Its victory over the Dutch in 1949 helped instituting of the first Order of Indonesia — Bintang Gerilja, or Bintang Gerilya in modern spelling — The Guerilla Star. The paper sums up the laws and acts of the Indonesian State concerning the Guerilla Star, as well as the data from open sources, like media and Wikipedia, about its awardees. These data are checked through the official reference books issued by the Service of History of the Indonesian Army (Dinas Sejarah Angkatan Darat). The paper focuses on the statute, description and bestowals of the Guerilla Star of Indonesia. The Order is an award to all Indonesians who fought for their Independence against the Dutch. The form of the Guerilla Star is like the Gallipoli Star of the Ottoman Empire. In 2009, the statute of the Guerilla Star was changed by the Indonesian Government. Now it may be bestowed for any guerilla defense of Indonesian interests.

A long story could be told about the educational institutions where young Dutchmen were trained for an administrative and legal career in the Indies. This educational process started with the foundation of the Javanese Institute (Instituut voor dejavaanse taal) in Surakarta in 1832. Ten years later this institute was closed and the training of Dutch civil servants was transferred to the city of Delft in the Netherlands. A Royal Academy for Engineers has been established in that town and was subsequently made subservient to this overseas task too. The study of language at an engineering academy reads strangely but was done for reasons of economy. In the words of the Minister of the Colonies (J.C. Baud) who was responsible for this decision: the arid and unpleasant study of Oriental languages could better be accomplished in a cold climate than in the hot climate of Java which was not at all conducive to hard work and study! In 1864 the instruction of civil servants for Indonesia was transferred to a state institution in Leiden (Rijks-instelling van onderwijs in Indische taal-, land- en volkenkunde). But the municipal authorities of Delft were unwilling to lose the young hopefuls for the Indies and their wealthy parents, many of them with a colonial background themselves, who, for the sake of the education of their children, had taken domicile in Delft after their retirement. In the same year 1864 the municipal council of Delft established a local Indies Institute (Indische Instelling) of its own that turned out much more successful than the Leiden state institute which soon disappeared. On the other hand, the training of Indies lawyers and judges became a firm monopoly of Leiden University after the passing of a new law on Dutch universities in 1876.

The purpose of this study is to analyze and examine the social phenomenon of the formation of the TNI. This research is focuses on elevating the role and contribution of PETA in the formation of the TNI in terms of history and defense science. The research method used is a literature study method with a qualitative approach. The results showed that the Republic of Indonesia in general had been colonized by several European countries such as the Netherlands, Portugal and Japan. However, the suffering of colonialism was most felt when the Japanese Occupation Period formed the Defender of the Homeland Army (PETA). PETA is a security institution that was formed during the Japanese occupation of Indonesia in September 1943. PETA has contributed a lot to the forerunner of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia since before independence in the form of defiance and resistance to the Japanese army, securing the independence procession and being the first to raise the saka red and white. , changed its name to the People's Security Agency (BKR) to the Indonesian National Army (TNI). During the process of changing the name of the institution there have been several incidents ranging from rebellion to military aggression by the Dutch. As for the resistance and operations carried out ranging from guerrilla warfare, physical to non-physical. The Historical Approach is a condition of PETA's military since it was first formed until it turned into the TNI in various regions in Indonesia and the Defense Science Approach in the form of a tactical step/independence movement which led to PETA's contribution to Indonesia.

