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Journal articles on the topic 'Science and feminism'

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1

Conway, Janet M. "Popular Feminism: Considering a Concept in Feminist Politics and Theory." Latin American Perspectives 48, no. 4 (June 28, 2021): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x211013008.

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An analysis of popular feminism as a category in Latin American feminist studies from its origins in the 1980s and its disappearance in the 1990s to its resurgence in the present through the protagonism of the World March of Women, asks what is at stake in this contemporary claim to popular feminism in relation to the multiplication of feminisms. The contemporary use of the concept specifies a feminist praxis that is contentious, materialist, and counterhegemonic in permanently unsettled relations both with other feminisms and mixed-gender movements on the left. Despite converging agendas for redistribution, it also remains in considerable tension with black and indigenous feminisms. As a racially unmarked category, contemporary popular feminism continues to reproduce an elision of race and colonialism common to mestiza feminism and the political left. Un análisis del feminismo popular como categoría en los estudios feministas latinoamericanos, desde sus orígenes en la década de 1980 y su desaparición en la década de 1990 hasta su actual resurgimiento a través del protagonismo de la Marcha Mundial de la Mujer nos lleva a preguntarnos qué está en juego en esta reivindicación contemporánea del feminismo popular cuando lo consideramos en relación a la actual multiplicación de feminismos. El uso contemporáneo del concepto especifica una praxis feminista que es polémica, materialista y contrahegemónica dentro del marco de relaciones permanentemente inestables, tanto con otros feminismos como con movimientos izquierdistas de género mixto. A pesar de las agendas convergentes de redistribución, también mantiene una tensión considerable con los feminismos negros e indígenas. Como categoría racialmente inespecífica, el feminismo popular contemporáneo mantiene sus elisiones de raza y colonialismo, asunto característico del feminismo mestizo, así como de la izquierda política.
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Soleman, Aris, and Reza Adeputra Tohis. "Science Feminis: Sebuah Kajian Sosiologi Pengetahuan." SPECTRUM: Journal of Gender and Children Studies 1, no. 2 (March 9, 2022): 80–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.30984/spectrum.v1i2.171.

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Feminism science is a science that makes women both the subject and the object of research. This study aims to reveal the social processes of the formation of feminism science. This research uses qualitative research methods with scientific theory study techniques, and uses the sociology of knowledge as an analytical approach. The result of this research is that the social process of the formation of feminism science takes place in three momentums, namely, externalization and objectification in which feminist movements and thoughts emerge in three phases which provide the foundation for the formation of feminism science in its internalization momentum. Abstrak Science feminis adalah ilmu pengetahuan yang menjadikan perempuan sebagai subjek sekaligus objek penelitian. Penelitian ini bertujuan mengungkap proses-proses sosial terbentuknya science feminisme . Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan teknik studi teori ilmiah, dan menggunakan sosiologi pengetahuan sebagai pendekatan analisis. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah bahwa proses sosial terbentuknya science feminis berlangsung dalam tiga momentum yakni, eksternalisasi serta objektifikasi di mana gerakan dan pemikiran feminis muncul dalam tiga fase yang memberikan landasan bagi terbentuknya science feminis dalam moemntum internalisasinya. Penelitian ini juga menunjukan wacana sains feminis di Indonesia.
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Barbosa, Lia Pinheiro. "Lajan lajan ’ayatik or “Walking in Complementary Pairs” in the Zapatista Women’s Struggle." Latin American Perspectives 48, no. 5 (May 14, 2021): 4–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x211012645.

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The women’s struggle as articulated by women of the Zapatista movement in their Women’s Revolutionary Law is an insurgent, revolutionary, rebel, and autonomous feminism—a feminism in dialogue with popular feminisms in Latin America such as peasant and popular feminism and communitarian feminism. La lucha articulada por las mujeres del movimiento zapatista en su Ley Revolucionaria de la Mujer constituye un feminismo insurgente, revolucionario, rebelde y autónomo. Es también un feminismo en diálogo con otros feminismos populares en América Latina, tales como el feminismo campesino y popular y el feminismo comunitario.
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4

Motta, Renata. "Feminist Solidarities and Coalitional Identity: The Popular Feminism of the Marcha das Margaridas." Latin American Perspectives 48, no. 5 (June 17, 2021): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x211017896.

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The Marcha das Margaridas is a mass mobilization in Brazil led by women’s organizations within rural unions in alliance with other social movements and nongovernmental organizations, including transnational partners such as the World March of Women. The main political subjects are rural working women, a political identity that articulates gender, class, and urban-rural inequalities. These are foundational for the popular feminism of the Marcha. An examination of the Marcha das Margaridas guided by a theoretical discussion of poststructural feminism and postcolonial feminism on the role of political identities in building coalitions reveals that it expands the agenda of popular feminism in its relationship to historical feminist agendas and intersectional feminisms and in its coalition politics with men and the left. A Marcha das Margaridas é uma mobilização de massa no Brasil liderada por organismos de mulheres dentro de sindicatos rurais em aliança com outros movimentos sociais e organizações não governamentais (ONGs), incluindo parceiros transnacionais como a Marcha Mundial das Mulheres. Os principais sujeitos políticos são as mulheres trabalhadoras rurais, uma identidade política que articula as desigualdades de gênero, classe e urbano-rurais. Estes são fundamentais para o feminismo popular da Marcha. Um estudo da Marcha das Margaridas guiado por uma discussão teórica do feminismo pós-estrutural e do feminismo pós-colonial sobre o papel das identidades políticas na construção de coalizões revela que ela expande a agenda do feminismo popular em sua relação com agendas feministas históricas e feminismos intersetoriais, como também em sua coalizão política com os homens e a esquerda.
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5

