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1
Haely, Karen Cordrick. "Objectivity in the feminist philosophy of science." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1064415629.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 145 p.; also includes graphics. Includes abstract and vita. Advisor: Louise M. Antony, Dept. of Philosophy. Includes bibliographical references (p. 142-145).
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Örnros, Elsa. "Sveriges feministiska utrikespolitik : En jämförande innehållsanalys av svensk utrikespolitik mellan åren 2010–2018." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-79958.
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In the year of 2014, the new Swedish government declared itself as the world’s first feminist government. This thesis aims to study the Swedish foreign policy and thus to investigate if the declared feminist foreign policy has resulted in a changed foreign policy. By using two feminist theories; radical feminism and liberal feminism, the study’spurpose is to do a critical comparison between the governmental administration of Fredrik Reinfeldt in the years of 2010-2014, with the administration of Stefan Löfven between 2014-2018. After a recently finished first term of the feminist policy, the subject of this study is interesting in the perspective of evaluation. To investigate if the policy by fact has changed, a qualitative textual analysis will be used. Further, to analyze the foreign policy, foreign declarations from all years between 2011-2018 will constitute the material. In summary, the result demonstrates that a change in policy has appeared and can further be ascertained. Both administrations show clear features of liberal feminism. However, during the last term, between 2014-2018, the governmental policy has shown tendencies of more radical feminist elements. Although the world’s first feministgovernment has received great attention, the future of the feminist foreign policy is still indeterminate.
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Green, Caroline Ann. ""She has to be controlled" : exploring the action heroine in contemporary science fiction cinema." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3052.
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In this dissertation I explore a number of contemporary science fiction franchises in order to ascertain how the figure of the action heroine has evolved throughout her recent history. There has been a tendency in film criticism to view these strong women as ‘figuratively male’ and therefore not ‘really’ women, which, I argue, is largely due to a reliance on the psychoanalytic paradigms that have dominated feminist film theory since its beginnings. Building on Elisabeth Hills’s work on the character of Ellen Ripley of the Alien series, I explore how notions of ‘becoming’ and the ‘Body without Organs’ proposed by Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari can be activated to provide a more positive set of readings of active women on screen. These readings are not limited by discussions of sex or gender, but discuss the body in terms of its increased capacities as it interacts with the world around it. I do not argue for a Deleuzian analysis of cinema as such, because this project is concerned with aspects of representation which did not form part of Deleuze’s philosophy of cinema. Rather I use Deleuze and Guattari’s work to explore alternative ways of reading the active women these franchises present and the benefits they afford. Through these explorations I demonstrate, however, that applying the Deleuzoguattarian ‘method’ is a potentially risky undertaking for feminist theory. Deconstructing notions of ‘being’ and ‘identity’ through the project of becoming may have benefits in terms of addressing ‘woman’ beyond binaristic thought, but it may also have negative consequences. What may be liberating for feminist film theory may be also be destructive. This is because through becoming we destabilise a position from which to address potentially ideologically unsound treatments of women on screen.
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McAteer, Mary. "Contemporary science education : some historical and philosophical roots." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.311587.
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Cook, Elizabeth Adell. "Feminism and group consciousness in America 1972-1984." The Ohio State University, 1987. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1299862943.
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Swart, Marthane. "Piecing the puzzle : the development of feminist identity." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/1345.
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Njambi, Wairimu Ngaruiya. "Colonizing Bodies: a Feminist Science Studies Critique of Anti-Fgm Discourse." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/37491.
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The contentious topic of female circumcision brings together medical science, womenâ s health activism, and national and international policy-making in pursuit of the common goal of protecting female bodies from harm. To date, most criticisms of female circumcision, practiced mainly in parts of Africa and Southwest Asia, have revolved around the dual issues of control of female bodies by a male-dominated social order and the health impacts surrounding the psychology of female sexuality and the functioning of female sex organs. As such, the recently-evolved campaign to eradicate female circumcision, alternatively termed â Female Genital Mutilationâ (FGM), has formed into a discourse intertwining the politics of feminist activism with scientific knowledge and medical knowledge of the female body and sexuality. This project focuses on the ways in which this discourse constructs particular definitions of bodies and sexuality in a quest to generalize the practices of female circumcision as â harmfulâ and therefore dangerous.
Given that the discourse aimed at eradicating practices of female circumcision, referred to in this study as â anti-FGM discourse,â focuses mostly on harm done to womenâ s bodies, this project critiques the assumption of universalism regarding female bodies and sexuality that is explicitly/implicitly embedded in such discourse. By questioning such universals, I look at the ways in which different stories regarding bodies and sexuality can emerge at the gaps of the anti-FGM discourse regarding female circumcision practices. I.e., are there other possible avenues for envisioning bodies which are subjugated and hence eliminated from the view by their rhetoric?
While the main assumption within anti-FGM discourse is that bodies and sexuality are naturally given and therefore universal, contemporary theories in STS and feminism have stressed that bodies and sexualities are figures of historical and political performances, and that knowledge about them is locally situated. These perspectives redirect the typical assumption of bodies and sexuality as simply â biologicalâ to a view of bodies as products of cultural imagination. This project shows that such perspectives have profound implications for understanding female circumcision practices by allowing different body narratives to emerge in the gaps of already established â truths.âPh. D.
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Spence, RuthAnne. "Raise their voices: Maine legislative women making meaning of feminism." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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Claesson, Ida. "What are feminist fussing about? : Feminists attempts for full Citizenship." Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-1058.
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Is citizenship gendered? The answer to this question for most feminist theorists has to be a resounding ‘yes’. For them citizenship has always been gendered in the sense that women and men have stood in different relationship to it, to the disadvantage of women. In recent years citizenship has been combined to gender by a number of feminists. Their work is all about the importance to reconstruct citizenship because they believe it fails to engage or to include women. This thesis examines the limitations of citizenship as it is in its current construction. The discussion clearly indicates the need to use gender and difference as categories of analysis in the creation of an inclusive conception of citizenship. The thesis will focus on the theoretical project and particularly on three debates around the ‘engendering of citizenship’. Discourse analysis is used as textual analysis in order to compare these three alternative models to citizenship. The aim is to investigate what solutions they find to include women into public life. One can appreciate that citizenship is a complex problem and so are the debates concerning it. It is important that feminists discuss this question carefully so that citizenship does not loose its meaning.
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Martinson, Anna M. "Identifying gender ideology in web content debates about feminism /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2009. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3354915.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, School of Library Information Science, 2009.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Feb. 4, 2010). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-04, Section: A, page: 1075. Adviser: Susan C. Herring.
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Griffiths, David Andrew. "Sex, science and symbiosis : feminism and queer theory in a more-than-human world." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2014. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/58333/.
