Relevant bibliographies by topics / School management and organization – Government policy – Great Britain

Academic literature on the topic 'School management and organization – Government policy – Great Britain'

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Published: 27 July 2024
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "School management and organization – Government policy – Great Britain"

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Lisenkov, Oleg. "Modern Age empires: colony management principles on the example of Great Britain and France." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 6 (June 2020): 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.6.33316.

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The object of this research is the colonial policy of the two largest European empires of the Modern Age: France and Great Britain. In the course of conquering new lands, these countries faced the problem of managing vast territories and diverse indigenous population. The solution consisted in establishment of effective colonial management systems. The peculiarities of functionality of such systems became the subject of this research. The goal lies in determination of specificity of organization and operation of the systems of colonial management in the British and French Empires from the perspective of their interrelation with cultural factors. The conclusion is made that the British Empire retained the traditional government system on the conquered territories – indirect management. The French Empire either replaced the traditional government institutions with European analogues or included traditional system into their system of management as a lower administrative link – direct management. Comparing the described management system, the author notes the French approach was more resource-intensive and did not allow gaining a large profit. This lead to an assumption that the colonial management policy was affected by both, cultural and economic factors. The scientific novelty consists in examination of the systems of colonial management from the perspective of their interrelation with the imperial strategies that are based on the policy of recognition of population differences. Such strategies could be implemented within the framework of two paradigms: unification (formation of the unified imperial culture and institutions in all subordinated territories), and diversity (preservation on the conquered territories of the local cultural and political institutions). Further on, the examples of India, Africa and other regions would demonstrate that there is a direct link between the indicated British and French imperial strategies and systems of colonial management.
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Bazylchuk, V. B. "Сomparative analysis of the development of students' rukhovoyi activity using sports games in foreign institutions of higher education." Scientific Journal of National Pedagogical Dragomanov University. Series 15. Scientific and pedagogical problems of physical culture (physical culture and sports), no. 7(152) (July 30, 2022): 20–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31392/npu-nc.series15.2022.7(152).05.

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The article analyzes the foreign experience of physical education classes in higher education institutions, conducted by domestic and foreign experts. The physical culture experience of work in establishments of Germany, Belgium, Great Britain, England is analyzed. It was found that in Germany the main incentive for physical education is the promotion of a healthy lifestyle, in particular through the reduction of the effects of daily stress, mental stress and the negative impact of the environment; in Belgium, student sports unions have a significant influence. It was found that the university committee on sports and the relevant department of the student council are responsible for the organization, coordination and conduct of physical education classes; in the UK, the attitude to the process of physical education largely depends on government policy, strategic plans, and university development strategy, one of the motives for classes is the dependence of the student's academic performance rating on active participation in university sports activities. The analysis of the organization of physical education classes in Polish educational institutions is carried out. Casimir the Great University in Bydgoszcz, which established the School of Physical Education and Sports, which is an organizational unit of didactic and sports nature to implement the tasks of physical culture and sports in the academic environment of the university. At the University of Wroclaw, special attention is paid to the development of motor activity of students by means of sports games in the educational environment. Classes are held in sports sections of aerobics, badminton, sports bridge, karate, korfball, basketball, athletics, skiing and snowboarding, football, handball, swimming, volleyball, chess, tennis, table tennis, floorball, rowing and rowing.
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Odintsov, Oleh, Natalia Ilchenko, and Dmytro Lyashov. "INTERNATIONAL EXPERIENCE OF ORGANIZATION OF ADMINISTRATIVE SERVICES." Proceedings of Scientific Works of Cherkasy State Technological University Series Economic Sciences, no. 60 (April 19, 2021): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.24025/2306-4420.1.60.2021.228188.

