Journal articles on the topic 'Schools Division Finance'

A survey of 52 top-ranked undergraduate business schools suggests that profi ciency in written and oral communication is considered an important requirement for an undergraduate business degree. This conclusion derives from a study of offi cial Web sites, with follow-up verification by e-mail. All schools have writing and other communication ( primarily oral) standnrds in place; 50 have lower-division writing requirements, and 17 schools have other lower-division communication requirements ( primarily oral). A total of 36 schools have upper-division writing requirements, and 25 of those schools offer business communication courses through the business schools, and not through liberal arts divisions.

In 2015, the National Collegiate Athletic Association Division I schools were permitted to cover the “full cost of attendance” as a part of athletic scholarships for the first time, which allowed schools to provide modest living stipends to its athletes. Differences in cost-of-attendance allotments across schools have the potential to affect the allocation of talent, with higher stipends attracting better student-athletes. Using recently published cost-of-attendance data, we estimate the impact of cost-of-attendance allowances on college football recruiting. Estimates reveal that cost-of-attendance scholarship allowances were positively associated with football recruiting quality immediately following their implementation, indicating that the modest differences in stipends swayed student-athletes’ college choice.

Using a stochastic production function approach and a dynamic panel data estimator, this study creates estimates of time-varying efficiency in the production of generated revenues for NCAA Division I football bowl subdivision athletic programs. These efficiency estimates are then compared to the use of allocated revenues—fees from students and direct payments from the university budget—by college athletic departments. While all schools that are less efficient in the production of generated revenue are shown to use allocated revenue more intensively, a major finding is power-conference schools that are less efficient in their use of expenditure inputs tend to rely more heavily on allocated revenue in the form of student fees to support the activities of the program.

Standard labor market theory says that workers are paid their marginal revenue product (MRP). However, firm revenue is sometimes independent of the productivity of individual workers. This often occurs in professional sports, as the bulk of a team’s revenue comes from league-wide TV contracts negotiated years in advance. This is also true for head coaches at “Group of Five” schools, which form the second tier of college football programs. We show that a coach’s performance affects both his MRP and his bargaining power over the division of exogenous rents that accrue to his program.

Collegiate football may provide advertising for universities, attracting larger pools of applicants and leading to more academically qualified student bodies. Football may also build school spirit, reducing attrition and improving long-run graduation rates. This analysis uses data from 2001 to 2004 for available National Collegiate Athletic Association Division-1 institutions to examine the advertising and effectiveness effects of football. Using both general linear model and linear-in-means model estimation procedures, we find strong advertising and effectiveness effects for football in the full sample. Among schools fielding a football team, the impact of Football Bowl Subdivision and winning percentage is muddy; however, the advertising effect of bowl appearances is strong.

This report was originally commissioned in 1988 by the Executive Committee of the Business Policy and Planning Division of the Academy of Management. At that time, the Executive Committee, concerned about a number of issues connected with doctoral education, appointed The Committee on the Future of Doctoral Education to study these issues. There had been, in the last 15 years, a veritable explosion of literature in the field of Business Policy and Strategy. This trend was accompanied by a growth in the number of doctoral programs being established in American universities. As with any evolving field, questions were being raised not only by "outsiders" (faculty in other departments of a business school, curriculum and administrative officers in business schools) but also by "insiders" (professors, students, prospective students in the field itself). What is the nature of the field? What are its boundaries? What are the major streams of literature in the field? What kind of research is most promising?

Previous research into education and student geographies has usually focussed on either compulsory schooling or university education. This paper, using London as a case study, is an innovative attempt to understand the geographies of non-compulsory, non-university education (‘further education’, FE) which plays a crucial role in a world city labour market that requires a wide range of skills. Original analysis is provided using findings from a questionnaire, interviews with students and senior college managers and the analysis of individual student records, the Individualised Student Record (ISR) and Pupil-Level School Census (PLASC). The education geography of 16-19 year olds in FE involves selection by institutions alongside choice by learners resulting in complex patterns of social segregation and travel to learn. The division between post 16 colleges and sixth forms attached to schools is crucial with the latter, wherever they are located, taking a less deprived section of the cohort.

<p>The filial school is one of the model of school development where learners study and learn various skills as the basic capital to continue to higher education level. The responsibility of the school's management is fully filial by the parent school in accordance with the quality standards of education services. This research aims to reveal the management of philial school development on the standard of management at Singkawang 11 State Junior High School (SMP Negeri 11 Singkawang ) with the focus of: 1) development planning of filial school in management standard, 2) organizing the development of filial school in management standard, 3) implementation of filial school development on management standard, 4) supervision of filial school development on management standards, 5) constraints faced in the development of filial schools on management standards, and 6) efforts undertaken in the development of filial schools on management standards. The research method used descriptive research with qualitative approach. Data collected by in-depth interviews, participant observation, documentation and analyzed by data reduction, data presentation, conclusion or verification. Testing of data reliability is done by extending the observation period, and triangulation and member checking. The results of the study conclude: 1) Filial School Development Planning in Management Standards, has been done by Singkawang 11 State Junior High School by making the vision and mission is implied that support the implementation of philial school development and has been socialized and arranged based on consultation with certain teachers by considering the needs of the school as a basis making, 2) organizing the development of filial schools on the standard of management, that the head of Singkawang 11 State Junior High School has arranged the organizational structure in connection with the division of main tasks and functions of the teacher and socialized. 3) Implementing the development of filial schools on the standard of management that Singkawang 11 State Junior High School refers to document I which includes all aspects of school management including philial schools covering curriculum aspects, student aspects, educator aspect and educational staff, aspects of facilities and infrastructure, finance and financing , school culture and school areas, school committees and partnerships, and school management information systems, 4) supervision of filial school development on process standards, that Singkawang 11 State Junior High School has conducted School Self Evaluation (EDS) conducted annually as a basis for preparation of the Plan School Work (RKS) and principals have conducted classroom supervision activities on teachers. For managerial supervision of the eight national standards of education by school supervisors has been undertaken but not scheduled, 5) The barriers faced in the development of filial schools in management standards consist of internal (internal) and external (external) barriers. obstacles from within include the limitations of learning facilities and infrastructure of students in the form of limited learning buildings, laboratories, libraries, canteen, prayer room, learning books and desks and student learning seats. External obstacles in the form of poor, perforated, and muddy access roads make it difficult for teachers to carry out teaching duties at the filial schools. 6) The efforts made in the development of filial schools in the management standards include the proposal for the rehabilitation of the 2017 study by the principal to the education and cultural offices of Singkawang city, the cooperation of the principal of Singkawang 11 State Junior High School with Singkawang 3 State Junior High School in a grant program of learning facilities in the form of help desk and desk study as well as reference books for studying students in filial schools. </p>

In the paper it notes: the quality of education is a series of systemic-social qualities and characteristics that define the system of education adopted requirements, social norms, the state educational standards. The authors believe that quality education depends on the quality of requirements (goals, standards and norms), quality resources (programs, personnel potential, contingent of entrants, logistics, Finance, etc.) and the quality of the educational process (scientific and educational activities, management, educational technology), which directly provide the training. The novelty of this work is that the country's accession to the Bologna process has resulted in the need for corresponding harmonization of the current quality assurance system of higher education to the commitments made. Quality assurance of higher education at the state level is achieved by development of normative-legal, organizational, methodological and other documents regulating the system of state quality control of education. The authors note that in the implementation of many activities that should contribute to quality assurance in higher education. The subject of the study is that the current quality assurance system (external expert evaluation of activities of higher education institutions) is now at the stage adaptation of the national system of quality assurance standards and guide lines for quality assurance in the European higher educatio narea. In particular, the formation of the monitoring system and definition of rating of higher educational institutions, which in the assessment activities of the University focuses on international indicators (indicators). Even today, some universities are turning to international accreditation agencies. The study's findings is that the system of legal acts regulating the functioning of higher education, while maintaining a certain level of state regulation of activities in the field of higher education, provides an opportunity to ensure greater compliance with the professional qualification level of training of specialists for the requirements of the social division of labor and mobility system of training of specialists on the labor market. At the same time, the analysis of normative-legal acts on higher education shows that, despite the progressive legal instruments adopted in recent years aimed at the development of the education system, they still characterized by inconsistency, ambiguity, and the impossibility of monitoring the implementation of certain provisions. For the solution of problems a rising in the process of quality management of higher education, the need for further improvement and development framework. Important measure to improve the quality of education and management is the implementation of quality management systems in higher education institutions.