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This thesis interrogates various accounts of the relationship between the biological and social. Often the biological is conceptualised as built upon, or originating from, the foundation of the social (or vice versa). I suggest an alternative approach, using various resources and approaches from the sciences and from social theories, to reconceptualise the biological and social as always already entangled. I develop an account of the entanglement of the biological and social that also entangles the ontological and epistemological, matter and meaning. I begin by exploring feminism and sociobiology in the 1970s and 1980s, particularly feminist standpoint and postmodernist epistemologies. Building on this, and developing my approach (particularly in terms of conceptualising material and more-than-human agency), I explore queer and deconstructive approaches to sexuality alongside the Human Genome Project and genetic determinism in the 1990s, and more recent theories of kinship from gender and sexuality studies alongside insights from animal studies and critical posthumanisms. Finally, I interrupt this trajectory, suggesting that the so far uninterrogated opposition of living/non-living that structures biological science is threatened by the liminal status of viruses. More importantly, people living with viruses can become liminal in relation to this and other binary oppositions, with consequences for their health and ability to live well. I propose an approach to living well that is both ecological and queer; connections, symbioses and entanglements are crucial throughout. I argue that attention to the entanglement of the biological and social offers a way of interrogating narratives of biological determinism and for countering the effects of patriarchy and heteronormativity in the theory and practice of science. Furthermore, this approach can offer ways of rethinking the production of scientific knowledge and the effects this has on the possibility of living well as biopolitical citizens in the more-than-human world.
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More, Elizabeth Singer. "Best Interests: Feminists, Social Science, and the Revaluing of Working Mothers in Modern America." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10527.
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This dissertation traces the formation, development, and deployment of arguments in favor of maternal employment from the years before World War II through the mid-1990s. Drawing on academic journals, popular periodicals, government documents, feminist writings, and the personal papers of researchers, policy makers, and activists, I argue that defenses of maternal employment have taken two main forms: economic and psychosocial. Although both types appeared throughout this period, the relative influence of each waxed and waned. As a result of the legacy of depression and war mobilization, economic arguments predominated in the immediate postwar years. After a decade of sustained national growth and the rising influence of psychology and sociology, however, arguments that stressed the psychological and social benefits of working mothers became increasingly prominent. The trend reversed again in the 1970s as the economy stagnated and hostility toward the welfare state mounted. The content of these two types of arguments also changed over time. Defenses of maternal employment that were rooted in and justified by the concept of shared national good in postwar America were reframed, by the 1990s, in terms of the economic self-interest of individual taxpayers and employers. During the 1940s and 1950s, proponents of maternal employment suggested that it helped expand the middle class and foster children’s independence. Feminists in the early 1960s drew on these claims to challenge hostility toward mothers in the labor force. By the early 1970s, they hoped that working mothers, by undermining traditional sex role socialization, would help remake, rather than preserve, society. At the same time, a new set of economic claims about working mothers, based in free market economic thought, began to gain strength. Politicians attacked welfare policies that enabled poor mothers to be full-time homemakers, while some feminists tried to persuade corporations that they had financial, rather than moral, incentives for hiring and retaining mothers. The vision of the broader social good that had characterized earlier arguments for maternal employment was gone. This helps explain why, even as rates of maternal employment skyrocketed, national work/family policies in the United States have remained the weakest in the developed world.History
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Parslow, Michelle Lisa. "Women, science and technology : the genealogy of women writing utopian science fiction." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3058.
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For centuries utopian and science fiction has allowed women to engage with dominant discourses, especially those which have been defined as the “domain” of men. Feminist scholars have often characterized this genealogy as one which begins with the destabilization of Enlightenment ideals of the rational subject in the Romantic Revolution, with the publication of Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein (1818) in particular. This thesis demonstrates that there has in fact been an enduring history of women’s cognitive and rational attempts to explore key discourses such as science, technology and architecture through Reason, as opposed to rage. This is a genealogy of women writing utopian science fiction that is best illuminated through Darko Suvin’s of the novum. Chapter One reveals how the innovative utopian visions of Margaret Cavendish (1626-1673) proffer a highly rational and feminist critique of seventeenth-century experimental science. Chapter Two demonstrates how Sarah Scott’s Millenium Hall (1762) explored the socio-political significance of the monstrous-looking “human” body some fifty years before Shelley’s Frankenstein. Following this, Chapter Three re-reads Frankenstein in light of the early nineteenth century zeitgeist of laissez-faire economics, technological advancement and global imperialism and argues that these were also the concerns of other utopian science fiction works by women, such as Jane Loudon’s The Mummy! (1827). Chapter Four analyses how the function of the novum is integral to L.T. Meade’s (1854-1915) depictions of male/female interaction in the scientific field. Chapter Five considers how important it is to acknowledge the materialist concern with popular science that informs texts such as Joanna Russ’s The Female Man (1975) and Pat Cadigan’s cyberpunk novel Synners (1991). This is the history of how women have used the form of utopian science fiction as a means with which to present a rational female voice. In addition to the historical works by women, it employs a range of utopian and science fiction theory from Suvin and Fredric Jameson to historical and contemporary feminism.
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Randolpe, Lyssa. "The new woman and the new science : feminist writing 1880-1900." Thesis, Coventry University, 2001. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/206dbf26-a8d1-ea66-bafb-338445adbefc/1.
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In this thesis I contend that evolutionary scientific discourses were integral to the work of "New Woman" writers of late Victorian literary culture in Britain. In the cultural debates that raged over the new gender politics and their relationship to social and moral values at the fin de siècle, the questions raised about femininity, modernity and the "woman question" were also central to the "new sciences" of sexology, eugenics, psychology and anthropology. This thesis investigates the issue of whether the new sciences offered an enabling set of discourses to New Women through which to produce new artistic, professional and personal feminine identities and to campaign for feminist goals. An understanding of the field of cultural production informs this discussion; I argue that science functions as cultural and symbolic capital in literary production of the period, and consider the dynamics between constructs of value, status, and the feminine in the literary market-place and their relationship to scientific narratives. This analysis is developed through the illumination of the relationship between New Woman novelists and poets, female aesthetes, and other forces in the field, in discussion of the thematic concerns and literary strategies of those participating in these debates: amongst others, Mona Caird, "Iota" (Katherine Mannington Caffyn), Victoria Cross(e) (Annie Sophie Cory), Sarah Grand (Frances Elizabeth McFall), Vernon Lee (Violet Paget), Alice Meynell, May Kendall, Constance Naden, and the anti-New Woman male writer, Grant Allen. An examination of a variety of literary forms and genres, in addition to the novel — the principal focus for much scholarship on the New Woman — such as the feminist periodicals, poetry, journalism and the short story, is central to the thesis and enables identification of shared literary strategies and techniques as well as consideration of readers and critical contexts. The roles and representation of "woman" in this period were produced within biological determinist concepts of sex and Nature. The study concentrates on ways in which essentialist dichotomies of cultural and biological reproduction redefined notions of literary and artistic "genius", motherhood and female citizenship, as they intersect with "race" and sexuality in imperial contexts. Women's critique and construct of these subjectivities differed; study of the women's journals reveals a consumer culture saturated in discourses of health and hygiene, negotiated by a divided community of readers. Focus on theories and representation of the child in late Victorian culture finds that Alice Meynell's writing challenged evolutionary psychology, and relates Sarah Grand's child genius to emergent Galtonian eugenics. I argue that late nineteenth-century feminism was intimately involved in imperialism and eugenics, and suggest that current feminist scholarship must confront and analyse these investments. In this thesis I find that boundaries between the groups' identities are fluid; points of intercourse and affiliation are revealed, such as the ways in which scientific constructs of "race", as in Mona Caird's use of the Celtic, are deployed in order to comment on literary value. I have highlighted the ambivalences at work in these appropriations, and suggest that the New Woman text was not always polemical, nor did it reject "high art" values, and that the female aesthetes also express feminist convictions. I contend that for many feminist writers, participation in these late nineteenth-century debates was a necessary and productive critical intervention, with radical, if not always progressive, implications.