Fajri, Rifdah Ayu, and Angkita Wasito Kirana. "PANDANGAN FEMINISME DALAM LAGU DEAR FUTURE HUSBAND OLEH MEGHAN TRAINOR." ETNOLINGUAL 4, no. 2 (December 14, 2020): 104–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/etno.v4i2.23129.

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AbstractThis paper aims to examine the application of the concept of feminism at the level of the American family through the analysis of a song entitled Dear Future Husband, sung by Meghan Trainor, an American singer. In analyzing this phenomenon the author uses the concept of feminism which is promoted by Kate Millett (1970) and mimetic approach. From the results of this study, it is found that in this song, the concept of feminism is still not fully applied in the family sphere. This is because women, as the subject of feminist understanding, still do not fully want this concept for themselves. Keywords: feminism, family, Meghan Traynor, America AbstrakMakalah ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji aplikasi konsep feminisme dalam tataran keluarga Amerika melalui analisa diskursi lagu berjudul Dear Future Husband yang dinyanyikan oleh Meghan Trainor, seorang penyanyi berkebangsaan Amerika. Dalam menganalisa fenomena ini penulis menggunakan konsep feminisme yang diusung oleh Kate Millett (1970) dan pendekatan mimetik. Dari hasil penelitian ini, didapat bahwa pada pada lagu ini, konsep feminisme masih belum sepenuhnya diaplikasikan dalam lingkup keluarga. Hal ini dikarenakan perempuan, sebagai subyek dari paham feminis masih belum sepenuhnya menginginkan konsep tersebut bagi dirinya sendiri. Kata kunci : feminisme, keluarga, , Meghan Traynor, Amerika
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Putri, Perdana. "Quest for Feminist Technology: Challenges to 21st Feminism." Jurnal Perempuan 21, no. 4 (November 5, 2016): 395–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.34309/jp.v21i4.146.

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As world develops toward a digital and informational society, feminism finds its place in challenging situation. Numbers of women involved in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering and Math) are progressively increasing in 21st century. However, the questionremains whether this rising number has significant impact for feminist movement in science, knowledge, and technology. The development of science and technology, foreseeably enough, is quite inimical to feminism1. Using epistemological feminist approach, this paper aims to analyze the contemporary problem of feminism in technology, how its discourse needs to be more developed and critically assessed. I find that feminism needs to broaden its critics not only in term of social-political practice of women in technology, but also it needs to establish its own bodily knowledge in seeking for so-called feminist technology.
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Calloni, Marina. "Feminism, Politics, Theories and Science." European Journal of Women's Studies 10, no. 1 (February 2003): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506803010001799.

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Are women's movement and feminist theories still connected to radical politics and the interest in changing social inequalities, when feminism has been `institutionalized', for instance in the academia, and has become a mainstreaming issue in social policies? This main question was put to eminent feminist scholars, with the aim of investigating the renewed critical role of international feminism and women's/gender studies in society, science, information, education and research. A reconstruction of the main changes which have occurred to women's movements and feminist theories in the last decades were the core of the interview, stressing differences and disagreement, also in relation to the new sociopolitical claims, supported by younger generations. The conclusion was that feminism has not lost its historical political mission, even though the world scenario and ideologies have dramatically changed. Indeed, feminism has become transcultural and `glocal', facing new socioeconomic inequities induced by globalization both in western societies and countries in development, confronting with the transformation of collective/gender identities and questioning the increasing importance of (bio)technologies.
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Najib, Muhammad Ainun. "Tasawuf Dan Perempuan Pemikiran Sufi-Feminisme Kh. Husein Muhammad." Kontemplasi: Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Ushuluddin 8, no. 1 (August 25, 2020): 203–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21274/kontem.2020.8.1.203-228.