In this article I engage the work of three scholars, each of whom speaks to reactions to Muslims or interventions in their lives in the United States and Europe. Each is critical of these reactions and interventions, and traces them to inconsistencies in liberal thought and practice. My purpose is to interrogate their theorizing by applying it to the interface of liberalism with another religious Other, one that tends to generate far less sympathy in the predominantly secular and liberal academy: religiously motivated Jewish settlers in Israeli-occupied territories. The first scholar is Saba Mahmood, who recently argued against U.S. involvement in trying to alter the theology and practices of Muslims in the Middle East. The second is Judith Butler, who in a 2008 article addressed Muslims in the Netherlands, the problems of citizenship, and the right to religious freedom. Finally, Talal Asad has spoken to issues of violence, arguing that suicide bombing is really not so different from state violences perpetrated by the United States and Israel. Each of their arguments contains critiques of secular liberalism and the contradictory ethics and inconsistencies within liberal thought and practice, and each carries different but related implications. My intent is to begin to explore the possibilities of applying the analyses of these writers to the case of conflict between religiously motivated settlers in Israeli-occupied territories and left-wing, secular, and liberal Israeli Jews. Although this case mirrors broader representations of “Islam and the West,” it is rarely considered in comparison when such representations are deconstructed. The questions raised through this uncomfortable comparison will, I hope, contribute to broader conversations about the challenges and complexities of living together with differences that may be threatening if not altogether incommensurable.

Abstract. The growth of salt structures is controlled by the low flow strength of evaporites and by the tectonic boundary conditions. The potassium-magnesium salts (K-Mg salts) carnallite and bischofite are prime examples of layers with much lower effective viscosity than halite: their low viscosity presents serious drilling hazards but also allows squeeze solution mining. In contrast, intrasalt anhydrite and carbonate layers (stringers) are much stronger than halite. These rheological contrasts within an evaporite body have an important control on the evolution of the internal structure of salt, but how this mechanical layering affects salt deformation at different scales is not well known. In this study, we use high-resolution 3-D seismic and well data to study the evolution of the Veendam and Slochteren salt pillows at the southern boundary of the Groningen High, northern Netherlands. Here the rock salt layers contain both the mechanically stronger Zechstein III Anhydrite-Carbonate stringer and the weaker K-Mg salts, thus we are able to assess the role of extreme rheological heterogeneities on salt structure growth. The internal structure of the two salt pillows shows areas in which the K-Mg salt-rich ZIII 1b layer is much thicker than elsewhere, in combination with a complexly ruptured and folded ZIII Anhydrite-Carbonate stringer. Thickness maps of supra-salt sediments and well data are used to infer the initial depositional architecture of the K-Mg salts and their deformation history. Results suggest that faulting and the generation of depressions on the top Zechstein surface above a Rotliegend graben caused the local accumulation of bittern brines and precipitation of thick K-Mg salts. During the first phase of salt flow and withdrawal from the Veendam area, under the influence of differential loading by Buntsandstein sediments, the ZIII stringer was boudinaged while the lens of Mg salts remained relatively undeformed. This was followed by a convergence stage, when the K-Mg salt-rich layers were deformed within the inflating salt pillows. This deformation was strongly disharmonic and strongly influenced by folding of the underlying, ruptured ZIII stringer, leading to thickening and internal deformation of the K-Mg salt layers.

The article attempts to reconstruct the genre and thematic composition of the library of the Kremenets Basilian Monastery, which was formed in the early 1820s, based on an analysis of the visitation protocol, in which a significant part is a description of the monastery library. At the beginning of the XIX century, the library had 2,156 volumes (1,241 works) published in the XVI–XVIII centuries and until 1821. Of these, 508 works (41%) date from the second half of the XVIII century. The presence in the library of 283 works (23%) published in 1801–1821 indicates that the library continued to be regularly replenished with new books. The geography of the publications covered the cities of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Germany, Austria, Italy, France, the Netherlands, Kyiv, Moscow, and Saint Petersburg. The basis of the library were works in Polish and Latin, numbered 640 and 440, respectively (52% and 35%). There were only 54 (4%) Cyrillic editions. The entire book collection is divided into thematic sections: Holy Scripture, divinity, law (civil and canonical), "books of ascetics," homiletics, philosophy, physics and mathematics, chemistry, geography, economics, history, rhetoric and poetics, "letters," grammar, medicine. In terms of the number of works, the largest is the section "History," which includes periodicals published in Warsaw and Vilnius in the early nineteenth century and fiction of instructive content. It is noted that many works by ancient authors, textbooks in many mathematical disciplines, dictionaries, phrasebooks, and grammars in Latin, Greek, Hebrew, Polish, German, French, and Russian were kept in the monastery library. The conclusion is that the themes of the monastery library in Kremenets in the early XIXth century reflected the state of the rich spiritual life of the Basilians, which closely combined the traditions of the Orthodox and Catholic Churches. The Basilians, through preaching and missionary activity, indeed spread and consolidated in society the spiritual and moral values that they nurtured within the walls of the monastery. The library in general, reflected the development of education, science, art, and contemporary socio-political thought in the Ukrainian lands.