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Hoff, Sara A. "Gender Politics: A Case Study of Feminism in Iran." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1246370248.
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Taylor, Colleen Anne. "One Size Fits All Feminism?: Domestic Women's Rights Activists' Struggle to be Heard." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1400691191.
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Möllerop, Christian Antoni. "Feminism and foreign policy – the case of Sweden." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-178150.
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There is a lack of a feminist perspective within general theories of international relations, but also in those documents that represents the basis for foreign policy, and a feminist assessment of the same. Assessment-tools for foreign policy that constitute a feminist perspective are therefore very limited, and an explanatory factor for the lack of such tools may be that there are a various number of feminist perspectives that rest on different ontological grounds. The purpose of this thesis was to explore how it is possible to theoretically justify a framework for feminist assessment of foreign policy. Proceeding from this theoretical justification, construct a specific methodology including a framework for feminist assessment of foreign policy, and lastly to test the viability and usefulness of the proposed methodology by using the action plan, “Swedish Foreign Service action plan for feminist foreign policy 2015 - 2018 including focus areas for 2016” as an empirical case study. This study concludes that it is possible to theoretically justify the construction of such an assessment-tool in spite of variations within feminist theorizing. A methodology and a framework was developed and tested on Sweden’s action-plan for its feminist foreign policy. The methodology developed in this study made it possible to identify what type of feminism the action-plan represents, but also which areas that is left alone and should be dealt with. It is also concluded that the plan consist of a type of rights-based feminism that focuses on the inclusion of woman in all areas of society, the particular vulnerability women represent concerning violence, sexual violence, domestic violence and that politics also must be concerned about issues regarding women’s private life and autonomy.
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Smith, Janet. "The feminism and political radicalism of Helen Taylor in Victorian Britain and Ireland." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2014. http://repository.londonmet.ac.uk/692/.
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This thesis offers an examination of the feminism and political radicalism of Helen Taylor. Despite the growth of interest in the political and social campaigns of nineteenth century women, Helen Taylor has remained a marginal figure of historical enquiry, referenced mainly in terms of her relationships with her contemporary English feminists and step-father, John Stuart Mill. Divisions in the women’s suffrage movement have been blamed on her difficult personality with no examination that it was her socialist anti-imperial feminism which was at the heart of the antagonism. Her important contribution to Victorian social and political life has been largely ignored. The study will examine the significance of her work across a wide range of political and social organisations from 1876 onwards; namely the London School Board, the Irish question, land reform, the Social Democratic Federation, her attempt to become the first woman MP and her membership of the Moral Reform Union. This work will illustrate how the political ideology of her feminist mother Harriet Taylor and her step-father John Stuart Mill remained at the heart of Helen’s political throughout her public life. It will further consider how the organisations she joined were gendered and how she attempted to negotiate and contest this. It will ask why she was able to successfully resist the middle class ideal of separate spheres for men and women. Finally it offers further evidence to challenge the claim made by some historians that all British Victorian feminists were imperialist in nature.
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MacArthur, Lori Kinder. "John Rawls, Feminism, and the Gendered Self." PDXScholar, 1995. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/5030.
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John Rawls's theory of justice, which he calls "justice as fairness," has proven to be most influential with regard to the course of contemporary political theory. In both of Rawls's books, A Theory of Justice and Political Liberalism, his aim was to present a theoretically-compelling defense of deontological liberalism, and to present a set of principles by which to fairly order a just society. While Rawls's project has attracted a fair number of proponents over the years, it has also been a popular target for liberal and nonliberal critics alike. A recurrent theme among these criticisms has been an objection with Rawls's conception of the self as presented in A Theory of Justice. This thesis will focus on feminists' criticisms of Rawls's conception of persons. In general, feminists contend that Rawlsian liberalism suffers a structural gender bias resulting from Rawls's conception of the self. Rawls's notion of the self, feminists argue, rests on male or masculine attributes. I will demonstrate in the course of this thesis that feminists' charges fail on two accounts. First, feminists do not present an accurate reading of Rawls's conception of persons in either A Theory of Justice or Political Liberalism. Second, in reviewing feminist approaches to gendering the self (which is integral to their critique), it will be shown that feminists are unable to gender the self in a theoretically defensible manner. Thus, feminists cannot make the claim that the Rawlsian self is a male or masculine concept. It follows from these twin defects that feminist contentions fail to prove that Rawls's theory is gender biased.
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Souza, Narrira Lemos de. "Contingência ciborgue e tecnologias do corpo: personagens para repensar a ciência." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2015. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/5345.
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Goiás - FAPEG
Donna Haraway’s political myth is the theme of this research, the investigation implies to understand this character as agent of feminist and social transformation trough three possible images. Firstly, we intend to know, in our society, who is cyborg, knowing that we are talking about a capitalist and western society. There is a historical retrospective about cybernetics, computation and medicine; there is also basics conceptions to the better understanding of the research. We conclude that the cyborg is not only a myth, there are cyborgs looking for a formal identity in some governments. After that, we research the cyborg in the imagination of Science Fiction in some movies and televisions sitcoms, we want to know, after all, if these cyborgs are fiction or reality and if there is a border between this categories. Finally, we look into the cyborg of feminist theory, where the political myth is the meanly agent of Science transformation. We conclude that new characters are need to re-build a Science in which the Man is not the center of the history.
O mito político do ciborgue de Donna Haraway é tema desta pesquisa. A investigação trata de compreender este personagem como um agente de transformação social feminista através de três possíveis imagens. Primeiramente, procuramos entender quais são os ciborgues de nossa sociedade ocidental capitalista. Há um resgate histórico da cibernética, computação e medicina; há, também, conceituações básicas para a continuidade da pesquisa. Chega-se à conclusão de que o ciborgue não é apenas um mito, há ciborgues reivindicando uma identidade reconhecida pelos seus governos. Posteriormente, investigamos o ciborgue na imaginação do cinema de ficção científica, queremos saber, afinal, se estes ciborgues são ficção ou são realidade e se há uma fronteira entre essas duas categorias. Finalmente, debruçamo-nos sobre o ciborgue da teoria feminista crítica da ciência, em que o mito político é agente principal das transformações da ciência. A conclusão a que chegamos é que novos personagens são necessários para que se possa construir uma ciência em que o Homem não seja o centro da história.
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Hallehn, Axel. "Den första feministiska regeringen? : En jämförande idéanalys av den rödgröna regeringens och alliansregeringens politik rörande frågor om kön och genus." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-68107.
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The purpose of the study was to analyse and compare the current Swedish socialist government, which have declared themselves as the first feminist government, with the previous non- socialist government. This is to see if, and if so how, the current government’s policies regarding gender differ from the former government’s policies. This paper has analysed both governments using different feminist theoretical approaches to see which of the perspectives characterize the government’s policies regarding gender, and if there has been a shift towards any of the perspectives. The three feminist theoretical perspectives used were liberal feminism, socialist feminism and postmodern feminism. The method used was an idea analysis, and ideal types of the three theoretical feminist perspectives as the analytical instrument. The material contains public texts released by the governments. The result of the study showed that the government’s policies regarding gender are highly similar and that their policies can be related mainly to the liberal- and socialist feminist perspectives. The result also showed that there has not been a shift towards any of the perspectives since the current government was elected, although only the current government could be related, to a small extent, to postmodern feminism.