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Abstract Husein Muhammad is often classified as a liberal feminist because of his involvement in the thoughts and movements of feminism in Indonesia. Some researchers emphatically liberal feminism in the thinking of Kiai Husein. However, if it is read carefully, there are slips of feminist thought and movement of Kiai Husein with a Sufistic nuance even though it starts from the interpretation of gender or fiqh of the female which is indeed the core of his science. Kiai Husein's Sufistic thought traces are clearly seen in three ways. First, women are sacred and respectable creatures. This is excerpted from the speech of the Muhammad in the event of hajj WADA'. Second, loving equality is a loving God (mahabbah). For Kiai Husein, the sign of someone loving his Lord is a sincere recognition of the equality of men and women. The use of the concept of mahabbah in feminism confirms, in the thought of Kiai Husein, Sufism in feminism. Third, women are not a matter of the body, but spirit. In the midst of the ideology of capitalism which makes the female body a vessel of sensuality, Kiai Husein defended women through human essence, including men, which lies in the spirit. Keywords: Woman, Sufism, KH. Husein Muhammad, thoughts, feminism. Abstrak Husein Muhammad acapkali diklasifikasikan sebagai feminis liberal lantaran keterlibatannya dalam pemikiran dan gerakan feminisme di Indonesia. Beberapa peneliti dengan tegas feminisme liberal dalam pemikiran Kiai Husein. Namun, bila dibaca dengan saksama, terselip pemikiran dan gerakan feminisme Kiai Husein yang bernuansa sufistik sekalipun hal itu berawal dari tafsir gender atau fikih perempuan yang memang menjadi core keilmuannya. Jejak pemikiran sufistik Kiai Husein terlihat dengan gamblang dalam tiga hal. Pertama, Perempuan adalah makhluk suci dan terhormat. Ini disarikan dari pidato Nabi Muhammad dalam peristiwa haji wada’. Kedua, mencintai kesetaraan adalah mencintai Tuhan (mahabbah). Bagi Kiai Husein, tanda seorang mencintai Tuhannya adalah pengakuan yang tulus terhadap kesetaraan laki-laki dan perempuan. Penggunaan konsep mahabbah dalam feminisme menegaskan, dalam pemikiran Kiai Husein, tasawuf dalam feminisme. Ketiga, perempuan bukan soal tubuh, tapir ruh. Di tengah ideologi kapitalisme yang menjadikan tubuh perempuan sebagai bejana sensualitas, Kiai Husein melakukan pembelaan terhadap perempuan melalui esensi manusia, termasuk laki-laki, yang terletak pada ruh. Kata Kunci: Perempuan, tasawuf, KH. Husein Muhammad, pemikiran.
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9

Parashar, Swati, and Daria B. Kazarinova. "Introducing the Special Issue: Interview with Swati Parashar about Women and Feminism in Global Politics." RUDN Journal of Political Science 24, no. 1 (February 25, 2022): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-7-15.

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Gender issues and feminist studies are rare in Russian Political Science. This gap is surprising given the increasing international recognition of womens rights, as well as growing interest in mainstreaming gender equality norms and removing key obstacles to womens advancement. This special issue addresses this gap by bringing together studies that use feminist optics to examine a variety of political spaces, including those where feminism has not yet become an ideological mainstream. Presenting the contributions and the core ideas that unite them, we discussed with Professor Swati Parashar non-Western feminisms and problematic legacies of Western feminisms. Guiding our conversation were questions such as: What is feminism today? What is feminist foreign policy and what is its potential? In what ways can gender equality quotas contribute to the political empowerment of women? How can international organizations encourage diversity in womens representations from the Global South?
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10

Rosser, Sue V. "Feminist Scholarship in the Sciences: Where Are We Now and When Can We Expect A Theoretical Breakthrough?" Hypatia 2, no. 3 (1987): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1987.tb01338.x.

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The work of feminists in science may seem less voluminous and less theoretical than the feminist scholarship in some humanities and social science disciplines. However, the recent burst of scholarship on women and science allows categorization of feminist work into six distinct but related categories: 1) teaching and curriculum transformation in science, 2) history of women in science, 3) current status of women in science, 4) feminist critique of science, 5) feminine science, 6) feminist theory of science. More feminists in science are needed to further explore science and its relationships to women and feminism in order to change traditional science to a feminist science.
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11

Lister, Ruth. "Being Feminist." Government and Opposition 40, no. 3 (2005): 442–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2005.00159.x.

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AbstractThe article starts by locating both the author and men in relation to feminism as an identity, which cuts across the public–private divide. It then attempts to illuminate the meaning of ‘being feminist’ by addressing three, tightly interwoven, issues. First is the question: what is the ‘woman’ who is the subject of feminism? The second section discusses the nature of feminism in its various guises, focusing mainly on feminism in Britain since the late 1960s. It engages with the notions of ‘post-feminism’, ‘global sisterhood’ and a ‘third wave’. Finally, the article analyses critically feminism's uneasy relationship with identity politics.
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12

Weasel, Lisa. "Dismantling the Self/Other Dichotomy in Science: Towards a Feminist Model of the Immune System." Hypatia 16, no. 1 (2001): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2001.tb01047.x.

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Despite the development of a vast body of literature pertaining to feminism and science, examples of how feminist phifosophies might be applied to scientific theories and practice have been limited. Moreover, most scientists remain unfamiliar with how feminism pertains to their work. Using the example of the immune system, this paper applies three feminist epistemologies feminist empiricism, feminist standpoint theory, and feminist postmodernismtoassess competingchims of immune function within a feminist context.
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Johnson, Pauline. "Learning from the Budapest School women." Thesis Eleven 151, no. 1 (April 2019): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513619839245.