A growing body of research has shown that children with mathematics difficulties (MD) encounter problems in a range of mathematical tasks including mathematical computations, mathematical concepts and word problems. However, limited work has been accomplished to date that documented the children’s specific difficulties or problems in each category of mathematical tasks. The present study examined whether or not children with MD face more difficulties with some operations in each category than other operations. The study selected 13 grade six children with MD from two primary schools in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Examination of the students’ performance on a 50-item curriculum-based mathematics test showed that (i) on the computation subtest, the children performed significantly poorly on items with multiplication, division and mixed operations as compared to computation items that require addition and subtraction; (ii) on mathematical concepts, the children performed significantly worse on all items but they performed slightly better on principles and rules; and (iii) on word problems, the children performed significantly poorly on all five types of items (addition, subtraction, multiplication, division and mixed operations). Overall, the findings show that children with MD face difficulties with several types of mathematical (computation, concepts and word problem) tasks except computation items that require the application of addition and subtraction.

Abstract School-based members of the American Speech-Language-Hearing Association (ASHA) seeking successful advocacy for accessing and obtaining additional funds for services and programs must build their efforts upon an understanding of school funding. Demystifying the complex nature of federal, state, and local funding in order to understand how money flows to local speech-language pathology and audiology programs is the first step toward successful advocacy. In this article, Division 16 affiliates will learn about the important role ASHA's School Finance Committee plays in helping ASHA members understand funding and locate funding sources, and will be provided with tips on advocating for money to support professional and student service needs.

This study aimed to assess school leaders’ management of financial and resources in public elementary schools in District 18, Schools Division of Rizal, DepEd Region IV-A. This research study used descriptive-survey as the study’s research design. The respondents of the study comprised of teachers and school leaders. Findings of the study revealed that that majority are female, married, master’s degree holder, had an academic rank of Teacher I to Teacher III for teachers and appointed permanent principal for school leaders and in the service for more than 11 years. School Leaders’ Performance in Management of Finances and Resources in term of regular resource inventory was advance, while, regular dialogue for planning and resource programming and community-developed resource management system were developing. There is no significant difference on the assessment of school leaders’ management of financial and resources when grouped into school leaders and teachers. However, the researchers can infer that there is a significant difference on the scores of respondents on approved school operating budget and school inventory of resources. There is no significant difference on the assessment of school leaders’ management of financial and resources when compared into research survey results and SBM assessment of Region IV-A CALABARZON, Schools Division of Rizal. This study recommends an excellent financial plan that teachers and school heads collaborated in drafting it. This may plan according the management of finances and resources of the school

The Rapid increase in public spending for white schools that occurred in North Carolina after the turn of the century led to a large racial disparity in the amount spent per child by 1910. Previous scholars have attributed this racial difference in school spending to the disfranchisement of the black voter (Margo, 1982). It was argued that once blacks were prevented from voting, the white members of the school boards were able to divert the public funds which were initially allocated for the education of black children. The most widely accepted version of this theory is credited to Horace Mann Bond (1934) who studied education expenditures for black children in Alabama. Bond argued that the governmental level at which schools were financed was important in determining the racial division of public school funds since the white members of the county school boards were particularly inclined to divert the funds allocated by the state government. The state funds which were allocated to the local school boards in Alabama were not required to be shared equally between black and white students. After blacks had been disfranchised, the county school boards responded by allocating a disproportionate share of these state funds for the education of white children.

This study aims to explain the description of the principal's leadership management in improving the spiritual intelligence of students at SMK YP-PGRI I Makassar and to explain the impact of the principal's leadership management in improving the spiritual intelligence of students at SMK YP-PGRI I Makassar. The type of research used in this research is qualitative. The results showed that the principal was able to manage all school resources, including Educators, Education Personnel, Students, infrastructure, finance, administration, planning of learning programs, programs of religious activities (spiritual activities), and others. other. Planning of school learning programs through structured scheduling by the Deputy Head of Curriculum with the involvement of the Principal and Educators in the preparation. The Principal of SMK YP-PGRI I Makassar seeks to organize educators and education staff through the division of tasks to each educator and education staff based on their potential and educational background, namely the distribution of task decrees in the hope that educators and education staff can work according to their job descriptions each.

The key challenge that Polish higher education needs to face in the early 21st century is to adjust its educational offer to the dynamic changes taking place within the employment market. Higher vocational schools and universities are expected to provide students with crucial skills that will in the future empower their mobility on the employment market as well as enhance their professional development. The multifaceted modernization of the educational offer could effectively be supported by means of the European Social Fund. The passport to success in such undertakings as launching a new specialization „Tourism and Recreation” within the initiative: „Development of Didactical Potential of The Pedagogical University in Cracow”, financed by ESF, is not only built up on a clever idea (e.g. new, attractive studies) but above all, on committed and well­prepared organizational team. What constitutes the essential factor is the interaction between coordinators along with determined teaching staff, heads of departments, heads of teaching and public procurements divisions, Ministry of Education and Labour, as well as employers and tourism industry experts. The beneficiaries of the projects implemented with the financial support of ESF belong to difficult target groups. Their deficiencies make it hard to stimulate their active participation in the projects and to make them persevere in the given task.

Topicality. It is caused by excessive centralization of powers and financial and material resources by the executive authorities, the inability of the territorial communities of the basic level to fulfill their powers, the deterioration of the quality and availability of public services due to the lack of financial and material provision. Aim and tasks. To investigate the economic aspects of administrative-territorial reform in Ukraine, to identify the main problems of financial provision of territorial communities of the baseline level. Research results. The model of budget relations implemented is aligned not by expenditures, but by income. Such a mechanism has a motivational component regarding the interest in increasing the revenue base of local budgets. At that time, the transition to equalization of local budgets by income led to an increase in the differentiation of communities. Most benefit was given to cities of regional significance whose incomes have increased significantly. Local government revenues consist of own revenues and transfers from the central level. Over the past 20 years, the tendency towards a decrease in the share of local budget revenues and the increase in the share of state budget revenues in the consolidated budget of Ukraine (without intergovernmental transfers) has been observed. The share of local budget revenues without transfers (own revenues) decreased by 1,5 times from 31,4 % in 2002 to 20,9 % in 2018. In the financing system of local self-government, during the study period, the share of transfers increased. The share of own revenues decreased almost 2 times, from 78,4 % in 2002 to 42,1 % in 2018, and the share of transfers increased from 21,6 % to 57,9 %, respectively. This dependence on transfers is of a serious scale: in 45 % of the united territorial communities (UTC) transfers in 2016 amounted to 75 % of revenues. The increase in the share of transfers in the budgets of local self-government, the dependence of the amount of transfers from central authorities and the inability to plan them, as well as the transfer of powers without adequate financial support, pose significant risks to the economic self-sufficiency of local communities. In 2016, 76 % of expenditures of local self-government bodies were performed on behalf of central authorities as financing of "delegated powers" (health care, education, social protection). At the same time, transfers from the central level accounted for only 57,9 % of local budget revenues. That is, a considerable part of delegated powers of local self-government bodies are forced to finance at the expense of their own income. As a result, they have little resources to fulfill their "own authority", namely the construction and repair of local roads and housing, the provision of utilities (water supply and sewerage, waste collection, heating, etc.), as well as local transport and development of " objects of culture and rest. Under the burden of current expenditures, the investment capacity of local self-government bodies is small. The authorities at the oblast and rayon level are not entirely self-governing, as regional and district levels act as local self-government bodies (regional and district councils), as well as executive bodies (oblast and rayon state administrations). The first few have very few powers, and their executive bodies are not created, although this is provided by the Concept. The latter are subordinate to the central authorities and they have a dominant role. All this complicates the assessment of changes at the regional and district levels in the context of financial decentralization. A prerequisite for the normal functioning and development of UTC is their economic self-sufficiency. This implies that the UTC revenues correspond to the expenditures necessary for the exercise of their own and delegated powers. An appropriate methodology is needed to carry out an assessment of the economic self-sufficiency of the communities. More than 4 years of decentralization reform have taken place, but there is no corresponding methodology. The lack of a methodology for assessing the economic self-sufficiency of the combined territorial is due to objective reasons. First, this is the lack of a clear and legally-established division of powers between the executive and local self-government bodies, as well as between the levels of the latter. Secondly, the lack of standards and norms of financial and infrastructural provision of public services (schools, kindergartens, paramedical outpatient departments, out-patient departments, engineering networks, etc.). Conclusions. The conducted study shows that Ukraine has a centralized system of incomes and expenditures, and the reform of financial decentralization has led to the opposite result, namely, to increase the dependence of local self-government on central authorities. The reform of financial decentralization in Ukraine tends to support a model that is more based on transfers than on its own revenue.