The question of whether education should be seen as an instrument of social order is an old topic in the social sciences. There exist several theories concerning this question. Two of these rival theories are dealt with in this paper. On the basis of each, historical data have been looked at anew and empirical research has been carried out into the prevailing conditions in the Netherlands. On the basis of the first theory, which was inspired by Bourdieu and which concerns economic, cultural (including educational) and social capital, data on the Dutch history between the seventeenth and the nineteenth centuries have been reanalysed with respect to the attitude of the diverse sections of the dominant class towards culture in general and the university in particular. Dutch history can be regarded as a national variant of the universal tensions between ‘culture’ and ‘knowledge’ and between ‘culture’ and ‘economics’ in human societies. On the basis of Bourdieu's theory it is assumed that under the prevailing social conditions elementary schools will differ in ‘educational status’ in the schools market. Empirical investigation confirms this hypothesis. The ‘educational status’ of elementary schools mediates (reproduces) almost all of the influence of the childrens' social background on their school career, and reinforces this influence. On the basis of the second theory, which is based on the work of Meyer, Boli and Ramirez, data on the Dutch history in the Enlightenment period have been reanalysed with respect to the rise of mass education. These historical data give substantial evidence to the theory that the construction of the nation-state is of decisive importance for the rise of mass education. Our empirical investigation, however, does not confirm the hypothesis that in the actual situation elementary schools differ in ‘comprehensiveness’. Neither schools nor parents are oriented towards integration. Rather, the contrasts seem to be getting sharper in the 1980s and the schools as well as the social classes seem to be distancing themselves further from each other. Various sections of the dominant class are busy strengthening their position of power in education. In short, the use of schools to constitute citizens does not lessen the pressure towards differentiation. Thus, the theory of Boli and Ramirez explains the rise of mass education, but cannot explain its social class bound form, a fact that can be explained very well by Bourdieu's theory. Therefore the theories of both Bourdieu and Boli and Ramirez should be regarded not as rivalizing, but as complementary.

The article analyses the changes that took place in the official diplomatic communication of European rulers after the Thirty Years' War and the conclusion of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, which affirmed a number of sovereign rights to the Estates of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation (and former vassals of the emperor), including the right to send and receive ambassadors. The new sovereigns, primarily the princes-electors, began to fight for the so-called royal honours (honores regii), which were de facto expressed in a certain set of ceremonies in relation to the ambassadors of the crowned heads and republics assimilated to them. The arena of the struggle for the royal honours was the Imperial Diet of the Holy Roman Empire in Regensburg — a general assembly of all Imperial Estates (in the middle of the eighteenth century — their representatives), by which since the end of the 17th century foreign diplomats had been accredited (first France, a little later — Great Britain, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, in the middle of the eighteenth century — Russia). Having declared their representatives in 1702 as the ministers of the first rank, the electors tried for a century to force the “old” monarchs to send ambassadors to the Diet, and they, by custom, were sent only to the sovereigns. Comparing the various ways out of the ceremonial impasse, the author comes to the conclusion that the struggle for elusive precedence, which foreign diplomats of the second rank (envoys or ministers plenipotentiary) waged with the representatives of the electors at the Imperial Diet, was a deliberately unwinnable strategy, leading either to their isolation or to the recall from their posts. A much more effective strategy that did not damage state prestige was to send to Regensburg so-called ministers without character or residents, who occupied a less honorable position in comparison with ambassadors and envoys, but according to their status were freed from the opportunity to compete with them and, as a result, to come into conflict.