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What can Western feminism hope to learn from women whose feminisms were originally shaped by experiences behind the ‘Iron Curtain’? In the first instance, an acute sensitivity to the importance of a politics that is responsive to needs. In its social democratic heyday, Western feminism had embraced a politics of contested need interpretation. Now, though, a neoliberal version has converted feminism into an attitudinal resource for the individual woman who is bent upon success. The takeover was made easy by the poor self-understanding of social democratic feminism. My paper will compare Agnes Heller’s theory of ‘radical needs’ and Maria Márkus’s account of the ‘politicization of needs’ and apply both to the normative clarification of endangered feminist agendas. We look to the Budapest School women for more than just a way of conceptualizing the political radicalism of modern feminism as a social movement. Women need heroes too and a reflection upon the dignified and admirable lives of Agnes Heller and Maria Márkus has much to contribute to an ongoing search for a feminist ethic of the self.
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Hiner, Hillary. "Finding Feminism through Faith: Casa Yela, Popular Feminism, and the Women-Church Movement in Chile." Latin American Perspectives 48, no. 5 (June 11, 2021): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x211013009.

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Among the popular feminist projects of the dictatorship period in Chile was the Yela group in Talca, made up of pobladoras (women shantytown residents) and two Maryknoll sisters. Of particular interest is the manner in which this group’s popular feminism and antiviolence work during the 1980s was shaped by the women-church movement and feminist theology related to patriarchy, violence against women, and women’s collective resistance strategies. Over the long term, religious elements were gradually excluded from Casa Yela’s antiviolence work in favor of more secular feminist interpretations. Entre los proyectos feministas populares durante la época de la dictadura en Chile se encuentra la presencia del grupo Yela de Talca, formado por pobladoras (mujeres residentes de poblaciones) y dos hermanas Maryknoll. De particular interés es la forma en que el feminismo popular y antiviolencia de este grupo durante la década de 1980 se moldeó a partir del movimiento mujer-iglesia y la teología feminista relacionada con el patriarcado, la violencia contra las mujeres y las estrategias de resistencia colectiva de mujeres. A largo plazo, los elementos religiosos fueron gradualmente excluidos del trabajo antiviolencia de Casa Yela en favor de interpretaciones feministas más seculares.
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Lakomski, Gabriele. "Against feminist science: Harding and the science question in feminism." Educational Philosophy and Theory 21, no. 2 (January 1989): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-5812.1989.tb00164.x.

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16

Mahmood, Ambreen, and Masroor Sibtain. "Exploring Feminism and Marital Relations in “The Optimist” by Bina Shah: A Transitivity Analysis." Global Language Review V, no. IV (December 30, 2020): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/glr.2020(v-iv).12.

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The current research paper tries to explore feminism and marital relations in an English short story by Bina Shah in a Pakistani context. Halliday's Trnsitivity System (2004) as textual analysis supported to identify the feminine and feminist traits in English fiction. The high frequency of material process (66) out of 200 clauses presented Raheela as a feminist, whereas the Relational process (56) reflected her feminine traits. The participants of the processes and circumstances made the institution of marriage clear; the desire and choice for marriage, sending marriage proposal and accepting proposal were all by the groom, his parents and bride's parents, but the bride had no right to express her choice and is generally supposed to follow her parents. Marital relation was built without the compatibility of the participants of marriage. The research helped to identify the writer's reflection of feminism and unfolded Asian culture with respect to marriage.
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17

Shildrick, Margrit. "Feminism and Science." Women’s Philosophy Review, no. 16 (1996): 23–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/wpr19961642.

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18

Bammer, Gabriele. "Feminism and science." Australian Feminist Studies 2, no. 4 (March 1987): 225–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08164649.1987.9961556.

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19

McNeil, Maureen. "Feminism In Science?" Science as Culture 9, no. 3 (September 2000): 413–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713695254.

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Weisfeld, Carol Cronin, and Barbara Hollar. "Feminism and Science." Politics and the Life Sciences 4, no. 1 (August 1985): 98–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073093840002089x.

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Shah, Chayanika, and Vivek Vellanki. "Feminism and Science." Contemporary Education Dialogue 12, no. 1 (January 2015): 126–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973184914556871.

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Kim, Crystal, and Jessica Ringrose. "“Stumbling Upon Feminism”." Girlhood Studies 11, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 46–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ghs.2018.110205.

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In this article, we discuss a case study of a feminist society in a girls’ secondary school in England, highlighting how teenage girls use social media to combat sexism. Considering the recent growth of feminist societies in UK schools, there is still a lack of research documenting how young feminists use social media’s feminist content and connections. Addressing this gap, we draw on interviews and social media analyses to examine how girls navigate feminisms online and in school. Despite their multifaceted use of social media, the girls in our research undervalued digital feminism as valid or valued, in large part because of dismissive teacher and peer responses. We conclude by suggesting that schools need to cultivate social media as a legitimate pedagogical space by developing informed adult support for youth engagement with social justice-oriented online content.
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Safford, Betty. "Comment on Zita's Review of The Science Question in Feminism." Hypatia 5, no. 1 (1990): 181–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1990.tb00406.x.