AbstractKarl Marx entitled his first major work on the theory of capitalism an Introduction to the Critique of Political Economy, not, it should be stressed, An Introduction to … Political Economy. The inclusion of the crucial ‘the critique of provides the key to Marx's break with classical political economy. As much as he respected the contribution of bourgeois writers, especially Ricardo, he did not consider himself a radical member of the political economy school. That the political economy school's most outstanding members focused upon class relations did not save them from an analysis that, in Marx's judgement, was ‘vulgar', in that it focused upon the appearance of phenomena rather than their underlying causes. Political economy focused on relations of exchange, rather than on class relations among human beings. As he wrote famously in an oftquoted letter, for at least a generation before him bourgeois writers had recognised both class divisions in capitalism and that the basis of profit was exploitation; were these the central elements of his work, his contribution would have been trivial.

Rond 1910 werd in de BWP de Vlaamse kwestie een vrije kwestie. De ‘versmelting’ van twee volken in een ‘âme belge’, via tweetaligheid, werd afgewezen. Onder impuls van Huysmans beriep het Vlaamse socialisme zich op de idee van culturele autonomie: het recht op onderwijs in de moedertaal van de lagere school tot de universiteit en dus de vernederlandsing van de Gentse Rijksuniversiteit. Daarmee behoorde het Vlaamse socialisme tot de voorhoede van de Vlaamse beweging. Het Waalse socialisme daarentegen verdedigde nog de superioriteit van het Frans en de mythe van een tweetalig Vlaanderen, en kantte zich tegen die Vlaamse hoofdeis.Tijdens de tweede fase (1919-1935) was de Vlaamse beweging verzwakt en het Vlaamse socialisme verdeeld. Huysmans slaagde er slechts met moeite in om een ongunstig partijstandpunt ter zake te verhinderen en de Vlaamse kwestie als een vrije kwestie te behouden. Het ‘Compromis des socialistes belges’ van november 1929 was gebaseerd op regionale eentaligheid en een minimale tweetaligheid in het leger en de centrale besturen. Het legde mee de fundamenten van de evolutie naar het beginsel van de territorialiteit inzake bestuur en onderwijs (1930 en 1932).Tijdens de derde fase (1935-1940) hield die pacificatie geen stand. Conflicten versterkten elkaar. De partijleiding kwam in handen van de Brusselaar Spaak en de Vlaming De Man, die met zijn Plan van de Arbeid in 1933 de BWP even uit de impasse had gehaald. Het ging om een nieuwe generatie die het socialisme een andere inhoud wilde geven: streven naar een volkspartij in plaats van klassenstrijd, een ‘socialisme national’, een autoritaire democratie als antwoord op een aanhoudende politieke crisis. Vooral aan Waalse kant werd daartegen gereageerd. Tevens werd de evolutie in het buitenlandse beleid, de zelfstandigheid los van Frankrijk, bekritiseerd. De Spaanse burgeroorlog en de eventuele erkenning van generaal Franco dreef de tegenstellingen op de spits. Voor het eerst had de partij met Spaak een socia-listische eerste minister (mei 1938-januari 1939). Hoewel alle socialisten tegen Franco waren, verschilden de Waalse socialisten van mening met de meeste Vlaamse socialisten over de vraag of de regering daarover moest vallen. Er was ook de tegenstelling over een al dan niet toenadering tot de christelijke arbeidersbeweging vanwege een dan noodzakelijke schoolvrede en een subsidiëring van de katholieke ‘strijdscholen’. Daarop entte zich de taalkwestie. In de Kamer viel de fractiecohesie terug tot 53%.De Vlaamse socialisten waren niet alleen veel sterker vertegenwoordigd in de fractie (40% in 1936), hun zelfbewustzijn nam ook sterk toe. Ze ergerden zich steeds meer aan het bijna exclusieve gebruik van het Frans in de fractie, in het partijbestuur en vooral tijdens congressen. Wie geen of weinig Frans kende, wilde niet langer als minderwaardig worden behandeld. Zeker als dat samenviel met een andere visie. Het eerste aparte Vlaams Socialistisch Congres ging door in maart 1937. Het wilde de culturele autonomie zo veel mogelijk doortrekken, maar keerde zich tegen elke vorm van federalisme, waardoor de Vlaamse socialisten in een klerikaal Vlaanderen een machteloze minderheid zouden worden. Bij de Waalse socialisten groeide de frustratie. Ze organiseerden aparte Waalse Congressen in 1938 en 1939. Ze benadrukten drie vormen van Vlaams imperialisme. De ongunstige demografische evolutie maakte een Vlaamse meerderheid in het parlement en politieke minorisering mogelijk. De financieel-economische transfers van Wallonië naar Vlaanderen verarmden Wallonië. Het verlies aan jobs voor ééntalige Walen in Wallonië en in Brussel was discriminerend. Dat laatste zorgde voor een francofone toenadering en een gezamenlijke framing. Het flamingantisme had zich al meester gemaakt van Vlaanderen, bedreigde via tweetaligheid nu de Brusselse agglomeratie, waarna Wallonië aan de beurt zou komen. Op 2 februari 1939 stonden Vlaamse en Waalse socialisten tegenover elkaar. De unitaire partij dreigde, naar katholiek voorbeeld, in twee taalgroepen uiteen te vallen. Zover kwam het niet. De wallinganten, die een politiek federalisme nastreefden, hadden terrein gewonnen, maar de meeste Waalse socialisten bleven voorstander van een nationale solidariteit. Mits een nieuw ‘Compromis’ dat met de Waalse grieven rekening hield. De mythe van het Vlaamse socialisme als Vlaams vijandig of onverschillig is moeilijk vol te houden. Wel ontstond na de Tweede Wereldoorlog een andere situatie. Tijdens de jaren 1960 behoorde de Vlaamse kwestie tot de ‘trein der gemiste kansen’ . Na de Eerste Wereldoorlog en de invoering van het enkelvoudig stemrecht voor mannen werd de socialistische partij bijna even groot als de katholieke. De verkiezingen verscherpten de regionale en ideologische asymmetrie. De katholieke partij behield de absolute meerderheid in Vlaanderen, de socialistische verwierf een gelijkaardige positie in Wallonië. Nationaal werden coalitieregeringen noodzakelijk. In de Kamer veroverden zowel de socialisten als de christendemocratische vleugel een machtsbasis, maar tot de regering doordringen bleek veel moeilijker. Die bleven gedomineerd door de conservatieve katholieke vleugel en de liberale partij, met steun van de koning en van de haute finance. Eenmaal het socialistische minimumprogramma uit angst voor een sociale revolutie aanvaard (1918-1921), werden de socialisten nog slechts getolereerd tijdens crisissituaties of als het niet anders kon (1925-1927, 1935-1940). Het verklaart een toenemende frustratie bij Waalse socialisten. Tevens bemoeilijkte hun antiklerikalisme de samenwerking van Vlaamse socialisten met christendemocraten en Vlaamsgezinden, zoals in Antwerpen, en dat gold ook voor de vorming van regeringen. In de BWP waren de verhoudingen veranderd. De macht lag nu gespreid over vier actoren: de federaties, het partijbestuur, de parlementsfractie en eventueel de ministers. De eenheid was bij momenten ver zoek. In 1919 was het Vlaamse socialisme veel sterker geworden. In Vlaanderen behaalde het 24 zetels (18 meer dan in 1914) en werd het met 25,5% de