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The article considers the international experience of the organization of administrative services in the system of public services. The international experience of providing administrative services by the authorities in Germany, Poland, the Netherlands, Great Britain, Canada, and the USA is studied. Positive experience in solving the problems of organizing the provision of quality administrative services by the authorities of these countries has been revealed. Possibilities of using international experience in providing administrative services in Ukraine have been studied. Emphasis is placed on the prospects of the Polish experience in the provision of administrative services, in particular on the policy of reducing communication between providers and consumers of administrative services while maintaining the quality of these services, as well as active involvement of the private sector in the service delivery process. The German experience of improving the organization of administrative services may be relevant. The establishment of a mechanism for the provision of administrative services states that a removal of public authorities, in particular local governments, from the direct course of service provision is sufficiently effective and realistic example. In this case, the authorities are given only the functions of control and supervision, which allows them to perform more important tasks. The introduction of a quality management system in government has enabled individuals and legal entities to receive services at a decent level. In the selection of employees who perform the functions of providing services to citizens, in addition to professional qualities, attention is also paid to personal qualities, because close contact with customers involves the impact of the human factor on service activities. As a result of all administrative reforms in the country, multi-channel access to various services has been organized on a "single window" basis and a feature of positive changes in the public sphere based on the culture of national identity the culture of statehood. Ways to improve the provision of administrative services in public administration are proposed. Practical recommendations for improving the organization of administrative services in the country are provided.
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Halai, V. O. "Foreign experience of implementing ethical values in the anti-corruption policy of private and public sector organizations." Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, no. 2 (May 11, 2024): 408–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2024.02.69.

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The author analyzed and systematized the experience of foreign countries regarding the peculiarities of the implementation of ethical values in the anti-corruption policy of private and public sector organizations. Senior management when implementing anti­corruption standards, regardless of the form of ownership of the organization, when making management decisions, should be guided by their own ethical beliefs regarding their actions, display of integrity, ethics, influence on employees of lower management levels regarding the example of the prevalence of anti-corruption standards when making management decisions. The importance of the Codes of Ethics in encouraging the top management of the USA, EU, and Great Britain in the formation of organizational ethics and the reputation of international companies was established, and the strategic importance of leadership in the prevention of corruption in the formation of anti-corruption programs and the fight against corruption risks was determined in his work on leadership in the prevention of corruption. The experience of the USA, the EU, and Great Britain has shown that compliance with ethical behavior by the middle and lower ranks and, accordingly, the reduction of corruption risks, is mainly implemented taking into account the example set by the management in conducting the company's business. It has been found that the main ways of creating an ethical atmosphere are: establishment of values and principles of the organization, approval of Codes of Ethics, internal control, accountability, regular informing and holding of training events by the management with its mandatory participation regarding ethical values, trust in the management and its personal compliance on issues of corporate ethics in the absence of an ethics officer position. The practice of management implementation of ethical values in the anti-corruption policy of public authorities in Australia has shown that the ways of such implementation can be: the introduction of external control procedures open to the public, as well as confidential reporting procedures for senior management. The experience of Liberia, Kenya, and Georgia regarding leadership and corruption in the management of companies and in the public service as one of the main causes of civil wars is analyzed. Positive practices regarding the use of anti-corruption policy and the establishment of the role of leaders in the management of African countries have become the implementation of anti-corruption policy and strategy in the top management of countries, decentralization of power and the practice of identifying and returning illegally obtained funds of government officials to state accounts. The author summarizes effective ways of implementing ethical values in public sector organizations, using the example of Georgia, namely: political loyalty of management in the field of management in the fight against corruption; implementation of e-governance and e-services, long-term investments in building a corporate ethical culture, implementation of a mechanism for direct access to information on combating bribery to the company's top management, and encouraging employees to report suspicious activity related to corruption. Using the example of Estonia, the peculiarities of the role of management in overcoming corruption, the implementation of anti-corruption initiatives, certain trends regarding the role of the leadership of the law enforcement sphere in anti-corruption policy have been established. Estonian legislation has formed trends regarding the identification of the role of management in the formation of anti­corruption culture in law enforcement agencies through organizational views on corruption and the views of managers on overcoming corruption, in particular: the openness of top management to discussing anti-corruption issues in relation to their own organizations; focus on the organizational culture of non-perception of corruption starting from the top management level; integration into everyday practice of existing ethical standards; prevention of corruption risks associated with senior officials of organizations.
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G. Mujtaba, Bahaudin, and Belal A. Kaifi. "Safety Audit Considerations for a Healthy Workplace that Puts «People Before Profit» and OSHA Compliance." Health Economics and Management Review 4, no. 1 (2023): 11–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/hem.2023.1-02.