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The claim is made that although she undervalues the work in question, Zita poses important questions for feminist philosophers of science. Reference ismade to further evidence supporting Harding's extended argument that science is neither characterized by objectivity nor value-free, and a concern which may have some relationship to Zita's “feminist question of the science question in feminism” is noted.
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Arango-Vargas, Carolina. "Perched on a Parched Hill: Popular Women, Popular Feminism, and the Struggle for Water in Medellín." Latin American Perspectives 48, no. 4 (May 14, 2021): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x211013007.

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Organized popular women in Medellín, Colombia, have exerted lasting influence on the city’s women’s movement by centering a gender-class approach to women’s issues and thus contributing to long-standing forms of popular feminism in Latin America. The work of the grassroots Red de Mujeres Populares and the nongovernmental organization Corporación Vamos Mujer in positioning the right to water as a key demand on the city’s feminist agenda draws upon a legacy of socialist feminisms. These organizations’ praxis demonstrates that the struggle for water is political and embodies a critique of care work within the capitalist structure articulated from a gender and class consciousness. Popular women reclaim their identity as political agents of their own making, underscoring their active role as women whose lives are defined by political acumen rather than scarcity. Las mujeres populares organizadas en Medellín, Colombia, han ejercido una influencia duradera en el movimiento de mujeres de la ciudad al centrar un enfoque de clase y género en el análisis de las problemáticas de las mujeres, contribuyendo así a la larga tradición del feminismo popular en Latinoamérica. El trabajo que la organización de base Red de Mujeres Populares y la organización no gubernamental Corporación Vamos Mujer desarrollan en torno a la lucha por establecer, el derecho al agua como una demanda clave en la agenda feminista de la ciudad, se basa en el legado de los feminismos socialistas. La praxis de estas organizaciones demuestra que la lucha por el agua es política a la vez que encarna una crítica al trabajo del cuidado dentro de la estructura capitalista, articulada a partir de la conciencia de clase y género. Las mujeres populares reclaman su identidad como agentes políticas de su propia creación, subrayando su papel activo como mujeres cuyas vidas se definen a partir de la perspicacia política en lugar de la escasez.
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Dobrowolsky, Alexandra, Fiona MacDonald, Tracey Raney, Cheryl N. Collier, and Pascale Dufour. "Finding Feminism(s) in Canadian Political Science Scholarship: Diversity and Resistance in an Era of Global Uncertainty." Canadian Journal of Political Science 50, no. 2 (June 2017): 403–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842391700049x.

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It is with great pleasure that we present this special issue showcasing contemporary feminist political research, theories and practices in Canada. In an era characterized by global movements and numerous transformations that range from the economic to the environmental, the political to the cultural, from macro- through to micro-scales, including complex debates about the fluidity of gender, and where “backlash” against the symbols and agents of past feminist activism is rife, this special issue queries where do we find feminism(s) today? The responses to this question, as well as to the interrogation of the place of gender in the discipline of political science more generally, are undoubtedly diverse and contested. The collective efforts contained in this special issue feature a mere taste of the rich range of thought-provoking recent scholarship on feminisms. And even with this necessarily condensed portrayal (the articles in this issue are shorter than is normally the case to allow for more work to be featured), the special issue is ground-breaking in that it marks the first time the Canadian Journal of Political Science/Revue canadienne de science politique has dedicated an entire issue to topics of gender and feminisms.
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Blasco Herranz, Inmaculada. "«The power of motherhood […], free of obstacles, will amply fulfil its eternal mission». Feminism and motherhood in the early 20th century Spain." Feminismo/s, no. 41 (January 2, 2023): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/fem.2023.41.05.

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Historical analysis carried out on feminism in early 20th-century Spain has emphasised its social nature. Similar to other feminisms of the time in Southern and Central Europe, Spanish feminism advocated women’s social rights (education, equal pay, workers’ protection) over suffrage, at least until the First World War. This article aims to contribute to the debate on social feminism from a notion of the social as the epistemological frame pervaded by social hygiene and social medicine, in which historical feminism and its demands could conform and deploy. With this analytical horizon in mind, the specific meaning with which motherhood was endowed at the beginning of the 20th century is explored, not only as one of the core values of womanhood as understood by feminists but also as a nuclear argument articulating their demands for civil, social and political rights. In order to offer a contextualised depiction and hopefully a more accurate explanation of social feminism, different feminist voices will be heard through their writings, press articles and conferences. The major conclusions of this analysis points to the active role of motherhood in fashioning and presenting feminism as a social and national movement for reform and regeneration through women–mothers. Motherhood orientated feminist action and objectives towards women and children’s well-being and healthcare, and it was used to legitimate and demand civil and political rights. But defining women’s’ interests, demanding social rights, as well as including mother and child protection in their programmes, were not a natural tendency of women or feminists, but the product of a complex historical construction in which the new rationality of the social, pervaded by gender differences, generated a new space for intervention from different knowledges and practices.
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Gerson, Gal. "Liberal Feminism: Individuality and Oppositions in Wollstonecraft and Mill." Political Studies 50, no. 4 (September 2002): 794–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00008.