tweede grootste partij. Bovendien was de dominantie van Gent verschoven naar Antwerpen, dat met zes zetels de vierde grootste federatie van de BWP werd. Het aantrekken van Camille Huysmans als boegbeeld versterkte haar Vlaamsgezind profiel. In een eerste fase moest Huysmans nog de Vlaamse kwestie als een vrije kwestie verdedigen. Zelfs tegen de Gentse en de Kortrijkse federatie in, die de vooroorlogse Vlaamsgezinde hoofdeis – de vernederland-sing van de Gentse universiteit – hadden losgelaten. Naar 1930 toe, de viering van honderd jaar België, was de Vlaamse beweging opnieuw sterker geworden en werd gevreesd voor de electorale doorbraak van een Vlaams-nationalistische partij. Een globale oplossing voor het Vlaamse probleem begon zich op te dringen. Dat gold ook voor de BWP. Interne tegenstellingen moesten overbrugd worden zodat, gezien de financiële crisis, de sociaaleconomische thema’s alle aandacht konden krijgen. Daarbij stonden de eenheid van België en van de partij voorop. In maart 1929 leidde dit tot het ‘Compromis des Belges’ en een paar maanden later tot het minder bekende en radicalere partijstandpunt, het ‘Compromis des socialistes belges’. Voortbouwend op de vooroorlogse visie van het bestaan van twee volken binnen België, werd dit doorgetrokken tot het recht op culturele autonomie van elk volk, gebaseerd op het principe van regionale eentaligheid, ten koste van de taalminderheden. Voor de Vlaamse socialisten kwam dit neer op een volledige vernederlandsing van Vlaanderen, te beginnen met het onderwijs en de Gentse universiteit. Niet zonder enige tegenzin ging een meerderheid van Waalse socialisten daarmee akkoord. In ruil eisten zij dat in België werd afgezien van elke vorm van verplichte tweetaligheid, gezien als een vorm van Vlaams kolonialisme. Eentalige Walen hadden in Wallonië en in nationale instellingen (leger, centrale besturen) recht op aanwerving en carrière zonder kennis van het Nederlands, zoals ook de kennis ervan als tweede landstaal in Wallonië niet mocht worden opgelegd. De betekenis van dit interne compromis kreeg in de historiografie onvoldoende aandacht. Dat geldt ook voor de vaststelling dat beide nationale arbeidersbewegingen, de BWP vanuit de oppositie, in 1930-1932 mee de invoering van het territorialiteitsbeginsel hebben geforceerd. Een tussentijdse fase C uit het model van Miroslav Hroch.___________ ‘Frenemies’? 2Communitarian tensions in the Socialist Party 1919-1940. Division, Compromise. Crisis. Part Two: 1935-1940 Around 1910, the Flemish question became a free question in the BWP. The ‘merging’ of two peoples in a Belgian soul (âme belge) through bilingualism was rejected. According to Huysmans, Flemish socialism appealed to the idea of cultural autonomy: the right to education in one’s native language from primary school to university, and therefore, the transformation of the state University of Ghent into a Dutch-speaking institution. Hence, Flemish socialism became part of the vanguard of the Flemish Movement. Walloon socialism, on the contrary, continued to support the superiority of French in Belgium and the myth of a bilingual Flanders. It turned against this key Flemish demand.The next stages were dominated by the introduction of simple universal male suffrage in 1919. The Catholic Party maintained an absolute majority in Flanders, the Socialist Party acquired a similar position in Wallonia. During the second phase (1919-1935) initially the Flemish Movement was weakened and Flemish socialism divided. Huysmans hardly managed to keep the Flemish question a free question. The ‘Compromise of the Belgian Socialists’ (Compromis des socialistes belges) of November 1929 was based on regional monolingualism and a minimal bilingualism in the army and the central administration. The territorial principle in administration and education (1930 and 1932) was accepted. Dutch became the official language in Flanders.During the third phase (1935-1940) pacification did not hold. Conflicts strengthened one another. The party leadership fell into the hands of the Brussels politician Spaak and the Fleming De Man. The latter had just offered the BWP an answer to the socio-economic depression with his ‘Labour Plan’ (Plan van de Arbeid). This new generation wanted a different socialism: rather a people’s party than stressing class conflict, a ‘national socialism’, an authoritarian democracy as a response to a persistent political crisis. In particular Walloons reacted against these developments. At the same time, they critisized the foreign policy of diplomatic independence from France (‘los van Frankrijk’). The Spanish Civil War and the possible recognition of General Franco stressed the divisions. With Spaak, the party had a Socialist Prime Minister for the first time (May 1938-January 1939). While all socialists were opposed to Franco, Walloon socialists had a conflicting view with most Flemish socialists on whether the govern-ment should be brought down on this subject. There was also a conflict over the question of rapprochement with the Christian labour movement concerning a truce over the school question and subsidies for the Catholic ‘propaganda’ schools. The language question worsened the situation. In the Chamber, party cohesion dropped down to 53%.Not only were the Flemish socialists much more strongly represented in the socialist parliamentary group (40% in 1936), their assertiveness also increased. They became more and more annoyed with the quasi-exclusive use of French in their parliamentary group, in the party administration, and mostly during party congresses. Those who knew little or no French no longer wanted to be treated as inferior. Especially, when they had different opinions. The first separate Flemish Socialist Congress was held in March 1937. The Congress wanted to pursue cultural autonomy as far as possible, but opposed any form of federalism, as Flemish socialists would become a powerless minority in a clerical Flanders.Frustration grew among Walloon socialists. They organised separate Walloon Congresses in 1938 and 1939. They emphasized three forms of Flemish imperialism. Unfavourable demographic developments made a Flemish majority in Parliament and political minoritisation likely. Financial-economic transfers impoverished Wallonia to the benefit of Flanders. The loss of jobs for monolingual Walloons in Wallonia and Brussels was discriminatory. This contributed to common framing among Francophones: “Flemish radicalism” was accepted in Flanders, presently threatening the Brussels agglomeration via bilingualism, and Wallonia would be next.On 2 February 1939 Flemish and Walloon socialists opposed one another. The unitary party was in danger of splitting into two language groups, following the Catholic example. It did not come to that. The Walloon radicals, who pursued political federalism, had won some ground, but most Walloon socialists remained supporters of national solidarity, provided the adoption of a new ‘Compromise’ that took account of Walloon grievances.The myth of Flemish socialism as hostile or indifferent to Flemish issues is hard to maintain. After the Second World War, however, the situation became different.