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Every organization should provide a safe and healthy workplace for all stakeholders by putting “people before profit”. Such a workplace must be consciously created, assessed, and internally examined through regular audits before the government conducts their inspections. Business owners, managers, and employees should know that the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) inspections do not always come with a warning, as inspectors can enter a business at any day or time without scheduling their arrival. As such, all employees must work safely and be prepared for an unannounced inspection. Every business should have a formal checklist for audits and daily usage on a periodic basis to ensure the safety of their workers in a healthy work environment. The benefits of implementing an effective safety and health program can be many, including higher optimism of the workforce, improved company reputation, and lower Workers’ Compensation Insurance rates. This paper provides an overview of common safety measures in accordance with the Occupational Safety and Health Administration requirements. Data, statistics, examples, checklist recommendations, and audit suggestions are provided for managers and human resource professionals to internally assess the organization on a periodic basis to proactively prevent accidents, injuries, and possible citations by the federal government or state health inspectors. Managers must pay even closer attention and provide additional training for underage school children that work part-time as they are more vulnerable and not allowed to use certain machines and heavy equipment in the workplace. Leaders and managers must develop and emphasize a “people before profit” mindset to create an organizational culture that is focused on safe work practices. It is important that all managers and human resources professionals understand that all USA companies must provide their employees with a safe and healthy work environment. Furthermore, these professionals must know the OSHA regulations and state laws which are applicable to their firms and industries so that the organization can be in full compliance with the requirements. Of course, we recommend that managers and firms go above and beyond the law to put “people before profit” in the organization’s culture. The Occupational Safety and Health (OSH) Act of 1970, which is enforced by OSHA, has done an excellent job of getting managers and human resource professionals to make sure their places of work are as safe as possible. They have produced many great informational content and training materials that are freely available for all workers, managers, owners, and corporate executives to use in their pursuit of a safe and wholesome workplace. Consequently, OSHA standards and rules have become a part of corporate America, which has been a positive approach. A practical example that most American workers are familiar with is the “Fire Safety” procedures as all employers have a Fire Prevention Plan. Consequently, most firms and institutions in the United States regularly practice for fire safety drills; as such, it has become a part of their organization’s culture. And so should be the mindset of putting “people before profit”.
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Ngulumbu, Benjamin Musembi, and Fanice Waswa. "Abdul, G., A., & Sehar, S. (2015). Conflict management and organizational performance: A case study of Askari Bank Ltd. Research Journal of Finance and Accounting. 6(11), 201. Adhiambo, R., & Simatwa, M. (2011). Assessment of conflict management and resolution in public secondary schools in Kenya: A case study of Nyakach District. International Research Journal 2(4), 1074-1088. Adomi, E., & Anie, S. (2015). Conflict management in Nigerian University Libraries. Journal of Library Management, 27(8), 520-530. https://doi.org/10.1108/01435120610686098 Amadi, E., C., & Urho, P. (2016). Strike actions and its effect on educational management in universities in River State. Kuwait Chapter of Arabian Journal of Business and Management Review, 5(6), 41-46. https://doi.org/10.12816/0019033 Amah, E., & Ahiauzu, A. (2013). Employee involvement and organizational effectiveness. Journal of Management Development, 32(7), 661-674. https://doi.org/10.1108/JMD-09-2010-0064 Amegee, P. K. (2010). The causes and impact of labour unrest on some selected organizations in Accra. University of Ghana Awan, A., G., & Anjum K. (2015). Cost of High Employees turnover Rate in Oil industry of Pakistan, Information and Knowledge Management, 5 (2), 92- 102. Bernards, N. (2017). The International Labour Organization and African trade unions: tripartite fantasies and enduring struggles. Review of African Political Economy, 44(153), 399-414. https://doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2017.1318359 Blomgren Amsler, L., Avtgis, A. B., & Jackman, M. S. (2017). Dispute System Design and Bias in Dispute Resolution. SMUL Rev., 70, 913. Boheim, R., & Booth, A. (2004). Trade union presence and employer provided training in Great Britain industrial relations 43: pp 520-545. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.0019-8676.2004.00348.x Bryson, A., & Freeman, R. B. (2013). Employee perceptions of working conditions and the desire for worker representation in Britain and the US. Journal of Labor Res 34(1), 1–29. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12122-012-9152-y Buccella, D., & Fanti, L. (2020). Do labour union recognition and bargaining deter entry in a network industry? A sequential game model. Utilities Policy, 64, 101025. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jup.2020.101025 Constitution, K. (2010). Government printer. Kenya: Nairobi. Cortés, P. (Ed.). (2016). The new regulatory framework for consumer dispute resolution. Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198766353.001.0001 Creighton, B., Denvir, C., & McCrystal, S. (2017). Defining industrial action. Federal Law Review, 45(3), 383-414. Daud, Z., & Bakar, M. S. (2017). Improving employees' welfare. European Journal of Industrial Relations, 25(2), 147-162. Deery, S., J., Iverson, R., D., & Walsh, J. (2010). Coping strategies in call centers: Work Intensity and the Role of Co-workers and Supervisors. International Journal of employment relations, 48(1), 189-200. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8543.2009.00755.x Durrani, S. (2018). Trade Unions in Kenya's War of Independence (No. 2). Vita Books. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvh8r4j2 Dwomoh, G., Owusu, E., E., & Addo, M. (2013). Impact of occupational health and safety policies on employees’ performance in the Ghana’s timber industry: Evidence from Lumber and Logs Limited. International Journal of Education and Research, 1 (12), 1-14. Edinyang, S., & Ubi, I. E. (2013). Studies secondary school students in Uyo Local government area of AkwaIbom State, Nigeria. Global Journal of Human Resource Management, 1(2), 1-8. Ewing, K., & Hendy, J. (2017). New perspectives on collective labour law: Trade union recognition and collective bargaining. Industrial Law Journal, 46(1), 23-51. https://doi.org/10.1093/indlaw/dwx001 Fitzgerald, I., Beadle, R., & Rowan, K. (2020). Trade Unions and the 2016 UK European Union Referendum. Economic and Industrial Democracy. https://doi.org/10.1177/0143831X19899483 Gall, G., & Fiorito, J. (2016). Union effectiveness: In search of the Holy Grail. Economic and Industrial Democracy, 37(1) 189211. https://doi.org/10.1177/0143831X14537358 Gathoronjo, S. N. (2018). The Ministry of labour on the causes of labour disputes in the public sector. University of Nairobi. Iravo, M. A. (2011). Effect of conflict management in performance of public secondary schools in Machakos County, Kenya. Kenyatta University. Jepkorir, B. M. (2014). The effect of trade unions on organizational productivity in the cement manufacturing industry in Nairobi. University of Nairobi. Kaaria, J. K. (2019). Trade Liberalization and Export Survival In Kenya. University of Nairobi. Kaburu, Z. (2010). The relationship between terms and conditions of service and motivation of domestic workers in Nairobi. University of Nairobi. Kambilinya, I. (2014). Assessment of performance of trade unions. Master’s Thesis Submitted to University of Malawi. Kamrul, H., Ashraful, I., & Arifuzzaman, M. (2015). A Study on the major causes of labour unrest and its effect on the RMG sector of Bangladesh. International Journal of Scientific & Engineering Research, 6 (11). Kazimoto, P. (2013). Analysis of conflict management and leadership for organizational change. International Journal of Research in Social Sciences, 3(1), 16-25. Khanka, I. (2015). Industrial relations in Tanzania. University of Dar-es-salaam. Kisaka, C. L. (2010). Challenges facing trade unions in Kenya. Master’s Thesis Submitted to University of Nairobi. Kituku, M. N. (2015). Influence of conflict resolution strategies on project implementation. A Case of Titanium Base Limited Kwale County Kenya. University of Nairobi. Kmietowicz, Z. (2016). Ballot on industrial action by GPs averted as government accepts BMA’s demands. https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.i4619 KNHCR (2020). Key Business and Human Rights Concerns in Kenya. Retrieved from http://nap.knchr.org/NAP-Scope/Key-Business-and-Human-Rights-Concerns-in-Kenya. Magone, J. (2018). Iberian trade unionism: Democratization under the impact of the European Union. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781351325684 Menkel-Meadow, C. J., Porter-Love, L., Kupfer-Schneider, A., & Moffitt, M. (2018). Dispute resolution: Beyond the adversarial model. Aspen Publishers. Mlungisi, E. T. (2016). The liability of trade unions for conduct of their members during industrial action. MoLSP (2020). Ministry of Labor and Social Protection, Registrar of Trade Unions. Retrieved from https://labour.go.ke/department-of-trade-unions/ Msila, X. (2018). Trade union density and its implications for collective bargaining in South Africa. University of Pretoria. Mulima, K. J. (2017). Trade Union Practices on Improvement of Teachers Welfare. University of Nairobi). Năstase, A., & Muurmans, C. (2020). Regulating lobbying practices in the European Union: A voluntary club perspective. Regulation & Governance, 14(2), 238-255. https://doi.org/10.1111/rego.12200 Otenyo, E. E. (2017). Trade unions and the age of information and communication technologies in Kenya. Lexington Books. Powell, J. (2018). Towards a Marxist theory of financialised capitalism. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190695545.013.37 Razaka, S. S., & Mahmodb, N. A. K. N. (2017). Trade Union Recognition in Malaysia: Transforming State Government’s Ideology. Proceeding of ICARBSS 2017 Langkawi, Malaysia, 2017(29th), 175." Journal of Strategic Management 6, no. 1 (January 22, 2022): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.53819/81018102t2041.