The collective involvement of patients and clients in health care organizations is valued in our Western society. In practice, giving form to this involvement seems to be a complex process. In this paper we present our learning experiences with a process of enhancing the involvement of older people in a residential care home in the Netherlands, by using a participatory action research approach, called PARTNER. This approach is inspired by responsive evaluation and developed for the context of long-term care. We use concepts of Habermas’ theory to understand what happens when trying to create communicative spaces through dialogue. Our learning history shows that the involvement of residents is not an easy task, because power issues are at stake. System values seem to dominate the lifeworld and expert knowledge seems to be more valued than expressed emotions and narratives of residents. Researchers who use participatory action research must be aware of these issues of power, often hidden in language and discourse. Dialogue can be a vehicle to enhance mutual understanding, when attention is paid to underlying values, assumptions and meanings of all people. Then, the gap between system and lifeworld can be bridged and communicative spaces can be opened up.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to achieve a greater understanding of the transitions young adults experience into and out of the labour market and the influence that gender and married/cohabiting status have on employment careers. Design/methodology/approach The paper focuses on young adults (25-34 years old) in four European countries – Italy, the Netherlands, the UK and Norway – that are representative of different youth transition regimes. Using longitudinal data from EU-SILC survey (for the years 2006-2012) and event history analysis, the authors investigate the effect of the particular set of institutional features of each country, the effect of the cohort of entry and the effect of gender differences in determining transitions across labour market status. Findings Findings show that the filter exercised by the national institutions has a selective impact on the careers of young adults, with some institutional contexts more protective than others. In this respect, the condition of inactivity emerges as an interesting finding: on one side, it mainly involves women in a partnership, on the other side it is more common in protective youth regimes, suggesting that it may be a chosen rather than suffered condition. Originality/value The paper contributes to existing literature by: focusing on a specific category, young adults from 25 to 34 years old, which is increasingly recognised as a critical stage in the life course though it receives less attention than its younger counterpart (15-24); integrating the importance of family dynamics on work careers by analysing the different effects played by married/cohabiting status for men and women.

AbstractThe nucleus of the collection of paintings in the Mauritshuis around 130 pictures - came from the hereditary stadholder Prince William v. It is widely believed to have become, the property of the State at the beginning of the 19th century, but how this happened is still. unclear. A hand-written notebook on this subject, compiled in 1876 by - the director Jonkheer J. K. L. de Jonge is in the archives of the Mauritshuis Note 4). On this basis a clnsor systematic and chronological investigation has been carried out into the stadholder's. property rights in respect of his collectcons and the changes these underwent between 1795 and 1816. Royal decrees and other documents of the period 1814- 16 in particular giae a clearer picture of whal look place. 0n 18 January 1795 William V (Fig. 2) left the Netherlands and fled to England. On 22 January the Dutch Republic was occupied by French armies. Since France had declared war on the stadholder, the ownership of all his propergy in the Netherlands, passed to France, in accordance with the laws of war of the time. His famous art collections on the Builerth of in. The Hague were taken to Paris, but the remaining art objects, distributed over his various houses, remained in the Netherlands. On 16 May 1795 the French concluded a treaty with the Batavian Republic, recognizing it as an independent power. All the properties of William v in the Netehrlands but not those taken to France, were made over to the Republic (Note 14), which proceeded to sell objects from the collections, at least seven sales taking place until 1798 (Note 15). A plan was then evolved to bring the remaining treasures together in a museum in emulation of the French. On the initiative of J. A. Gogel, the Nationale Konst-Galerij', the first national museum in the .Netherlands, was estahlished in The Hague and opened to the public on ,31 May 1800. Nothing was ever sold from lhe former stadholder's library and in 1798 a Nationale Bibliotheek was founded as well. In 1796, quite soon after the French had carried off the Stadholder, possessions to Paris or made them over to the Batavian Republic, indemnification was already mentioned (Note 19). However, only in the Trealy of Amiens of 180 and a subaequent agreement, between France ararl Prussia of 1 802, in which the Prince of Orarage renounced his and his heirs' rights in the Netherlands, did Prussia provide a certain compensation in the form of l.artds in Weslphalia and Swabia (Note 24) - William v left the management of these areas to the hereditary prince , who