Covid 19 – living the experience As I sit at my desk at home in suburban Brisbane, following the dictates on self-isolation shared with so many around the world, I am forced to contemplate the limits of human prediction. I look out on a world which few could have predicted six months ago. My thoughts at that time were all about 2020 as a metaphor for perfect vision and a plea for it to herald a new period of clarity which would arm us in resolving the whole host of false divisions that surrounded us. False, because so many appear to be generated by the use of polarised labelling strategies which sought to categorise humans by a whole range of identities, while losing the essential humanity and individuality which we all share. This was a troublesome trend and one which seemed reminiscent of the biblical tale concerning the tower of Babel, when a single unified language was what we needed to create harmony in a globalising world. However, yesterday’s concerns have, at least for the moment, been overshadowed by a more urgent and unifying concern with humanity’s health and wellbeing. For now, this concern has created a world which we would not have recognised in 2019. We rely more than ever on our various forms of electronic media to beam instant shots of the streets of London, New York, Berlin, Paris, Hong Kong etc. These centres of our worldly activity normally characterised by hustle and bustle, are now serenely peaceful and ordered. Their magnificent buildings have become foregrounded, assuming a dignity and presence that is more commonly overshadowed by the mad ceaseless scramble of humanity all around them. From there however the cameras can jump to some of the less fortunate areas of the globe. These streets are still teeming with people in close confined areas. There is little hope here of following frequent extended hand washing practices, let alone achieving the social distance prescribed to those of us in the global North. From this desk top perspective, it has been interesting to chart the mood as the crisis has unfolded. It has moved from a slightly distant sense of superiority as the news slowly unfolded about events in remote Wuhan. The explanation that the origins were from a live market, where customs unfamiliar to our hygienic pre-packaged approach to food consumption were practised, added to this sense of separateness and exoticism surrounding the source and initial development of the virus. However, this changed to a growing sense of concern as its growth and transmission slowly began to reveal the vulnerability of all cultures to its spread. At this early stage, countries who took steps to limit travel from infected areas seemed to gain some advantage. Australia, as just one example banned flights from China and required all Chinese students coming to study in Australia to self-isolate for two weeks in a third intermediate port. It was a step that had considerable economic costs associated with it. One that was vociferously resisted at the time by the university sector increasingly dependent on the revenue generated by servicing Chinese students. But it was when the epicentre moved to northern Italy, that the entire messaging around the event began to change internationally. At this time the tone became increasingly fearful, anxious and urgent as reports of overwhelmed hospitals and mass burials began to dominate the news. Consequently, governments attracted little criticism but were rather widely supported in the action of radically closing down their countries in order to limit human interaction. The debate had become one around the choice between health and economic wellbeing. The fact that the decision has been overwhelmingly for health, has been encouraging. It has not however stopped the pressure from those who believe that economic well-being is a determinant of human well-being, questioning the decisions of politicians and the advice of public health scientists that have dominated the responses to date. At this stage, the lives versus livelihoods debate has a long way still to run. Of some particular interest has been the musings of the opinion writers who have predicted that the events of these last months will change our world forever. Some of these predictions have included the idea that rather than piling into common office spaces working remotely from home and other advantageous locations will be here to stay. Schools and universities will become centres of learning more conveniently accessed on-line rather than face to face. Many shopping centres will become redundant and goods will increasingly be delivered via collection centres or couriers direct to the home. Social distancing will impact our consumption of entertainment at common venues and lifestyle events such as dining out. At the macro level, it has been predicted that globalisation in its present form will be reversed. The pandemic has led to actions being taken at national levels and movement being controlled by the strengthening and increased control of physical borders. Tourism has ground to a halt and may not resume on its current scale or in its present form as unnecessary travel, at least across borders, will become permanently reduced. Advocates of change have pointed to some of the unpredicted benefits that have been occurring. These include a drop in air pollution: increased interaction within families; more reading undertaken by younger adults; more systematic incorporation of exercise into daily life, and; a rediscovered sense of community with many initiatives paying tribute to the health and essential services workers who have been placed at the forefront of this latest struggle with nature. Of course, for all those who point to benefits in the forced lifestyle changes we have been experiencing, there are those who would tell a contrary tale. Demonstrations in the US have led the push by those who just want things to get back to normal as quickly as possible. For this group, confinement at home creates more problems. These may be a function of the proximity of modern cramped living quarters, today’s crowded city life, dysfunctional relationships, the boredom of self-entertainment or simply the anxiety that comes with an insecure livelihood and an unclear future. Personally however, I am left with two significant questions about our future stimulated by the events that have been ushered in by 2020. The first is how is it that the world has been caught so unprepared by this pandemic? The second is to what extent do we have the ability to recalibrate our current practices and view an alternative future? In considering the first, it has been enlightening to observe the extent to which politicians have turned to scientific expertise in order to determine their actions. Terms like ‘flattening the curve’, ‘community transmission rates’, have become part of our daily lexicon as the statistical modellers advance their predictions as to how the disease will spread and impact on our health systems. The fact that scientists are presented as the acceptable and credible authority and the basis for our actions reflects a growing dependency on data and modelling that has infused our society generally. This acceptance has been used to strengthen the actions on behalf of the human lives first and foremost position. For those who pursue the livelihoods argument even bigger figures are available to be thrown about. These relate to concepts such as numbers of jobless, increase in national debt, growth in domestic violence, rise in mental illness etc. However, given that they are more clearly estimates and based on less certain assumptions and variables, they do not at this stage seem to carry the impact of the data produced by public health experts. This is not surprising but perhaps not justifiable when we consider the failure of the public health lobby to adequately prepare or forewarn us of the current crisis in the first place. Statistical predictive models are built around historical data, yet their accuracy depends upon the quality of those data. Their robustness for extrapolation to new settings for example will differ as these differ in a multitude of subtle ways from the contexts in which they were initially gathered. Our often uncritical dependence upon ‘scientific’ processes has become worrying, given that as humans, even when guided by such useful tools, we still tend to repeat mistakes or ignore warnings. At such a time it is an opportunity for us to return to the reservoir of human wisdom to be found in places such as our great literature. Works such as The Plague by Albert Camus make fascinating and educative reading for us at this time. As the writer observes Everybody knows that pestilences have a way of recurring in the world, yet somehow, we find it hard to believe in ones that crash down on our heads from a blue sky. There have been as many plagues as wars in history, yet always plagues and wars take people equally by surprise. So it is that we constantly fail to study let alone learn the lessons of history. Yet 2020 mirrors 1919, as at that time the world was reeling with the impact of the Spanish ‘Flu, which infected 500 million people and killed an estimated 50 million. This was more than the 40 million casualties of the four years of the preceding Great War. There have of course been other pestilences since then and much more recently. Is our stubborn failure to learn because we fail to value history and the knowledge of our forebears? Yet we can accept with so little question the accuracy of predictions based on numbers, even with varying and unquestioned levels of validity and reliability. As to the second question, many writers have been observing some beneficial changes in our behaviour and our environment, which have emerged in association with this sudden break in our normal patterns of activity. It has given us the excuse to reevaluate some of our practices and identify some clear benefits that have been occurring. As Australian newspaper columnist Bernard Salt observes in an article titled “the end of narcissism?” I think we’ve been re-evaluating the entire contribution/reward equation since the summer bushfires and now, with the added experience of the pandemic, we can see the shallowness of the so-called glamour professions – the celebrities, the influencers. We appreciate the selflessness of volunteer firefighters, of healthcare workers and supermarket staff. From the pandemic’s earliest days, glib forays into social media by celebrities seeking attention and yet further adulation have been met with stony disapproval. Perhaps it is best that they stay offline while our real heroes do the heavy lifting. To this sad unquestioning adherence to both scientism and narcissism, we can add and stir the framing of the climate rebellion and a myriad of familiar ‘first world’ problems which have caused dissension and disharmony in our communities. Now with an external threat on which to focus our attention, there has been a short lull in the endless bickering and petty point scoring that has characterised our western liberal democracies in the last decade. As Camus observed: The one way of making people hang together is to give ‘em a spell of the plague. So, the ceaseless din of the topics that have driven us apart has miraculously paused for at least a moment. Does this then provide a unique opportunity for us together to review our habitual postures and adopt a more conciliatory and harmonious communication style, take stock, critically evaluate and retune our approach to life – as individuals, as nations, as a species? It is not too difficult to hypothesise futures driven by the major issues that have driven us apart. Now, in our attempts to resist the virus, we have given ourselves a glimpse of some of the very things the climate change activists have wished to happen. With few planes in the air and the majority of cars off the roads, we have already witnessed clearer and cleaner air. Working at home has freed up the commuter driven traffic and left many people with more time to spend with their family. Freed from the continuing throng of tourists, cities like Venice are regenerating and cleansing themselves. This small preview of what a less travelled world might start to look like surely has some attraction. But of course, it does not come without cost. With the lack of tourism and the need to work at home, jobs and livelihoods have started to change. As with any revolution there are both winners and losers. The lockdown has distinguished starkly between essential and non-essential workers. That represents a useful starting point from which to assess what is truly of value in our way of life and what is peripheral as Salt made clear. This is a question that I would encourage readers to explore and to take forward with them through the resolution of the current situation. However, on the basis that educators are seen as providing essential services, now is the time to turn to the content of our current volume. Once again, I direct you to the truly international range of our contributors. They come from five different continents yet share a common focus on one of the most popular of shared cultural experiences – sport. Unsurprisingly three of our reviewed papers bring different insights to the world’s most widely shared sport of all – football, or as it would be more easily recognised in some parts of the globe - soccer. Leading these offerings is a comparison of fandom in Australia and China. The story presented by Knijnk highlights the rise of the fanatical supporters known as the ultras. The origin of the movement is traced to Italy, but it is one that claims allegiances now around the world. Kniijnk identifies the movement’s progression into Australia and China and, in pointing to its stance against the commercialisation of their sport by the scions of big business, argues for its deeper political significance and its commitment to the democratic ownership of sport. Reflecting the increasing availability and use of data in our modern societies, Karadog, Parim and Cene apply some of the immense data collected on and around the FIFA World Cup to the task of selecting the best team from the 2018 tournament held in Russia, a task more usually undertaken by panels of experts. Mindful of the value of using data in ways that can assist future decision making, rather than just in terms of summarising past events, they also use the statistics available to undertake a second task. The second task was the selection of the team with the greatest future potential by limiting eligibility to those at an early stage in their careers, namely younger than 28 and who arguably had still to attain their prime as well as having a longer career still ahead of them. The results for both selections confirm how membership of the wealthy European based teams holds the path to success and recognition at the global level no matter what the national origins of players might be. Thirdly, taking links between the sport and the world of finance a step further, Gomez-Martinez, Marques-Bogliani and Paule-Vianez report on an interesting study designed to test the hypothesis that sporting success within a community is reflected in positive economic outcomes for members of that community. They make a bold attempt to test their hypothesis by examining the relationship of the performance of three world leading clubs in Europe - Bayern Munich, Juventus and Paris Saint Germain and the performance of their local stock markets. Their findings make for some interesting thoughts about the significance of sport in the global economy and beyond into the political landscape of our interconnected world. Our final paper comes from Africa but for its subject matter looks to a different sport, one that rules the subcontinent of India - cricket. Norrbhai questions the traditional coaching of batting in cricket by examining the backlift techniques of the top players in the Indian Premier league. His findings suggest that even in this most traditional of sports, technique will develop and change in response to the changing context provided by the game itself. In this case the context is the short form of the game, introduced to provide faster paced entertainment in an easily consumable time span. It provides a useful reminder how in sport, techniques will not be static but will continue to evolve as the game that provides the context for the skilled performance also evolves. To conclude our pages, I must apologise that our usual book review has fallen prey to the current world disruption. In its place I would like to draw your attention to the announcement of a new publication which would make a worthy addition to the bookshelf of any international sports scholar. “Softpower, Soccer, Supremacy – The Chinese Dream” represents a unique and timely analysis of the movement of the most popular and influential game in the world – Association Football, commonly abbreviated to soccer - into the mainstream of Chinese national policy. The editorial team led by one of sports histories most recognised scholars, Professor J A Mangan, has assembled a who’s who of current scholars in sport in Asia. Together they provide a perspective that takes in, not just the Chinese view of these important current developments but also, the view of others in the geographical region. From Japan, Korea and Australia, they bring with them significant experience to not just the beautiful game, but sport in general in that dynamic and fast-growing part of the world. Particularly in the light of the European dominance identified in the Karog, Parim and Cene paper this work raises the question as to whether we can expect to see a change in the world order sooner rather than later. It remains for me to make one important acknowledgement. In my last editorial I alerted you to the sorts of decisions we as an editorial and publication team were facing with regard to ensuring the future of the journal. Debates as to how best to proceed while staying true to our vision and goals are still proceeding. However, I am pleased to acknowledge the sponsorship provided by The University of Macao for volume 42 and recognise the invaluable contribution made by ISCPES former president Walter Ho to this process. Sponsorship can provide an important input to the ongoing existence and strength of this journal and we would be interested in talking to other institutions or groups who might also be interested in supporting our work, particularly where their goals align closely with ours. May I therefore commend to you the works of our international scholars and encourage your future involvement in sharing your interest in and expertise with others in the world of comparative and international sport studies, John Saunders, Brisbane, May 2020