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Henley, Megan M., and Megan M. Henley. "Science and Service: Doula Work and the Legitimacy of Alternative Knowledge Systems." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/621107.
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This dissertation explores the knowledge systems that doulas use to legitimate their work to the medical community, and to clients. "Doula" comes from a Greek word that means "a woman who serves." In contemporary English, doulas are women who provide other women with support during labor and childbirth. Although research shows that doula support can have positive physiological and psychological effects, doulas' lower social status in the birth fields constricts their reach to those who know about and can hire them privately. In the United States, obstetricians have authoritative knowledge over birth, and all others fall beneath them in the hierarchy of medicine. Doulas serve as a case for exploring the importance of certification and science, versus alternative forms of knowledge for legitimating their expertise within the field of childbirth. This research uses a mixed methods approach to explore the roles that authoritative versus alternative sources of knowledge play in doulas' attitudes and approaches to childbirth. Data come from the Maternity Support Survey, an original, cross-national survey of nurses, doulas, and childbirth educators in the United States and Canada. I also rely on content analysis of five large doula organizations' websites, and interviews with twenty-five doulas, and twenty-five mothers who hired or considered hiring a doula to support them during labor and delivery. This mixed methods research looks at how doulas can legitimate their role in order to better serve women.Results suggest that both authoritative knowledge systems (such as certification) and alternative knowledge systems (such as feminism) influence doulas' approach to legitimating their work. Scientific evidence serves as both an authoritative and alternative source of knowledge, depending on the context. This research has important implications for the future of doula support; while alternative knowledge systems allow doulas to empower women and challenge the dominance of medicalized birth, authoritative knowledge systems allow doulas greater access to the women who need them most. In order to reach a greater population of women, doulas need to find a balance between challenging authoritative medicine and working within it to best serve women.
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Hussein, Iman. "Sexuellt våld i konflikt : En jämförande feministisk studie om sexuellt våld i Demokratiska republiken Kongo." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-89347.
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Conflict related sexual violence is a phenomenon that has come to light since world war II, however it is only in recent years that conflict related sexual violence has been discussed in larger forums. In recent years the subject of Conflict related sexual violence has been researched and brought to light in media. This thesis aims to study the conflict related sexual violence in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The method applied on this thesis was a comparative feminist study. The theoretical framework used in this study is liberal feminism and radical feminism. In this study a comparison between the two feministic focuses has been the main object. The result of the study found that both radical feminism and liberal feminism can explain conflict related sexual violence. Radical feminism main concepts in their theory is sexual oppression that women face. Liberal feminism focus on inequality in the society between the sexes. In the result it was found that both perspectives of feminism could explain the sexual violence as something structural. There is inequality between the sexes in a societal level therefor sexual violence can be used as a way to maintain power.
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Murase, Miriam Y. (Miriam Yuko) 1967. "Cooperation over conflict : the women's movement and the state in contemporary Japan." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/8028.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2003.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 198-208).
Progress on women's equality in Japan is found to be constrained by state intervention in the women's movement. This intervention takes the form of regulations that limit the independence of women's group, as well as resources that aid and influence their activities. The result is a relationship between women and the state that is more cooperative than conflictual. For this reason, social change is necessarily slow, as it is achieved through constant consultation and compromise. These findings were reached through an examination of women's organizations, women's centers, and women's policy in Japan. Data collected on 889 women's organizations shows a vibrant and diverse women's movement. But Japanese government policies make it difficult for grassroots civic groups to gain legal recognition and develop beyond part-time voluntary associations into full-time professional organizations. At the same time, the Japanese government actively intervenes to aid women's organizations by providing various resources, such as direct funding, government offices for women's policy, and public women's centers. Data collected on 623 women's centers and analysis of various women's programs show how the provision of these resources allow the government to influence the women's movement. In this way, cooperation between the state and women's movement is institutionalized, minimizing social conflict and slowing social change.
by Miriam Y. Murase.
Ph.D.
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Dolovich, Sharon. "Does political morality have a gender? : Feminism, contemporary liberalism and the ethic of care." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.282885.
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Bucciarelli, Karina. "A Feminist Epistemological Framework: Preventing Knowledge Distortions in Scientific Inquiry." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1365.
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This thesis explores what to have distorted scientific knowledge claims due to socially constructed conceptions of gender. Using the paradigm example of the explanation of human fertilization misrepresenting knowledge as it maps on stereotypes about the passive female and the active male onto the scientific participation of the egg and the sperm. Exploring arguments presented by feminist epistemologists, I argue that in order to produce knowledge free of distortions due to problematic social conceptions we must engage in a specific epistemological framework with three main components: 1) critically and systematically examine the subject of knowledge in relation to the object of knowledge, 2) make efforts to diversify inquirers as the perspectives of marginalized identities are important to informing where dominant narratives are failing to be objective and 3) actively acknowledge the role that values play in inquiry and promote feminist values. The framework presented is specifically applicable to knowledge distortions present in scientific inquiry but, importantly, can also inform individual epistemic relationship.
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Sandra, Gidlöf. "Feminism på kartan : En kritisk diskursanalys av subjektspositioner i Kanadas feministiska utvecklingspolitik." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-144076.
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Feminism as a tool has lately been used more frequently by governments and institutions, but has been criticized for only representing a Western point of view which has ignored perspectives of women in the so-called Global South. This thesis aims to investigate if Canada, in its recently launched Canada’s Feminist International Assistance Policy, describe women in developing countries from a Western view or if they have incorporated a postcolonial perspective in their policy. By applying a feminist postcolonial theory on Canada’s feminist development policy and with the inspiration of Norman Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis, a shift in in the creation of subject positions of women in developing countries was noticed. The concluding remark emphasize that Canada should keep the postcolonial thought in mind while exercising their policy in the field of development in order to gain trust in the feminist belief.
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Hallim, Robyn. "Marie Corelli science, society and the best seller /." University of Sydney. English, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/521.
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Issues which faced Britain in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries include the effects of new scientific theories on traditional religious belief, the impact of technological innovation, the implications of mass literacy and the changing role of women. This thesis records how such issues are reflected in contemporary literature, focusing on the emergence of popular culture and the best seller, a term which conflates author and novel. The first English best seller was Marie Corelli and, by way of introduction, Part I offers a summary of her life and her novels and a critical overview of her work. Part II of the thesis examines how the theory of evolution undermined traditional religious belief and prompted the search for a new creed able to defy materialism and reconcile science and religion. Contemporary literature mirrors the consequent interest in spiritualism during the 1890s and the period immediately following the Great War, and critical readings of Corelli�s A Romance of Two Worlds and The Life Everlasting demonstrate that these novels - which form the nucleus of her personal theology, the Electric Creed - are based on selections from the New Testament, occultism and, in particular, science and spiritualism. Part III of the thesis looks at the emergence of �the woman question�, the corresponding backlash by conservatives and the ways in which these conflicting views are explored in the popular literature of the time. A critical examination of the novella, My Wonderful Wife, reveals how Corelli uses social Darwinism in an ambivalent critique of the New Woman. Several of Corelli�s essays are discussed, showing that her views about the role of women were complex. A critical analysis of The Secret Power engages with Corelli�s peculiar kind of feminism, which would deny women the vote but envisages female scientists inventing and operating airships in order to secure the future of the human race. Interest in Marie Corelli has re-emerged recently, particularly in occult and feminist circles. Corelli�s immense popularity also makes her an important figure in cultural studies. This thesis adds to the body of knowledge about Corelli in that it consciously endeavours to avoid spiritualist or feminist ideological frameworks, instead using contemporary science as a context for examining her work.