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The essay explores liberal feminism by matching Wollstonecraft's and J. S. Mill's works against radical feminist criticism. Though censured by radicals for perceiving society in binary terms modeled on the male-female distinction, liberal feminists subscribe to a worldview that is variegated and dynamic. Liberal feminism does not oppose nature to culture or individuality to society, but rather sees the ability to achieve autonomous personhood as dependent on social conditions. This insight underpins liberal feminism's attitude to the status of women: to form as rational agents, humans have to be provided with social safeguards such as education and the vote. Far from being starkly individualistic, this agenda is based on liberal feminism's perception of individual rationality as a social product.
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Kurtiş, Tuğçe, and Glenn Adams. "Decolonizing Liberation: Toward a Transnational Feminist Psychology." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 3, no. 1 (August 21, 2015): 388–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v3i1.326.

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This paper engages the theme of “decolonizing psychological science” in the context of a perspective on psychological theory and research—namely, feminist psychology—that shares an emphasis on broad liberation. Although conceived as a universal theory and practice of liberation, scholars across diverse sites have suggested that feminism—perhaps especially as it manifests in psychological science—is not always compatible with and at times is even contradictory to global struggles for decolonization. The liberatory impulse of feminist psychology falls short of its potential not only because of its grounding in neocolonial legacies of hegemonic feminisms, but also because of its complicity with neocolonial tendencies of hegemonic psychological science. In response to these concerns, we draw upon on perspectives of transnational feminisms and cultural psychology as tools to decolonize (feminist) psychology. We then propose the possibility of a (transnational) feminist psychology that takes the epistemological position of people in various marginalized majority-world settings as a resource to rethink conventional scientific wisdom and liberate “liberation”. Rather than freeing some women to better participate in global domination, a transnational feminist psychology illuminates sustainable ways of being that are consistent with broader liberation of humanity in general.
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Majetic, Senka Ena. "Differences between Feminist and Mainstream Approaches to Social Science, Most Notably in Sociology, Political Science, Anthropology and History." JOURNAL OF ADVANCES IN HUMANITIES 2, no. 1 (June 25, 2014): 47–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jah.v2i1.414.

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Abstract - It is widely accepted among feminists that feminism implies a distinctive approach to inquiry. And for some this is not just a matter of the grounds on which topics are selected for investigation, or even of the theoretical ideas that are treated as relevant. Rather, feminism is taken to carry distinctive methodological and epistemological implications (Hammersley, 1995: 45). In this paper I want to assess the arguments for a distinctively feminist methodology. My first task, though, is to provide some detail about what this is taken to entail. There are, of course, important differences among feminists who have written on this topic, and in the course of the discussion I will highlight some of these. I certainly do not want to suggest that what I am assessing is a single position, nor am I claiming to represent the basis on which most feminists actually do research. My main concern here is solely with feminist writing about methodology.
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Repo, Jemima. "Feminist Commodity Activism: The New Political Economy of Feminist Protest." International Political Sociology 14, no. 2 (January 17, 2020): 215–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ips/olz033.

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Abstract This article theorizes the commodification of the recent resurgence of feminist activism through the concept of “feminist commodity activism.” The focus is on the mass popularization of feminist-themed commodities, with T-shirts as a particular focus. First, I discuss how the mass marketing of feminist goods ties in with: (a) commodity feminism, by refetishizing commodities and consumption as empowering for women; (b) neoliberal feminism, through the construction of the feminist as an economic and choice-making subject; and (c) commodity activism, by entangling feminism with the discourses and practices of ethical consumption. Building on these concepts, I propose “feminist commodity activism” as a way to capture and further analyze the current commodification of feminism activism occurring at their intersection. I argue that feminist commodity activism instigates three further shifts: the commodification of the aesthetic experience of feminist street protest; the transfer of feminist activist agency to companies, charities, and entrepreneurs; and the branding of the feminist as a subject of value. Finally, the article considers the challenges that these shifts pose for feminist critique and politics.
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RIBEIRO (UFPA), Joyce Otânia Seixas. "DIVERGÊNCIAS E CONVERGÊNCIAS ENTRE O FEMINISMO DECOLONIAL DE MARÍA LUGONES, A HISTORIOGRAFIA FEMINISTA E O FEMINISMO PÓS-ESTRUTURALISTA." Margens 16, no. 26 (June 30, 2022): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.18542/rmi.v16i26.11154.

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Our intention is to carry out an introductory comparative analysis of three relevant feminist approaches that divide the gender studies scene. Despite the risks, the methodological decision was made by theoretical research (Salvador, 1986; Apple, 1994), aware that it is politically informed, as theories reveal interests of the class, gender, sexuality, nation, race/ethnicity, generation, and are linked to social practice. To proceed with the study, we highlight three aspects, which are: the assumptions, the notion of gender, and the political commitment. The results we have reached inform about the existence of divergences and convergences between these feminist approaches, confirming the irreconcilable divergence between feminist historiography and poststructuralist feminism, inconsistent convergence between poststructuralist feminism, and decolonial feminism, and convergence between feminist historiography and decolonial feminism.Keywords: Feminist historiography. Poststructuralist feminism. Decolonial feminism.
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Kettrey, Heather Hensman, Alyssa J. Davis, and Jessica Liberman. "“Consent Is F#@king Required”: Hashtag Feminism Surrounding Sexual Consent in a Culture of Postfeminist Contradictions." Social Media + Society 7, no. 4 (October 2021): 205630512110629. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051211062915.