Educational Management Information System (EMIS) in Public Elementary School Abstract - The study was conducted to determine the extent of effectiveness on the implementation of Education Management Information System (EMIS) as part of educational management functions in public elementary schools of Surigao Del Sur Philippines. Descriptive survey method using a researcher-made questionnaire was used. The respondents of the study were nine selected public elementary schools from the three clusters of Surigao Del Sur Division. Findings revealed that from the eight (8) modules of EMIS, Pupil MIS received the highest mean while Finance MIS obtained the least as to the implementation of EMIS Modules. Planning and monitoring were found to be high as to the level of effectiveness of EMIS in public elementary schools. The study concludes that most of the public schools in Surigao Del Sur Division, regardless with its type, effectively implements EMIS Modules. However, Finance MIS requires further enrichment on planning, implementation, and evaluation. Hence, the study recommends strengthening of EMIS modules particularly on Finance MIS and establishment of sustainable EMIS by sharing the best practices in implementing the EMIS of the different schools. Keywords: Educational Management Information System (EMIS), EMIS Modules, EMIS Implementation, EMIS Effectiveness, School Performance

The importance of knowledge and understanding of Islamic education management in Islamic boarding schools, especially for leaders of educational institutions. Leaders should have compiled an annual program related to teachers, of course, namely: Teaching programs such as, among others, the need for teachers in connection with transfers and others, division of teaching tasks, procurement of textbooks, teaching tools and visual aids, procurement and development laboratory, library procurement and development, learning outcomes assessment system, extracurricular activities and others. Student programs such as the terms and procedures for new student admissions, student grouping, class division, guidance and counseling, health services and others. Staffing such as acceptance and placement of teachers, division of duties of teachers and supervisors, welfare of teachers and employees, transfers and promotions and so on. Finance includes procurement and financial management for various planned activities, both money from the government and foundations. Equipment includes renovation of physical infrastructure and addition of workspaces, study rooms and so on. Many factors must be considered in planning such as economic, social, political and cultural factors, laws and regulations, the development of science and technology and the existence of other Islamic boarding schools. Planning is always related to the future which is always changing rapidly, without planning educational institutions, including Islamic boarding schools, will lose opportunities and cannot answer questions about what will be achieved, how to achieve it. Therefore, planning must be made so that humans can be focused on the goals to be achieved.

Abstract Using individual census records, we provide novel evidence on CEOs’ socioeconomic backgrounds and study their role in investment decisions. Male CEOs allocate more investment capital to male than female division managers. This gender gap is driven by CEOs who grew up in male-dominated families where the father was the only income earner and had more education than the mother. The gender gap also increases for CEOs who attended all-male high schools and grew up in neighborhoods with greater gender inequality. The effect of gender on capital budgeting introduces frictions and erodes investment efficiency.

Students will be ineligible for direct admission to schools in their district under the 2020 “multi-school zoning” policy. In order to determine the extent to which the trend of housing prices in school districts is affected by this policy, this study investigates the housing prices in Xicheng District, Beijing based on the division of school districts. In this study, the data of housing prices and the general situation of communities in Xicheng District, Beijing were obtained from “Anjuke,” dividing them into two periods: 15 months before and after the policy. The DID model and time fixed effect were used to investigate the differential statistics, which indicate the overall net impact of the policy. The results show that the coefficient is negative at a certain statistical level. This indicates that the housing prices of school districts in Xicheng District reduced after the implementation of the “multi-school zoning” policy, suggesting that the policy has effectively reduced the housing prices of school districts in Xicheng District and laid a foundation for the “double reduction” policy in 2022.

PurposeSport organizations increasingly emphasize their support for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) inclusion by promoting a perfect score on the Athlete Ally Equality Index, partnering with nonprofits to increase awareness of LGBTQ individuals in sport (e.g. Rainbow Laces campaign), or hosting a pride night for LGBTQ fans. Despite these and similar efforts, LGBTQ fans historically have felt unwelcome in sport settings, thereby signaling the need for inclusive fan codes of conduct. The purpose of this study was to examine both the prevalence and antecedents of such policies.Design/methodology/approachUsing publicly available data sources, the authors focused on 350 Division 1 college athletic departments in the USA.FindingsResults illustrate factors at both the macro (i.e. institution) and meso- (i.e. athletic department) levels interact to explain whether a school will possess a fan code of conduct. Specifically, research-intensive institutions with strong gender equity are more likely to possess a code of conduct than schools that are not research oriented and have weak gender equity. This project extends the understanding of LBGTQ inclusion in the sports industry.Originality/valueThe current study is the first to examine the prevalence and predictors of LGBTQ-inclusive fan codes of conduct. Understanding these dynamics can help athletic programs that want to create safe and inclusive sport spaces for LGBTQ fans and spectators.

Abstract Background Long recognised as a major source country for health professionals working in Western EU Member States, Romania has become increasingly attractive for international medical students in recent years. The current study explores the drivers of this trend, its opportunities and challenges, as well as its implications on the broader health system goals. Methods The study used secondary data analysis and interviews with key informants. Data originated in a study conducted for the OECD (grant no. EC-2017-5304 financed by the European Commission). Results Since 2011, 11 of the 13 Medical Schools in Romania have opened additional study lines in foreign languages (English and French) and gradually increased the number of places allocated to international students. Of all new-entrant student places available in the medical schools in 2018/19, nearly 30% (1740 out of 6121) are in the international study programmes - a 50% increase since 2011/12. Moreover, while the total annual number of places for new medical students have increased by nearly a fifth between 2011/12 and 2018/19 (from 5,250 to 6,121), the share of new study places in the Romanian division has decreased from 80% to 70% in the same period. For Medical Schools, internationalisation has been driven mainly by financial reasons and has had a positive impact on curriculum development and improvement. For many international medical students, in particular nationals of the EU countries, the main push factors are the numerus clausus policies limiting access to medical education in their home countries. Conclusions Internationalisation of medical education in Romania has taken place in the absence of a formal national internationalisation strategy and efforts have not translated into significant improvements in health workforce management in Romania. This suggests that potential benefits of internationalisation of health workforce education must be assessed in context of national health systems.

This study aims the problems experienced by the fifth grade ICP students of SD Muhammadiyah 3 Ikrom regarding the relatively low learning outcomes of English. This is due to the lack of motivation during learning and the boredom felt by students. Researchers chose the STAD learning model because it can keep up with the times, namely by using online learning media in the form of the Zoom application. The researcher did a Breakout Zoom to divide the group. This research uses experimental quantitative research methods. The T-test on the SPSS program was also carried out to analyze whether there was an influence and how much influence the student learning outcomes had after the implementation of the Student Teams Achievement Division learning model. The results of the study indicate that there is a significant influence from the application of the STAD learning model. There was a significant increase in the average score from Pre-Test to Post-Test. Meanwhile, the magnitude of the effect of the application of the STAD learning model can be seen in the results of the T-test analysis with T-count > T-table, which means H0 is rejected and Ha is accepted.

The collective leadership model is very influential in the implementation of the development of educational institutions, basically the implementation of this collective leadership model is the division of tasks and positions as a whole with the shared authority and responsibility.This study describes the collective leadership model in increasing the target for the development of the An Nur Penatarsewu Islamic boarding school Tanggulangin Sidoarjo educational institution, the focus of the research is the collective leadership model, its implementation, "supporting and inhibiting factors" in the implementation of the development of Islamic boarding school educational institutions.The choice of research method in describing it using qualitative methods. Researchers collect data by means of observation, interviews and documentation. The validity of the data was tested by triangulating the data, examining the suitability of the written data, the results of interviews and observations that had been made.This research produces findings. First, the An Nur Penatarsewu Islamic boarding school uses a collective leadership model in developing educational institutions by means of: planning, monitoring and evaluation. The decision-making system of the An Nur Islamic Boarding School is by way of deliberation and consensus by taking steps; identification of problems, gathering information, predicting the consequences that will occur, alternative decisions Second, the collective leadership of the An Nur Islamic boarding school carries out the duties and responsibilities shared by each other. Third, the application of collective leadership is driven by a sense of togetherness in developing the An Nur Islamic boarding school educational institution.