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Storey, Cheryl Carleton University Dissertation Sociology. ""Objective", "neutral" and "natural" phallacies; feminism(s) and the epistemological critique of science and the "pro-family" movement." Ottawa, 1987.
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Mamigonian, Malina. "Naughty stories : narrative and theodicy in the writings of Annie Besant and Charlotte Perkins Gilman." Thesis, University of York, 2000. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10910/.
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Limér, Emelie. "Flygande bildar och kvinnliga rättigheter : Feministiskt synsätt inom science fiction." Thesis, Blekinge Tekniska Högskola, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:bth-16473.
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I detta arbete har kreativitet, design och motivationen som krävs för att förändra världen tillsammans används, med förhoppningen att det är det den kommer göra. I undersökningen har jag sett närmare på feminism och dess plats i media, mer specifikt science fiction. Då media är så vidspritt och välanvänt borde detta vara exemplariskt för att förmedla ett mer jämställt synsätt och förena en annars splittrad förtryckt grupp. Det är detta jag har gett mig in i för att bevisa och använda mig utav. Genom att använda mig utav kritisk spekulativ design, prototyputveckling och grafisk design har jag, genom en gestaltning, även sett över hur man kan anpassa science fiction efter det feministiska perspektivet, och hur man kan utnyttja detta utomordentliga sätt att förbättra världen.In this thesis, I have used the creativity, design and motivation that is required to, together, change the world, with the hope that this is what it will do. In the study, I have looked closely at feminism and its place in the media, more specifically in science fiction. Using something as widespread and well-used as the media, it should be exemplary to convey a more equal outlook, and unite an otherwise splintered and oppressed group. This is what I have addressed, in order to prove it and use it. With the aid of critical speculative design, prototype development and graphic design, I have, through a figuration, also seen how we can adapt science fiction to the feminist perspective, and how we can take advantage of this exceptional way, to improve the world.
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Sombrio, Mariana Moraes de Oliveira 1982. "Traços da participação feminina na institucionalização de praticas cientificas no Brasil : Bertha Lutz e o Conselho de Fiscalização das Expedições Artisticas e Cientificas do Brasil." [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/287021.
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Orientadores: Maria Margaret Lopes, Lea Maria Leme Strini VelhoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Geociencias
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T00:58:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sombrio_MarianaMoraesdeOliveira_M.pdf: 2045757 bytes, checksum: dd317b802816e7d1c6ad779501d51f7e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007
Resumo: A dissertação discute a participação das mulheres nas ciências com o objetivo de compreender quais condições, fatores e estratégias influenciaram o acesso feminino às instituições científicas brasileiras no início do século XX. Para elaborar esse estudo foi analisada a trajetória da cientista e militante feminista, Bertha Maria Júlia Lutz (18941976), contemplando principalmente sua atuação como representante do Museu Nacional do Rio de Janeiro no Conselho de Fiscalização das Expedições Artísticas e Científicas do Brasil, entre os anos de 1939 e 1951. Bertha Lutz foi uma das primeiras mulheres brasileiras a ingressar oficialmente em uma instituição científica, depois de ser aprovada em concurso público para o cargo de ¿secretário¿ do Museu Nacional, em 1919. Nesse mesmo ano, fundou uma associação feminista intitulada Liga Pela Emancipação Intelectual da Mulher e, desde então, dedicou-se intensamente às ciências e ao movimento feminista. Com o passar dos anos, deixou o cargo de ¿secretário¿ para assumir o de naturalista, consolidando uma carreira estável e bem-sucedida em ciências naturais. Como membro do Conselho de Fiscalização, participou do processo de construção da nascente política científica nacional, fiscalizando e licenciando expedições científicas realizadas em território brasileiro. Apoiando-se na idéia recorrente na bibliografia sobre gênero e ciências e história das mulheres de que a participação feminina nas ciências foi maior do que imaginamos, mas poucos são os registros existentes e os olhares lançados sobre essa experiência, consideramos que resgatar e analisar trajetórias de mulheres que atuaram como cientistas, relacionando essas experiências com seus contextos específicos, é um passo importante para que possamos compreender os diferentes modos pelos quais o gênero influenciou e continua influenciando a construção de práticas científicas, e para refletir sobre as influências sociais, políticas e econômicas que atingem essas práticas
Abstract: This dissertation discusses the participation of women in sciences with the objective of understand which conditions, factors and strategies had influenced the feminine access to Brazilian¿s scientific institutions at the beginning of 20th century. To elaborate this study we analyzed the trajectory of the scientist and feminist, Bertha Maria Júlia Lutz (18941976), contemplating mainly its performance as representative of the National Museum of Rio de Janeiro in the ¿Brazilian Inspection Council on Artistic and Scientific Expeditions¿, between the years of 1939 and 1951. Bertha Lutz was one of the first Brazilian women civil servant, after being approved in a public competition for the position of ¿secretary¿ of the National Museum, in 1919. In this same year, she created a feminist association entitled ¿League for the Intellectual Emancipation of Woman¿ and, since then, dedicated herself intensely to practice sciences and to the feminist movement. A few years later, she left the position of ¿secretary¿ to assume the position of naturalist, and consolidated a steady and well-succeeded career in natural sciences. As member of Inspection Council, she took part in the process of formulating national scientific policies, process that was just starting in Brazil. Based on the recurrent idea present in the bibliography on gender and sciences and women¿s history that the feminine participation in sciences was more important than we imagine, but there are few registers and a small number of analyses about this experiences, we consider that to rescue and to analyze trajectories of women that had worked as scientists, relating these experiences with its specific contexts, are an important contribution and can help the understanding of the different ways in which the gender influenced and it continues to influence the construction of sciences, and to reflect about the social, economical and political influences, that affects the scientific activity
Mestrado
Mestre em Política Científica e Tecnológica
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Apelgren, Elin. "Promoting Women's Rights : The Case of Sweden's Feminist Foreign Policy." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-374280.
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Amery, Fran. "Abortion politics in the UK : feminism, medicine and the state." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2014. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/4950/.
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Abortion rights are often used as a litmus test for how well women’s interests are represented by the state. However, feminist accounts of British abortion legislation have been conflicting, either presenting the law as fundamentally anti-feminist, or noting that feminist actors have played an active role in its construction and defence. This thesis makes sense of this tension through coding and a chronological discourse analysis of Parliamentary debates on abortion legislation from the 1967 Abortion Act onwards, supplemented by analysis of interview data and commentary. The thesis finds that the gendered assumptions encoded in the Act have constrained the debate. Due to a desire to protect access to abortion, feminists have been forced to defend a law which constructs women as vulnerable and irrational. While feminists have used the discursive resources available to them in creative ways, they have also perpetuated problematic ideas about gender. Difficulties have also been present for anti-abortion politicians, who oppose an Act widely regarded as protecting the vulnerable. These actors have attempted to borrow elements of a liberal, ‘pro-woman’ discourse on abortion, appropriating feminist language. Nonetheless, alongside this rhetoric are elements of a conservative backlash politics which identifies feminism as the cause of women’s problems.
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Karlén, Johanna. "Är den fjärde vågen av feminism här? : Den svenska feministiska rörelsen mellan åren 2009-2019 utifrån ett komparativt perspektiv av de tre historiska vågorna av feminism." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-95617.