had already been involved in the problems oncerning his father's former possessions. In 1804 the Balavian Republic offered a sum of five million guilders 10 plenipotentiaries of the prince as compensation for the sequestrated titles and goods, including furniture, paintings, books and rarities'. This was accepted (Notes 27, 28), but the agreement was never carried out as the Batavian Republic failed to ratify the payment. In the meantime the Nationale Bibliolkeek and the Nationale Konst-Galerij had begun to develop, albeit at first on a small scale. The advent of Louis Napoleon as King of Hollarad in 1806 brought great changes. He made a start on a structured art policy. In 1806 the library, now called `Royal', was moved to the Mauritshuis and in 1808 the collectiorts in The Hague were transferred to Amsterdam, where a Koninklijk Museum was founded, which was housed in the former town hall. This collection was subsequertly to remain in Amsterdam, forming the nucleus of the later Rijksmuseum. The library too was intended to be transferred to Amsterdam, but this never happened and it remained in the Mauritshuis until 1819. Both institutions underwent a great expansion in the period 1806-10, the library's holdings increasing from around 10,000 to over 45,000 books and objects, while the museum acquired a number of paintings, the most important being Rembrandt's Night Watch and Syndics, which were placed in the new museum by the City of Amsterdam in 1808 (Note 44). In 1810 the Netherlands was incorporated into France. In the art field there was now a complete standstill and in 1812 books and in particular prints (around 11,000 of them) were again taken from The Hague to Paris. In November 1813 the French dominion was ended and on 2 December the hereditary prince, William Frederick, was declared sovereign ruler. He was inaugurated as constitutional monarch on 30 March 1814. On January 3rd the provisional council of The Hague had already declared that the city was in (unlawful' possession of a library, a collection of paintings, prints and other objects of art and science and requested the king tot take them back. The war was over and what had been confiscated from William under the laws of war could now be given back, but this never happened. By Royal Decree of 14 January 1814 Mr. ( later Baron) A. J. C. Lampsins (Fig. I ) was commissioned to come to an understanding with the burgomaster of The Hague over this transfer, to bring out a report on the condition of the objects and to formulate a proposal on the measures to be taken (Note 48). On 17 January Lampsins submitted a memorandum on the taking over of the Library as the private property of His Royal Highness the Sovereign of the United Netherlartds'. Although Lampsins was granted the right to bear the title 'Interim Director of the Royal Library' by a Royal Decree of 9 February 1814, William I did not propose to pay The costs himself ; they were to be carried by the Home Office (Note 52). Thus he left the question of ownership undecided. On 18 April Lampsins brought out a detailed report on all the measures to be taken (Appendix IIa ) . His suggestion was that the objects, formerly belonging to the stadholder should be removed from the former royal museum, now the Rijksmuseum, in Amsterdam and to return the 'Library', as the collectiort of books, paintings and prints in The Hague was called, to the place where they had been in 1795. Once again the king's reaction was not very clear. Among other things, he said that he wanted to wait until it was known how extensive the restitution of objects from Paris would be and to consider in zvhich scholarly context the collections would best, fit (Note 54) . While the ownership of the former collections of Prince William I was thus left undecided, a ruling had already been enacted in respect of the immovable property. By the Constitution of 1814, which came into effect on 30 March, the king was granted a high income, partly to make up for the losses he had sulfered. A Royal Decree of 22 January 1815 does, however, imply that William had renounced the right to his, father's collections, for he let it be known that he had not only accepted the situation that had developed in the Netherlands since 1795, but also wished it to be continued (Note 62). The restitution of the collections carried off to France could only be considered in its entirety after the defeat of Napoleon at the Battle of Waterloo on 18 June 1815- This was no simple matter, but in the end most, though not all, of the former possessions of William V were returned to the Netherlands. What was not or could not be recovered then (inc.uding 66 paintings, for example) is still in France today (Note 71)- On 20 November 1815 127 paintings, including Paulus Potter's Young Bull (Fig. 15), made a ceremonial entry into The Hague. But on 6 October, before anything had actually been returned, it had already been stipulated by Royal Decree that the control of the objects would hence forlh be in the hands of the State (Note 72). Thus William I no longer regarded his father's collections as the private property of the House of Orange, but he did retain the right to decide on the fulure destiny of the... painting.s and objects of art and science'. For the time being the paintings were replaced in the Gallery on the Buitenhof, from which they had been removed in 1795 (Note 73). In November 1815 the natural history collection was made the property of Leiden University (Note 74), becoming the basis