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Hashtag feminism exists in a time of postfeminist contradictions marked by the simultaneous existence of popular feminism and popular misogyny. In one such contradiction, popular feminism has led women to expect the successful negotiation of sexual consent, while popular misogyny permits the circulation of traditional sexual scripts that disregard the necessity of consent. In this study, we analyze messages conveyed through digitized narratives of sexual consent posted on Tumblr, a social media site that is popular among feminist activists, to identify the ways that users construct meaning around the dissonance between expectations for consent and the inequalities that inhibit its negotiation. We specifically explore whether hashtag feminism navigates postfeminist contradictions in a way that simultaneously calls out misogyny and calls on feminism. We find that the Tumblr posts in our sample did both, albeit in a manner that failed to offer tangible solutions to the problem at hand. Calls on feminism were largely limited to tagging feminist allies and recirculating existing feminist campaigns. Thus, we argue that the hashtag ultimately became a handoff to a larger feminist abstraction. Future research should explore conditions under which activists link tangible issues, actors, and agendas to an otherwise abstract popular feminism.
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Mahmud, Lilith. "Feminism in the House of Anthropology." Annual Review of Anthropology 50, no. 1 (October 21, 2021): 345–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-anthro-101819-110218.

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Although early feminist insights about reflexivity and fieldwork relations have become core tenets of anthropological theories, feminism itself has been marginalized in anthropology. This review examines feminist contributions to American cultural anthropology since the 1990s across four areas of scholarship: the anthropology of science and medicine, political anthropology, economic anthropology, and ethnography as writing and genre. Treating feminist anthropology as a traveling theory capable of addressing critical social problems beyond gender, this article aims not merely to recredit feminism in anthropology, but also to show its potential to transform anthropology into an antiracist, decolonial, and abolitionist project.
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Kirkpatrick, Jennet. "Introduction: Selling Out? Solidarity and Choice in the American Feminist Movement." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 1 (March 2010): 241–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709992829.

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This symposium examines an emergent orientation within the American feminist movement called “choice feminism.” Choice feminists are primarily concerned with increasing the number of choices open to women and with decreasing judgments about the choices that individual women make. Choice feminists are best known for their argument that a woman who leaves the remunerated labor market to care for her children is a feminist in good standing; she makes a feminist decision. While media coverage of choice feminism has been extensive, political scientists have been comparatively quiet. In this symposium, four political scientists analyze and evaluate choice feminism, revealing their disagreement about the validity of the choice feminist position and about the meaning of choice feminism for movement politics, political judgment, and liberal political theory.
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Zucker, Alyssa N., and Abigail J. Stewart. "Growing Up and Growing Older: Feminism as a Context for Women's Lives." Psychology of Women Quarterly 31, no. 2 (June 2007): 137–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.2007.00347.x.

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Social science research shows that contemporary women endorse feminist goals at rates similar to women in the 1970s. However, generations may differ in some aspects of their relationship to feminism. This study of 333 university alumnae examined expressions of feminism across three generations. We provide the first empirical evidence to support Stewart and Healy's (1989 ) prediction about the impact of social events experienced in childhood; only the youngest cohort recalled holding feminist beliefs as children. Additionally, each cohort identified feminist influences from the period coinciding with their own identity-forming adolescence as most important, although feminism was related to other beliefs in a similar way for each cohort. The Women's Movement appears to be internalized differently depending on developmental life stage.
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Helford, Elyce Rae, and Sarah Lefanu. "Feminism and Science Fiction." SubStance 20, no. 2 (1991): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3684975.

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Keller, Evelyn Fox. "Feminism, Science, and Postmodernism." Cultural Critique, no. 13 (1989): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1354267.

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Keller, Evelyn Fox. "Kuhn, Feminism, and Science?" Configurations 6, no. 1 (1998): 15–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/con.1998.0006.

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39

Lorber, Judith, and Londa Schiebinger. "Has Feminism Changed Science?" Contemporary Sociology 30, no. 1 (January 2001): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2654350.

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40

Wong-Staal, Flossie. "Has Feminism Changed Science?" Nature Medicine 5, no. 7 (July 1999): 729. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/10445.

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41

Hubbard, Ruth. "Science, Facts, and Feminism." Hypatia 3, no. 1 (1988): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1988.tb00053.x.

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Feminists acknowledge that making science is a social process and that scientific laws and the “facts” of science reflect the interests of the university-educated, economically privileged, predominantly white men who have produced them. We also recognize that knowledge about nature is created by an interplay between objectivity and subjectivity, but we often do not credit sufficiently the ways women's traditional activities in home, garden, and sickroom have contributed to understanding nature.
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42

Schiebinger, Londa. "Has Feminism Changed Science?" Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 25, no. 4 (July 2000): 1171–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/495540.

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43

Hudock, Amy. "Feminism and science fiction." Women's Studies International Forum 14, no. 1-2 (January 1991): 114–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-5395(91)90092-v.

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44

Wobbe, Theresa. "Has feminism changed science?" Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 38, no. 2 (2002): 183–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jhbs.1128.