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The purpose is to determine and clarify if today's society (2009 to 2019) in Sweden is currently undergoing the fourth wave of feminism by studying the three historical waves of feminism with the main question, ‘Is the society in the fourth wave of feminism?’ The theoretical review is based on several theories about the definition of waves of feminism and social movements. The concepts and theories are operationalized into the factors: actors, results, focus areas and political participation. The selected method consists of a study with descriptive case with a qualitative character based on a literature study. The analysis of the similarities of the historical waves of feminism applied to todays feminism movement prove similarities about the results, but in a smaller scale today. The focus areas have strong similarities to the historical waves and the political participation have strong similarities too, apart from the role of social media today. About the actors, the similarity is strong but todays feminism consists of a large role of individual actors on social media. The conclusion it that the society today is perceived to have clear similarities to the historical waves and can because of that represent the fourth wave of feminism.
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Gidlöf, Sandra. "Feminism på kartan : En kritisk diskursanalys av subjektspositioner i Kanadas feministiska utvecklingspolitik." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-146360.
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Feminism as a tool has lately been used more frequently by governments and institutions, but has been criticized for only representing a Western point of view which has ignored perspectives of women in the so-called Global South. This thesis aims to investigate if Canada, in its recently launched Canada’s Feminist International Assistance Policy, describe women in developing countries from a Western view or if they have incorporated a postcolonial perspective in their policy. By applying a feminist postcolonial theory on Canada’s feminist development policy and with the inspiration of Norman Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis, a shift in in the creation of subject positions of women in developing countries was noticed. The concluding remark emphasize that Canada should keep the postcolonial thought in mind while exercising their policy in the field of development in order to gain trust in the feminist belief.
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Slamat, Anastasia Nicole. "NGOs as linkages between grassroots women and the state : prospects for state feminism in South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/80228.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The core question that is addressed by this research is whether, and to what extent South African women’s NGOs contribute to enhancing state feminism through their ability to articulate and mobilise the strategic interests of women at grassroots level to appear on the national agenda, through the channels provided by the National Gender Machinery (structures of the state). A literature review was conducted that draws on the work of predominantly feminist authors in order to locate this research in previous scholarly knowledge that is relevant to the purpose of this study. The literature review includes elaboration of concepts like state feminism, women’s interests, agenda setting, civil society, and linkages between the women’s movement and the National Gender Machinery (NGM). A theoretical framework developed by Stetson and Mazur (1995), which aims at measuring whether gender machineries facilitate an increase in gender equality within the state, is used. The framework utilises two dimensions in order to investigate the level of state feminism within a country, i.e. state capacity, which investigates to what extent gender machineries influence and inform policy that is feminist and gender friendly; and state-society relations, which investigates the extent to which gender machineries provide opportunities for organised civil society actors (women’s organisations) to engage and access policy making and contribute to policy influence. In order to examine the levels of state capacity present in South Africa with regard to gender equality, current patterns of politics (a concept used by Stetson and Mazur) are considered. This is done in order to evaluate whether the political context is conducive to the passing and implementation of policy that is of a feminist nature. A qualitative study of the experience of four South African women’s NGOs, using face-to-face interviews specially designed for this purpose, was undertaken. The NGOs were interviewed in order to ascertain the status of state-society linkages, and whether the state provides access to civil society actors to inform policy making and implementation from a gender-friendly perspective that is reflective of grassroots women’s interests. The NGOs interviewed are the New Women’s Movement (NWM), the Women’s Legal Centre, the Black Sash and the International Labour Research and Information Group (ILRIG). The findings of the fieldwork are analysed according to the framework of Stetson and Mazur (1995) in order to formulate a response to the research question. Findings include the presence of state capacity that is hostile to gender issues, with minimal (unreceptive) efforts to engage society actors in a flourishing state-society relationship. The provision of unreceptive and inconsistent space provided by the state, the lack of commitment to gender by women working within the state, and the state of “decline” that many South African NGOs are facing, have led to a “blockage” in the articulation of gender issues by NGOs that emanates from grassroots level to inform policy making, and contributes to the institutionalisation of state feminism. The national levels have therefore been largely out of touch with the interests of women at grassroots level as a result of minimal engagement and communication through the (dysfunctional) NGM. The state has spoken on behalf of, and decided on behalf of, women what is best for them and their livelihoods. Instead of being a gateway to the institutionalisation of state feminism, the state has acted as a patriarchal entity and has, to a very large extent, further entrenched gender inequality and the hardships faced by ordinary South African women at grassroots level.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die kernvraag wat deur hierdie navorsing aangespreek word is of, en tot watter mate, Suid-Afrikaanse vroue se nie-regeringsorganisasies (NRO’s) bydra tot die verbreding van staatsfeminisme deur hul vermoë om die strategiese belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak te artikuleer sodat dit op die nasionale agenda deur die kanale wat deur die Nasionale Gender Masjinerie (NGM) (strukture in die staat) verskaf word, verskyn. ’n Literatuurstudie, wat die werk van hoofsaaklik feministiese outeurs aanhaal, is onderneem om hierdie navorsing binne vorige akademiese kennis wat relevant is tot die doel van hierdie studie, te plaas. Dit sluit bespreking van konsepte soos staatsfeminisme, vrouebelange, agenda-skepping, burgerlike samelewing, en verhoudings tussen die vrouebeweging en die NGM in. ’n Teoretiese raamwerk wat deur Stetson en Mazur (1995) ontwikkel is, wat ten doel het om vas te stel of gendermasjinerie ’n toename in geslagsgelykheid binne die staat fasiliteer, word gebruik. Die raamwerk gebruik twee dimensies om die vlak van staatsfeminisme in ’n land te ondersoek, naamlik staatskapsiteit, wat ondersoek tot watter mate gendermasjinerie beleid wat feministies en gender-vriendelik is, beïnvloed en inlig; en staat-samelewing verhoudinge, wat ondersoek instel na die mate waartoe gendermasjinerie geleenthede bied vir akteurs vanuit die georganiseerde burgerlike samelewing om toegang te kry tot en deel te neem aan die beleidmakings- en -implementeringsproses. Om die vlakke van staatskapasiteit t.o.v. geslagsgelykheid in Suid-Afrika te ontleed, word kontemporêre politieke patrone (’n konsep wat deur Stetson en Mazur gebruik word) gebruik. Dit word gedoen om vas te stel of die politieke konteks gunstig is vir die goedkeuring en implementering van beleid van ’n feministiese aard. ’n Kwalitatiewe studie van die ervaring van vier Suid-Afrikaanse NRO’s met behulp van aangesig-tot-aangesig onderhoude wat spesiaal vir hierdie doel ontwerp is, is onderneem. Die onderhoude is met die NRO’s gevoer om die status van staat-samelewing verhoudings vas te stel, en om te bepaal of die staat toegang verleen aan akteurs vanuit die burgerlike samelewing om beleidmakings- en -implementeringsprosesse vanuit ’n gender-vriendelike perspektief, wat die belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak reflekteer, te informeer. Die NRO’s waarmee onderhoude gevoer is, is die New Women’s Movement (NWM), die Women’s Legal Centre, die Black Sash en die International Labour Research and Information Group (ILRIG). Die bevindinge is volgens die raamwerk van Stetson en Mazur (1995) geanaliseer ten einde ’n antwoord op die navorsingsvraag te bied. Die bevindinge sluit in die aanwesigheid van staatskapasiteit wat vyandig gesind is teenoor gendersake, met minimale (nie-ontvanklike) pogings om akteurs vanuit die samelewing betrokke te kry in ’n florerende staat-samelewing verhouding. Die voorsiening van ’n nie-ontvanklike en nie-konsekwente ruimte deur die staat, die gebrek aan toewyding tot gendersake deur vroue wat binne die staat werk, en die toestand van agteruitgang wat baie Suid-Afrikaanse NRO’s in die gesig staar, het gelei tot ’n “blokkasie” in die artikulering van gendersake deur NRO’s, wat hul oorsprong het vanaf die voetsoolvlak om beleidmaking te informeer, en by te dra tot die institusionalisering van staatsfeminisme. Die nasionale vlak is dus baie uit voeling met die belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak a.g.v. minimale betrokkenheid en kommunikasie deur die (disfunksionele) NGM. Die staat praat en besluit namens vroue oor wat die beste vir hulle en hul bestaanswyses is. In stede van ’n poort te wees tot die institusionalisering van staatsfeminisme, tree die staat op as ’n patriargale entiteit en dra dit grootliks daartoe by om gender-ongelykheid en die swaarkry van gewone Suid-Afrikaanse vroue op voetsoolvlak verder te verskans.