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The Constitution of Kenya specifically recognizes the freedom of association to form and belong to trade unions. However, despite the adoption of the Labour Relations Act, union practice is still hampered by excessive restrictions. The EPZ companies are labor intensive requiring a large amount of labor to produce its goods or service and thus, the welfare of the employees play a key role in their functions. This study sought to determine the effect of trade union practices on employees’ welfare at export processing zones industries in Athi River, Kenya. The specific objectives sought to determine the effect of collective bargaining agreements, industrial action, dispute resolution and trade union representation on employees’ welfare at export processing zones industries in Athi River, Kenya. The study employed a descriptive research design. Primary data was collected by means of a structured questionnaire. The target population of the study was employees in EPZ companies in Athi River, Kenya with large employees enrolled in active trade unions. The unit of observation was the employees in the trade unions. The findings indicated that collective bargaining agreements had a positive and significant coefficient with employees’ welfare at the EPZ industries. Industrial action had a positive but non-significant effect with employees’ welfare at Export Processing Zones industries. Dispute resolution had a positive and significant coefficient with employees’ welfare at the EPZ industries. Trade union representation had a positive and significant coefficient with employees’ welfare at the EPZ industries. The study recommended that trade union should avoid the path of confrontation but continue dialogue through the collective bargaining process and demands should be realistic in nature with what is obtainable in the related industry. An existence of a formal two way communication between management and trade unions will ensure that right message is properly understood and on time too. Keywords: Collective Bargaining Agreements, Industrial Action, Dispute Resolution, Trade Union Representation, Employees Welfare & Export Processing Zones
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Andre Pupung Darmawan, Angga Erlando, and Dwi Budi Santoso. "Examining an Islamic Financial Inclusivity and Its Impact on Fundamental Economic Variables in Indonesia (An Approach of Static Panel Data Analysis)." Jurnal Ekonomi Syariah Teori dan Terapan 10, no. 4 (July 31, 2023): 337–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/vol10iss20234pp337-351.