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Curry, Janel M. "Science, Faith, and Feminism." Perspectives on Science and Christian Faith 74, no. 4 (December 2022): 240–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.56315/pscf12-22curry.

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46

Williams, Cristan. "The ontological woman: A history of deauthentication, dehumanization, and violence." Sociological Review 68, no. 4 (July 2020): 718–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026120938292.

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Trans-exclusionary radical feminists (TERFs) make use of an ethical, moralistic framework to support specific rhetoric and behavior. Taken together, these form a self-referential ideology that functions to protect an essentialist ontology, which reliably harms cisgender, transgender, and feminist communities. Through an examination of the historical record of US radical feminist and TERF discourses, including first-hand accounts, this article considers how the ontological framework that inspires TERF rhetoric and behavior has functioned as a cycle of moral fulfillment, even as it necessitates the eradication of trans bodies. The article analyzes how TERF morality, rhetoric, and action construct social forms through a sexed binary by relying on an appeal to the natural, which serves to objectify ontological embodiment. It also foregrounds the different historical and contemporary positionalities of trans-exclusionary and trans-inclusive radical feminisms, and concludes with a reminder of the complementary attributes of trans feminism and radical feminism that are evidenced by decades of cooperation.
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Rolin, Kristina. "Three Decades of Feminism in Science: From ?Liberal Feminism? and ?Difference Feminism? to Gender Analysis of Science." Hypatia: A Journal of Feminist Philosophy 19, no. 1 (January 2004): 292–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/hyp.2004.19.1.292.

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Rolin, Kristina. "Three Decades of Feminism in Science: From “Liberal Feminism” and “Difference Feminism” to Gender Analysis of Science." Hypatia 19, no. 1 (2004): 292–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2004.tb01279.x.

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49

Peng, Niya, Tianyuan Yu, and Albert Mills. "Feminist thinking in late seventh-century China." Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal 34, no. 1 (February 9, 2015): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/edi-12-2012-0112.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to offer novel insights into: knowledge of proto-feminism through description and analysis of the rule of the seventh century female Emperor Wu Zetian; postcolonial theory by revealing the existence and proto-feminist activities of a non-western female leader; and the literature on gender and invisibility through a study of a leading figure that is relatively unknown to western feminists and is even, in feminist terms, something of a neglected figure. Design/methodology/approach – In order to examine Wu’s proto-feminist practices as recorded in historical materials, we use critical hermeneutics as a tool for textual interpretation, through the following four stages: choosing texts from historical records and writings of Wu; analyzing the historical sociocultural context; analyzing the relationship between the text and the context; and offering a conceptual framework as a richer explanation. Findings – Wu’s life activities demonstrate proto-feminism in late seventh century China in at least four aspects: gender equality in sexuality, in social status, in politics, and women’s pursuit of power and leadership. Research limitations/implications – Future research may dig into the paradox of Wu’s proto-feminist practices, the relationship between organizational power and feminism/proto-feminism, and the ways in which Wu’s activities differ from other powerful women across cultures, etc. Practical implications – The study encourages a rethink of women and leadership style in non-western thought. Social implications – The study supports Calás and Smircich’s 2005 call for greater understanding of feminist thought outside of western thought and a move to transglobal feminism. Originality/value – This study recovers long lost stories of women leadership that are “invisible” in many ways in the historical narratives, and contributes to postcolonial feminism by revealing the existence of indigenous proto-feminist practice in China long before western-based feminism and postcolonial feminism emerged.
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Пан, Маја. "TRANS FEMINISTIČKE KOALICIJE NA POSTJUGOSLOVENSKOM PROSTORU: KA FEMINISTIČKOJ RADIKALNOJ SOLIDARNOSTI." ГОДИШЊАК ЗА СОЦИОЛОГИЈУ 29, no. 1 (December 28, 2022): 149–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.46630/gsoc.29.2022.09.

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The conflict between trans-inclusive and trans-exclusionary radical feminists (TERFs) has recently erupted in the post-Yugoslav space, adding to the urgency of embracing trans-feminism. In order to forge the ground for such feminist orientation, this paper interweaves two theoretical reflections: the subject of feminism, and the historical lesbian experience of becoming ‘included’ with/in it. Beginning with the idea that, similarly to trans, it also took time and effort for lesbianity (see discussion on this concept in the article) to be recognised as a ‘legitimate’ subject of feminist emancipation, I extend Wittig’s negation of lesbian womanhood to trans women. With this in mind, I argue that feminist radical solidarity requires an open-ended, liminal conception of gender. I then draw upon nine interviews with seven cis-gender, one non-binary, and one genderqueer lesbian activist from the post-Yugoslav space to explore the ways in which they endeavoured to bring about feminist radical solidarity in their activist engagement. I conclude that solidarity, rather than normative inclusion that we, lesbians, fought for as feminists, should eventually be put at the service of trans-feminism. In this manner, trans-feminism can become an integral part of women studies, trans women can be recognised as subjects of feminism, and trans persons embraced as our political and personal allies. Keywords: feminism, lesbian activism, solidarity, TERF, post-Yugoslav space
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