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Johnsen, Kristen Brooke. "The influence of gender on foreign policy beliefs and behavior : a literature review." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53130.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since feminist approaches to international relations (IR) first made their appearance in the late 1980s, efforts to explain the 'gender gap' have proliferated. Gender studies within IR in particular have been focused on foreign policy opinion, seeking to discover whether men and women have different views on foreign policy simply due to the fact that they are of different genders. The correlate of this is that if women believe differently than men, in which way do they believe differently and if this were then taken to its logical end, what would happen if they were more equally responsible for foreign policy decision-making? As an illustration of the varying approaches to feminist IR, this research project undertakes a brief overview of the history of feminist IR, showing how the tools and language of traditional IR do not encompass the needs of feminist IR study. The research article then reviews the literature of gender, feminism and foreign policy beliefs and behavior, examining its research core and evolution to date. Three research questions are covered. Firstly, is gender a relevant variable in foreign policy analysis? Secondly, if yes, does it make a difference to the foreign policy beliefs of women? Thirdly, where women play a significant role in foreign policy decisionmaking, are countries more pacific on the international level? Dealt with separately, foreign policy beliefs are found to have a clear gender-based breakdown. Foreign policy behavior is less simple to approach since the dataset of countries led by women during international disputes is limited. The research project and literature review also looks forward, pointing toward the future, not only of gender and foreign policy studies but also to the implications that future developments in feminist IR may have for the study of IR.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Pogings om die geslagsgaping te verduidelik het vermenigvuldig sedert die feministiese benadering tot Internasionale Verhoudinge die eerste keer in die laat 1980's sy verskyning gemaak het. Geslagstudies binne Internasionale Verhoudinge het veral gefokus op opinies oor buitelandse beleid om sodoende vas te stelof mans en vroue verskillende sienings oor buitelandse beleid huldig bloot as gevolg van die feit dat hulle verskillende geslagte is. Die keersy hiervan is dat indien vroue anders glo as mans, op watter manier hulle anders glo, en - indien dit dan tot 'n logiese uiteinde gevoer word - wat sou gebeur indien daar meer gelyke verantwoordelikheid vir buitelandse beleidsbesluite sou wees. As 'n illustrasie van die verskillende benaderings tot feministiese Internasionale Verhoudinge, onderneem hierdie navorsingsprojek 'n oorsig van die geskiedenis van feministiese Internasionale Verhoudinge om sodoende te toon dat die gereedskap en taal van tradisionele Internasionale Verhoudinge nie aan die behoeftes van feministiese Internasionale Verhoudingstudies voldoen nie. Hierdie navorsingsartikel gee dan 'n oorsig oor geslagsliteratuur, feminisme en buitelandse beleidsopinies en -gedrag deur sy navorsingskern en evolusie tot datum te ondersoek. Drie navorsingsvrae word behandel. Eerstens, is geslag 'n relevante veranderlike in buitelandse beleidsanalise? Tweedends, indien ja, veranderdit die buitelandse beleidsopinies van vroue? Derdens, is lande meer passief op internasionale vlak waar vroue 'n wesentlike rol in buitelandse beleidsbesluitneming speel? Afsonderlik beskou, is daar gevind dat daar 'n duidelike geslagsonderskeid in buitelandse beleidsopinies is. Dis egter minder eenvoudig om buitelandse beleidsgedrag te bestudeer, aangesien slegs beperkte inligting oor lande wat gedurende internasionale dispute deur vroue beheer is beskikbaar is. Die navorsingsprojek en literatuuroorsig kyk ook vorentoe met spesifieke verwysing na die toekoms van nie net geslag en buitelandse beleidstudies nie, maar ook na die implikasies wat toekomstige verwikkelinge In feministiese Internasionale Verhoudinge 'n vir die studie van tradisionele Internasionale Verhoudinge kan hê.
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Velke, Maja. "Sveriges feministiska inrikespolitik : En granskande studie om den jämställdhetspolitik som regering Löfven bedrivit under mandatperioden 2014-2018." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-75006.
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In 2014, the newly elected Swedish government declared itself as the first feminist government in the world. When CEDAW in 2016 released their review of the Swedish gender equality policy work, they criticized the lack of concrete results. In the recommendations they suggested that Sweden should adopt a national strategy in their work with violence against women. Being the first public feminist government, working with women issues such as violence against women, it is therefore of interest to study what kind of theoretical and practical policy work the Löfven administration has done during their first term. In this study, the purpose is to find out what the government has done in regard to stop the violence against women, by using the theoretical framework of feminist institutionalism and state feminism. In the result, that is gathered from government documents, it is shown that the Löfven administration has had a similar goal and policy work that the CEDAW recommended, but there is still questions in the area that is yet to be a part of that work. In conclusion, you can with safety say that women´s issues have taken a place in the political agenda, but not even the first county in the world governed by a feminist government is equal.
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Mello, Marlova Soares. "Três leituras de ficção científica : uma dissertação sem título." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/172970.
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Essa dissertação é o resultado dos questionamentos e das inquietações suscitadas a partir do encontro das narrativas de ficções científicas e das ideias feministas. Esses pulsares teóricos transpassam em alguns momentos minha trajetória acadêmica, tentando, concomitantemente, conciliar e incorporar essas duas formas literárias. A discussão basilar advém da leitura de The Female Man, de Joanna Russ, em um encadeamento sutil com a minha perspectiva enquanto sujeito mulher em contato com esses universos. Por fim, busca-se desvendar os fragmentos narrativos que estão impregnados de poderosas imagens subversivas e palavras transgressoras que convocam as leitoras e leitores a repensar, resistir e reformular a realidade ao seu redor.This thesis is the result of questioning and restlessness raised by the encounter of science fiction narratives and feminist ideas. These theoretical pulses trespass at some moments my academic trajectory, trying concomitantly to harmonize and to embody these two literary types. The underlying discussion comes from the reading of The Female Man, by Joanna Russ, inside a sutil chaining with my perspective as woman subject in contact with these universes. Lastly, It seeks to unravel the narrative fragments that are impregnated with powerful subversive images and transgressive words that invite male and female readers to rethink, resist and reshape the reality around them
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Wilson, Michael Andrew. "HIV/AIDS Health Policy, Feminism, Backlash, and Anti-LGBT Attitudes in Uganda." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1464705500.