Australia in Maps is a compilation of cartography taken from the collection of over 600,000 maps held at the Australian National Library. Included in this collection are military maps, coastal maps and modern-day maps for tourists. The map of the eastern coast of ‘New Holland’ drawn by James Cook when he ‘discovered’ Australia in 1770 is included. Also published is Eddie Koiki Mabo’s map drawn on a hole-punched piece of paper showing traditional land holdings in the Murray Islands in the Torres Strait. This map became a key document in Eddie Mabo’s fight for native title recognition, a fight which became the precursor to native title rights as they are known today. The inclusion of these two drawings in a collection of maps defining Australia as a country illustrates the dichotomies and contradictions which exist in a colonial nation. It is now fifteen years since the Native Title Act 1994 (Commonwealth) was developed in response to the Mabo cases in order to recognise Indigenous customary law and traditional relationships to the land over certain (restricted) parts of Australia. It is 220 years since the First Fleet arrived and Indigenous land was (and remains) illegally possessed through the process of colonisation (Moreton-Robinson Australia). Questions surrounding ‘country’ – who owns it, has rights to use it, to live on it, to develop or protect it – are still contested and contentious today. In part, this contention arises out of the radically different conceptions of ‘country’ held by, in its simplest sense, Indigenous nations and colonisers. For Indigenous Australians the land has a spiritual significance that I, as a non-Indigenous person, cannot properly understand as a result of the different ways in which relationships to land are made available. The ways of understanding the world through which my identity as a non-Indigenous person are made intelligible, by contrast, see ‘country’ as there to be ‘developed’ and exploited. Within colonial logic, discourses of development and the productive use of resources function as what Wetherell and Potter term “rhetorically self-sufficient” in that they are principles which are considered to be beyond question (177). As Vincent Tucker states; “The myth of development is elevated to the status of natural law, objective reality and evolutionary necessity. In the process all other world views are devalued and dismissed as ‘primitive’, ‘backward’, ‘irrational’ or ‘naïve’” (1). It was this precise way of thinking which was able to justify colonisation in the first place. Australia was seen as terra nullius; an empty and un-developed land not recognized as inhabited. Indigenous people were incorrectly perceived as individuals who did not use the land in an efficient manner, rather than as individual nations who engaged with the land in ways that were not intelligible to the colonial eye. This paper considers the tensions inherent in definitions of ‘country’ and the way these tensions are played out through native title claims as white, colonial Australia attempts to recognise (and limit) Indigenous rights to land. It examines such tensions as they appear in the media as an example of how native title issues are made intelligible to the non-Indigenous general public who may otherwise have little knowledge or experience of native title issues. It has been well-documented that the news media play an important role in further disseminating those discourses which dominate in a society, and therefore frequently supports the interests of those in positions of power (Fowler; Hall et. al.). As Stuart Hall argues, this means that the media often reproduces a conservative status quo which in many cases is simply reflective of the positions held by other powerful institutions in society, in this case government, and mining and other commercial interests. This has been found to be the case in past analysis of media coverage of native title, such as work completed by Meadows (which found that media coverage of native title issues focused largely on non-Indigenous perspectives) and Hartley and McKee (who found that media coverage of native title negotiations frequently focused on bureaucratic issues rather than the rights of Indigenous peoples to oppose ‘developments’ on their land). This paper aims to build on this work, and to map the way in which native title, an ongoing issue for many Indigenous groups, figures in a mainstream newspaper at a time when there has not been much mainstream public interest in the process. In order to do this, this paper considered articles which appeared in Australia’s only national newspaper – The Australian – over the six months preceding the start of July 2008. Several main themes ran through these articles, examples of which are provided in the relevant sections. These included: economic interests in native title issues, discourses of white ownership and control of the land, and rhetorical devices which reinforced the battle-like nature of native title negotiations rather than emphasised the rights of Indigenous Australians to their lands. Native Title: Some Definitions and Some Problems The concept of native title itself can be a difficult one to grasp and therefore a brief definition is called for here. According to the National Native Title Tribunal (NNTT) website (www.nntt.gov.au), native title is the recognition by Australian law that some Indigenous people have rights and interests to their land that come from their traditional laws and customs. The native title rights and interests held by particular Indigenous people will depend on both their traditional laws and customs and what interests are held by others in the area concerned. Generally speaking, native title must give way to the rights held by others. Native title is therefore recognised as existing on the basis of certain laws and customs which have been maintained over an area of land despite the disruption caused by colonisation. As such, if native title is to be recognised over an area of country, Indigenous communities have to argue that their cultures and connection with the land have survived colonisation. As the Maori Land Court Chief Judge Joe Williams argues: In Australia the surviving title approach […] requires the Indigenous community to prove in a court or tribunal that colonisation caused them no material injury. This is necessary because, the greater the injury, the smaller the surviving bundle of rights. Communities who were forced off their land lose it. Those whose traditions and languages were beaten out of them at state sponsored mission schools lose all of the resources owned within the matrix of that language and those traditions. This is a perverse result. In reality, of course, colonisation was the greatest calamity in the history of these people on this land. Surviving title asks aboriginal people to pretend that it was not. To prove in court that colonisation caused them no material injury. Communities who were forced off their land are the same communities who are more likely to lose it. As found in previous research (Meadows), these inherent difficulties of the native title process were widely overlooked in recent media reports of native title issues published in The Australian. Due to recent suggestions made by Indigenous Affairs Minister Jenny Macklin for changes to be made to the native title system, The Australian did include reports on the need to ensure that traditional owners share the economic profits of the mining boom. This was seen in an article by Karvelas and Murphy entitled “Labor to Overhaul Native Title Law”. The article states that: Fifteen years after the passage of the historic Mabo legislation, the Rudd Government has flagged sweeping changes to native title to ensure the benefits of the mining boom flow to Aboriginal communities and are not locked up in trusts or frittered away. Indigenous Affairs Minister Jenny Macklin, delivering the third annual Eddie Mabo Lecture in Townsville, said yesterday that native title legislation was too complex and had failed to deliver money to remote Aboriginal communities, despite lucrative agreements with mining companies. (1) Whilst this passage appears supportive of Indigenous Australians in that it argues for their right to share in economic gains made through ‘developments’ on their country, the use of phrases such as ‘frittered away’ imply that Indigenous Australians have made poor use of their ‘lucrative agreements’, and therefore require further intervention in their lives in order to better manage their financial situations. Such an argument further implies that the fact that many remote Indigenous communities continue to live in poverty is the fault of Indigenous Australians’ mismanagement of funds from native title agreements rather than from governmental neglect, thereby locating the blame once more in the hands of Indigenous people rather than in a colonial system of dispossession and regulation. Whilst the extract does continue to state that native title legislation is too complex and has ‘failed to deliver money to remote Aboriginal communities’, the article does not go on to consider other areas in which native title is failing Indigenous people, such as reporting the protection of sacred and ceremonial sites, and provisions for Indigenous peoples to be consulted about developments on their land to which they may be opposed. Whilst native title agreements with companies may contain provisions for these issues, it is rare that there is any regulation for whether or not these provisions are met after an agreement is made (Faircheallaigh). These issues almost never appeared in the media which instead focused on the economic benefits (or lack thereof) stemming from the land rather than the sovereign rights of traditional owners to their country. There are many other difficulties inherent in the native title legislation for Indigenous peoples. It is worth discussing some of these difficulties as they provide an image of the ways in which ‘country’ is conceived of at the intersection of a Western legal system attempting to encompass Indigenous relations to land. The first of these difficulties relates to the way in which Indigenous people are required to delineate the boundaries of the country which they are claiming. Applications for native title over an area of land require strict outlining of boundaries for land under consideration, in accordance with a Western system of mapping country. The creation of such boundaries requires Indigenous peoples to define their country in Western terms rather than Indigenous ones, and in many cases proves quite difficult as areas of traditional lands may be unavailable to claim (Neate). Such differences in understandings of country mean that “for Indigenous peoples, the recognition of their indigenous title, should it be afforded, may bear little resemblance to, or reflect minimally on, their own conceptualisation of their relations to country” (Glaskin 67). Instead, existing as it does within a Western legal system and subject to Western determinations, native title forces Indigenous people to define themselves and their land within white conceptions of country (Moreton-Robinson Possessive). In fact, the entire concept of native title has been criticized by many Indigenous commentators as a denial of Indigenous sovereignty over the land, with the result of the Mabo case meaning that “Indigenous