for the Rijksmuseum voor Natuurlijke Historie, The print collection, part of the Royal Library in The Hague, was exchanged in May 1816 for the national collectiort of coins and medals, part of the Rijksmuseum. As of 1 Jufy 1816 directors were appointed for four different institutions in The Hague, the Koninklijke Bibliotheek (with the Koninklijk Penningkabinet ) , the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen and the Yoninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamheden (Note 80) . From that time these institutions led independenl lives. The king continued to lake a keen interest in them and not merely in respect of collecting Their accommodation in The Hague was already too cramped in 1816. By a Royal Decree of 18 May 1819 the Hotel Huguetan, the former palace of the. crown prince on Lange Voorhout, was earmarked for the Koninklijke Bibliotheek and the Koninklijk Penningkabinet (Note 87) . while at the king's behest the Mauritshuis, which had been rented up to then, was bought by the State on 27 March 1820 and on IO July allotted to the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen and the Koninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamheden (Note 88). Only the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen is still in the place assigned to it by William and the collection has meanwhile become so identified with its home that it is generally known as the Mauritshui.s'. William i's most important gift was made in July 1816,just after the foundation of the four royal institutions, when he had deposited most of the objects that his father had taken first to England and later to Oranienstein in the Koninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamheden. The rarities (Fig. 17), curios (Fig. 18) and paintings (Fig. 19), remained there (Note 84), while the other art objects were sorted and divided between the Koninklijke Bibliotheek (the manuscripts and books) and the koninklijk Penningkabinet (the cameos and gems) (Note 85). In 1819 and 182 the king also gave the Koninklijke Bibliotheek an important part of the Nassau Library from the castle at Dillenburg. Clearly he is one of the European monarchs who in the second half of the 18th and the 19th century made their collectiorts accessible to the public, and thus laid the foundatinns of many of today's museums. But William 1 also made purchases on behalf of the institutions he had created. For the Koninklijke Bibliotheek, for example, he had the 'Tweede Historiebijbel', made in Utrecht around 1430, bought in Louvain in 1829 for 1, 134 guilders (Pigs.30,3 I, Note 92). For the Koninkijk Penningkabinet he bought a collection of 62 gems and four cameos , for ,50,000 guilders in 1819. This had belonged to the philosopher Frans Hemsterhuis, the keeper of his father's cabinet of antiquities (Note 95) . The most spectacular acquisition. for the Penninukabinet., however, was a cameo carved in onyx, a late Roman work with the Triumph of Claudius, which the king bought in 1823 for 50,000 guilders, an enormous sum in those days. The Koninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamhedert also received princely gifts. In 1821- the so-called doll's house of Tzar Peter was bought out of the king's special funds for 2.800 guilders (Figs.33, 34, ,Note 97) , while even in 1838, when no more money was available for art, unnecessary expenditure on luxury' the Von Siebold ethnographical collection was bought at the king's behest for over 55,000 guilders (Note 98). The Koninklijk Kabinel van Schilderyen must have been close to the hearl of the king, who regarded it as an extension of the palace (Notes 99, 100) . The old master paintings he acquzred for it are among the most important in the collection (the modern pictures, not dealt with here, were transferred to the Paviljoen Welgelegen in Haarlem in 1838, Note 104). For instance, in 1820 he bought a portrait of Johan Maurice of Nassau (Fig.35)., while in 1822, against the advice of the then director, he bought Vermeer' s View of Delft for 2,900 guilders (Fig.36, Note 105) and in 1827 it was made known, from Brussels that His Majesty had recommended the purchase of Rogier van der Weyden's Lamentation (Fig.37) . The most spectacular example of the king's love for 'his' museum, however, is the purchase in 1828 of Rembrandt's Anatomy Lesson of Dr. Nicolaes Tulp for 32,000 guilders. The director of the Rijksmuseum, C. Apostool, cortsidered this Rembrandt'sfinest painting and had already drawn attention to it in 1817, At the king'.s behest the picture, the purchase of which had been financed in part by the sale of a number of painlings from. the Rijksmuseum, was placed in the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen in The Hague. On his accession King William I had left the art objects which had become state propery after being ceded by the French to the Batavian Republic in 1795 as they were. He reclaimed the collections carried off to France as his own property, but it can be deduced from the Royal Decrees of 1815 and 1816 that it Was his wish that they should be made over to the State, including those paintings that form the nucleus of the collection in the Mauritshuis. In addition, in 1816 he handed over many art objects which his father had taken with him into exile. His son, William II, later accepted this, after having the matter investigated (Note 107 and Appendix IV). Thus William I'S munificence proves to have been much more extensive than has ever been realized.