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Sader, Jennifer Lynn. "Beyond the First “Click:” Women Graduate Students in Computer Science." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1194040578.
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Szleg, Magdalena. "Kristdemokraterna, ett feministiskt parti? : En kvalitativ innehållsanalys av Kristdemokraternas jämställdhetspolitik." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-443552.
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Taylor, Colleen A. "One SIze Fits All Feminism? Domestic Women's Rights Activists' Struggle to be Heard." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1398079498.
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Cox, Emily Venetia. "Becoming indiscernible : from bare life to female machines : a study of the philosophy of Agamben and Deleuze in the space of science fiction." Thesis, Brunel University, 2017. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/15242.
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The tendency within science fiction to satirise and expose dominant political and social structures works in harmony with Agamben's paradigmatic, philosophical system, which seeks to similarly expose the functioning of biopolitical structures in the West. Agamben is known for his controversial statement that the concentration camp has become the paradigm of modern western government. A key aspect or biproduct of this process is the situation of bare life - a state of being excluded from the polis that emerges as a result of the suspended nature of the paradigm of western government. This state is one of political denudation, such that governments may sanction the abuse and even killing of certain groups: a chief historical example is the murder of Jews during the Nazi holocaust. Sf novels, particularly the work of Philip K. Dick offer unique insights into the process that produces bare life, partly by exhibiting its own specific examples: positing the inhuman or post-human, androids and even women as instances of such. This thesis argues that Womankind is perhaps the central and most pervasive case of bare life, given her long-standing historical oppression. Furthermore, the representation of women in sf often exposes and in some cases critiques the patriarchal power structures that have allowed women to inhabit this political state. The philosophy of Deleuze offers the much needed potential to break away from this never-ending system of female oppression that the current paradigm of biopolitics facilitates. His and Guattari's system of becoming and immanence provides a framework for discussing the position of women as, rather than hopeless victims of a stagnant system, one of potential that they term becoming-woman; this process can be manipulated in certain emancipatory directions, freeing women from patriarchal, political practices. The sf figure of the gynoid in particular acts as a zone of indeterminate becoming whose presence in sf popular culture, literature and also in sf video games (e.g. the Mass Effect and Deus Ex series) is a conduit for exploring and imagining alternatives to current modes of being that are not necessarily gendered. I call this process becoming-gynoid, which offers new avenues for exploration in terms of gender and feminist theory both in sf fiction and sf video games.
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Pesonen, Hanna. "Den feministiska klädseln : En kvalitativ studie om femvertising." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-78899.
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The purpose of this study is to examine if, and in that case how feminism is being used as a marketing tool known as “femvertising” in the two firms; Libresse and Ida Klamborn. These two firms were selected as both are specialised in products for young women and are known for their girl power advertisements. The study looks at how neoliberalism infiltrates all aspects of society, affecting the people in it, and making individuals look at themselves as market entities. Furthermore, firms are seen by the people as symbols for their own values, causing goods and services to be marketed as identities to serve the individual person’s values. This study examines how these identities affect the individual person as well as how social media, marketing and company profiles describe that their own products produces a certain identity. The study examines if the two firms are using feminist expressions, descriptions and statements on their webpages, company profile, as well as their Instagram pages. The study also investigates whether the firms use feminist associations to sell identities and how these identities are being advertised to their customers. The study concludes that the neoliberal society has made an impact on how we look at feminism and how it is being advertised. By studying the two firms different platforms the study concludes that Ida Klamborn and Libresse are using feminist expressions, descriptions and statements in their marketing and company description even though they neither claim to be nor deny being feminist. It is also found that there is a clear connection between neoliberal theory and third wave feminism. It has been made clear that both Libresse and Ida Klamborn try to establish a relationship with their consumers through social media with advertisements containing a feminist agenda. This study also concludes that more information and material is needed in order to give a more conclusive answer, although it gives a brief insight into how femvertising works and how it can be identified.
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Sun, Shengwei. "Civil Society, the State, and Transnational Feminism: A Case Study of Women's Organizing in Contemporary China." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/69.
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Conventional wisdom holds that civil society building always strengthens democracy, and that civil society gains by undermining the state. Many studies have taken the case of democratic countries, such as the United States and India. However, the emerging civil society within authoritarian China raises an interesting question to the neoclassical hypothesis. Does civil society building necessarily leads to democracy? How do we evaluate the work of local civic groups and why does that matter? This thesis seeks answer through a case study of women’s organizing around the issue of domestic violence in China, exploring to what extent the growth of women’s organizing challenges or strengthens the hegemony of state, and in what ways transnational feminism facilitates the development of feminist activism in China. The case study finds a positive correlation between the increasing women’s organizing around the issue of domestic violence and the level of state intervention. Through closely examining the work of local women’s groups in China, it identifies the structural barriers and the state regulations limiting women’s organizing, but it also explores mobilizing strategies by women’s groups and the changes they have made despite the authoritarian setting. Ultimately, this thesis attempts to argue that civil society building is a political process structurally depended on the political economy of the state, and that the state also plays a significant role in “producing” certain kind of civil society. A situated analysis suggests that local groups adopt certain political strategies and prioritize certain issues over others under political, economic, and social constraints of their living environment, meaning that the strategies and focuses of civil society groups under the authoritarian setting in China will be different from the groups in the developed, democratic countries. Meanwhile, transnational feminism provides women activists with alternative discourses on gender issues and alternative sites for mobilization.
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SHERRON, CATHERINE ELIZABETH. "CRITICAL VALUES: FEMINIST PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE AND THE COMPUTING SCIENCES." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1054218563.
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Sherron, Catherine E. "Critical values feminist philosophy of science and the computing sciences /." Cincinnati, Ohio : University of Cincinnati, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=ucin1054218563.
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Hörnell, Lovisa. "MeToo – rättfärdigad civil olydnad? : En idékritisk fallstudie av MeToo-rörelsens uthängningar utifrån kontraktsteori och feminism." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-384467.
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The study examines if methods used by MeToo-movement can be justified as civil disobedience, using contract theories formulated by John Rawls and Ronald Dworkin. The study aims at two things. Firstly, to explore the justification of public accusations in order to give new perspectives on the contemporary debate on the Swedish MeToo-movement. Three cases are examined, all in which profiles names and pictures have been published in media due to accusations of sexual harassments. Secondly, the study aims to examine and evaluate the normative standpoints behind the contractarian approach to civil disobedience from a feminist perspective. By applying feminist critic of contract theory, carried out by Carole Pateman, Susan Moller Okin and Jean Hampton, I hope to contribute to a more sustainable theory on civil disobedience as a tool for fighting structural injustice. The analysis shows that the contractarian way of defining and justifying civil disobedience is founded on assumptions that are unacceptable from a feminist point of view. Amongst other things, I find that Rawls definition of political consciousness ignores the structural subordination and discrimination of women, by paying attention only to the public sphere and its political institutions. As a result of this, although some aspects of the methods used by the MeToo-movement fits in to the contractarian definition of civil disobedience, the theories prove unable to justify our cases. In the conclusion, I argue that the MeToo-movement broadens our understanding of civil disobedience by challenging the boundaries of how injustices are created, defined and remediated.