people did not lose their native title rights but were stripped of their sovereign rights to manage their own affairs, to live according to their own laws, and to own and control the resources on their lands” (Falk and Martin 38). As such, Falk and Martin argue that The Native Title Act amounts to a complete denial of Aboriginal sovereignty so that Indigenous people are forced to live under a colonial regime which is able to control and regulate their lives and access to country. This is commented upon by Aileen Moreton-Robinson, who writes that: What Indigenous people have been given, by way of white benevolence, is a white-constructed from of ‘Indigenous’ proprietary rights that are not epistemologically and ontologically grounded in Indigenous conceptions of sovereignty. Indigenous land ownership, under these legislative regimes, amounts to little more than a mode of land tenure that enables a circumscribed form of autonomy and governance with minimum control and ownership of resources, on or below the ground, thus entrenching economic dependence on the nation state. (Moreton-Robinson Sovereign Subjects 4) The native title laws in place in Australia restrict Indigenous peoples to existing within white frameworks of knowledge. Within the space of The Native Title Act there is no room for recognition of Indigenous sovereignty whereby Indigenous peoples can make decisions for themselves and control their own lands (Falk and Martin). These tensions within definitions of ‘country’ and sovereignty over land were reflected in the media articles examined, primarily in terms of the way in which ‘country’ was related to and used. This was evident in an article entitled “An Economic Vision” with a tag-line “Native Title Reforms offer Communities a Fresh Start”: Central to such a success story is the determination of indigenous people to help themselves. Such a business-like, forward-thinking approach is also evident in Kimberley Land Council executive director Wayne Bergmann's negotiations with some of the world's biggest resource companies […] With at least 45 per cent of Kimberley land subject to native title, Mr Bergmann, a qualified lawyer, is acutely aware of the royalties and employment potential. Communities are also benefitting from the largesse of Australia’s richest man, miner Andrew “Twiggy” Forrest, whose job training courses and other initiatives are designed to help the local people, in his words, become “wonderful participating Australians.” (15) Again, this article focuses on the economic benefits to be made from native title agreements with mining companies rather than other concerns with the use of Indigenous areas of country. The use of the quote from Forrest serves to imply that Indigenous peoples are not “wonderful participating Australians” unless they are able to contribute in an economic sense, and overlooks many contributions made by Indigenous peoples in other areas such as environmental protection. Such definitions also measure ‘success’ in Western terms rather than Indigenous ones and force Indigenous peoples into a relationship to country based on Western notions of resource extraction and profit rather than Indigenous notions of custodianship and sustainability. This construction of Indigenous economic involvement as only rendered valid on particular terms echoes findings from previous work on constructions of Indigenous people in the media, such as that by LeCouteur, Rapley and Augoustinos. Theorising ‘Country’ The examples provided above illustrate the fact that the rhetoric and dichotomies of ‘country’ are at the very heart of the native title process. The process of recognising Indigenous rights to land through native title invites the question of how ‘country’ is conceived in the first place. Goodall writes that there are tensions within definitions of ‘country’ which indicate the ongoing presence of Indigenous people’s connections to their land despite colonisation. She writes that the word ‘country’: may seem a self-evident description of rural economy and society, with associations of middle-class gentility as well as being the antonym of the city. Yet in Australia there is another dimension altogether. Aboriginal land-owners traditionally identify themselves by the name of the land for which they were the custodians. These lands are often called, in today’s Aboriginal English, their ‘country’. This gives the word a tense and resonating echo each time it is used to describe rural-settler society and land. (162) Yet the distinctions usually drawn between those defined as ‘country’ people or ‘locals’ and the traditional Indigenous people of the area suggest that, as Schlunke states, in many cases Indigenous people are “too local to be ‘local’” (43). In other words, if white belonging and rights to an area of country are to be normalised, the prior claims of traditional owners are not able to be considered. As such, Indigenous belonging becomes too confronting as it disrupts the ways in which other ‘country’ people relate to their land as legitimately theirs. In the media, constructions of ‘country’ frequently fell within a colonial definition of country which overlooked Indigenous peoples. In many of these articles land was normatively constructed as belonging to the crown or the state. This was evidenced in phrases such as, “The proceedings [of the Noongar native title claim over the South Western corner of Australia] have been watched closely by other states in the expectation they might encounter similar claims over their capital cities” (Buckley-Carr 2). Use of the word their implies that the states (which are divisions of land created by colonisation) have prior claim to ‘their’ capital cities and that they rightfully belong to the government rather than to traditional owners. Such definitions of ‘country’ reflect European rather than Indigenous notions of boundaries and possession. This is also reflected in media reports of native title in the widespread use of European names for areas of land and landmarks as opposed to their traditional Indigenous names. When the media reported on a native title claim over an area of land the European name for the country was used rather than, for example, the Indigenous name followed by a geographical description of where that land is situated. Customs such as this reflect a country which is still bound up in European definitions of land rather than Indigenous ones (Goodall 167; Schlunke 47-48), and also indicate that the media is reporting for a white audience rather than for an Indigenous one whom it would affect the most. Native title debates have also “shown the depth of belief within much of rural and regional Australia that rural space is most rightfully agricultural space” (Lockie 27). This construction of rural Australia is reflective of the broader national imagining of the country as a nation (Anderson), in which Australia is considered rich in resources from which to derive profit. Within these discourses the future of the nation is seen as lying in the ‘development’ of natural resources. As such, native title agreements with industry have often been depicted in the media as obstacles to be overcome by companies rather than a way of allowing Indigenous people control over their own lands. This often appears in the media in the form of metaphors of ‘war’ for agreements for use of Indigenous land, such as development being “frustrated” by native title (Bromby) and companies being “embattled” by native title issues (Wilson). Such metaphors illustrate the adversarial nature of native title claims both for recognition of the land in the first place and often in subsequent dealings with resource companies. This was also seen in reports of company progress which would include native title claims in a list of other factors affecting stock prices (such as weak drilling results and the price of metals), as if Indigenous claims to land were just another hurdle to profit-making (“Pilbara Lures”). Conclusion As far as the native title process is concerned, the answers to the questions considered at the start of this paper remain within Western definitions. Native title exists firmly within a Western system of law which requires Indigenous people to define and depict their land within non-Indigenous definitions and understandings of ‘country’. These debates are also frequently played out in the media in ways which reflect colonial values of using and harvesting country rather than Indigenous ones of protecting it. The media rarely consider the complexities of a system which requires Indigenous peoples to conceive of their land through boundaries and definitions not congruent with their own understandings. The issues surrounding native title draw attention to the need for alternative definitions of ‘country’ to enter the mainstream Australian consciousness. These need to encompass Indigenous understandings of ‘country’ and to acknowledge the violence of Australia’s colonial history. Similarly, the concept of native title needs to reflect Indigenous notions of country and allow traditional owners to define their land for themselves. In order to achieve these goals and overcome some of the obstacles to recognising Indigenous sovereignty over Australia the media needs to play a part in reorienting concepts of country from only those definitions which fit within a white framework of experiencing the world and prioritise Indigenous relations and experiences of country. If discourses of resource extraction were replaced with discourses of sustainability, if discourses of economic gains were replaced with respect for the land, and if discourses of white control over Indigenous lives in the form of native title reform were replaced with discourses of Indigenous sovereignty, then perhaps some ground could be made to creating an Australia which is not still in the process of colonising and denying the rights of its First Nations peoples. The tensions which exist in definitions and understandings of ‘country’ echo the tensions which exist in Australia’s historical narratives and memories. The denied knowledge of the violence of colonisation and the rights of Indigenous peoples to remain on their land all haunt a native title system which requires Indigenous Australians to minimise the effect this violence had on their lives, their families and communities and their values and customs. As Katrina Schlunke writes when she confronts the realisation that her family’s land could be the same land on which Indigenous people were massacred: “The irony of fears of losing one’s backyard to a Native Title claim are achingly rich. Isn’t something already lost to the idea of ‘Freehold Title’ when you live over unremembered graves? What is free? What are you to hold?” (151). If the rights of Indigenous Australians to their country are truly to be recognised, mainstream Australia needs to seriously consider such questions and whether or not the concept of ‘native title’ as it exists today is able to answer them. Acknowledgments I would like to thank Damien Riggs and Andrew Gorman-Murray for all their help and support with this paper, and Braden Schiller for his encouragement and help with proof-reading. I would also like to thank the anonymous referees for their insightful comments. References Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities. 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