British private investors were not inclined to view the leaders of newly independent Indonesia with much confidence. In 1949, when the transfer of sovereignty from the Netherlands to the Republic of Indonesia was imminent, the chairman of the United Serdang (Sumatra) Rubber Plantations disclosed the following opinion to the firm's shareholders at a gathering in London's Great Tower Street: “The Republican leaders are mainly ambitious men, whose records are well known, striving for personal aggrandizement. The measure of their interest in the welfare of the country is to be gauged by their policy of wanton destruction of life and physical assets, such as estate factories and ancillary buildings, which are essential for the restoration of the economy of the country once the political problem has been settled.” This article is about how a British enterprise dealt with the significant uncertainties prevailing in the business environment of Indonesia during the early independence period, in particular the 1950s.The economic situation in newly independent Indonesia was a peculiar one. As a major exporter of primary products in high demand such as oil and rubber, prospects were generally bright for the Indonesian economy during and after the Korean War. Just as under colonialism, a modern, large-scale sector accounting for almost 25 per cent of GDP (gross domestic product) was still dominated by Dutch firms and British and American multinationals. Eight large Dutch trading companies handled 60 per cent of consumer goods imports. Nevertheless, the business climate had changed dramatically for foreign firms operating in Indonesia. The 1950s saw a gradual shift away from moderate policy-makers towards an increasingly vocal economic nationalism. The former were acutely aware of the country's dependence on foreign capital and know-how, whereas the latter relentlessly pushed for full decolonisation, that is not only in political but in economic terms. Nationalist sentiments gained the upper hand during the first cabinet of Ali Sastroamidjojo (July 1953–July 1955), culminating with the takeover of virtually all remaining Dutch-owned enterprises in Indonesia from December 1957 onwards, eventually followed by formal nationalisation in 1959. Although economic nationalism in the 1950s primarily targeted Dutch enterprises, British foreign firms were affected as well. At a later stage, in the context of the Indonesian military confrontation with Malaysia (1963–6), they were also seized, albeit not nationalised.

SummaryDuring the Second World War Germany and German nationals looted the Netherlands and its nationals of many valuable assets, that were taken to Germany. Often the looting took the form of forced sales. In some cases, the sales price was too low, in other cases the German buyer paid market value or more, but often the buyer paid with guilders looted from the Dutch State. After the liberation of the Netherlands the ‘restoration of rights regime’ enabled victims of forced sales to seek annulment of the sales. This article concentrates on those movable goods that were sold to German buyers and that, after the war, returned from Germany to the Netherlands with the help of the Allied Forces, the so-called recuperation goods. If the seller did not seek annulment before the deadline of July 1951, for example because the price paid was considerable so that he preferred to keep the purchase price, or if his request was rejected, the Dutch State should not be forced to return these goods to their German buyer. Therefore, these goods were first subjected to Royal Decree E 133 which expropriated all German owned property in the Netherlands. Upon return to the Netherlands the recuperation goods became State property, but this measure could be undone by the seller successfully seeking annulment of the sales contract under Royal Decree E 100. However, if no annulment took place, the State remained owner of these goods.