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ABSTRACT Previous studies mostly measured sharia financial inclusion using an index consisting of three dimensions: accessibility, availability, and usage. This research develops it by adding a digitalization dimension so that there are 4 dimensions in measuring sharia financial inclusion in Indonesia using an index. The first objective of this study is to visually illustrate the results of calculating the sharia financial inclusion index (in map form) in 33 provinces in Indonesia, using GeoDa software. Second, analyze the impact of sharia financial inclusion variables (the 4 form dimensions) that are calculated, on economic fundamental variables (growth, unemployment, poverty, and inequality) through a quantitative approach based on panel data analysis methods (FEM and REM). The secondary data used comes from the Financial Services Authority (OJK) and the Central Statistics Agency (BPS), in the 2015-2020 period. The results of this study indicate that sharia financial inclusion in Indonesia needs to be increased more evenly, so that it is not stagnant and centered in Java or provinces with a communal Muslim base (viewed from the results of index calculations) because the values ​​are unequal between provinces. Meanwhile, the results of panel data analysis techniques show that variables reflecting the 4 dimensions of sharia financial inclusion have an impact on fundamental economic variables. Keywords: Sharia Financial Inclusion, Index, GeoDa, Panel data ABSTRAK Kajian sebelumnya banyak mengukur inklusi keuangan syariah dengan menggunakan indeks yang terdiri dari tiga dimensi: aksessibilitas, availabilitas, dan penggunaan. Penelitian ini mengembangkannya dengan menambah dimensi digitalisasi, sehingga terdapat 4 dimensi dalam mengukur inklusi keuangan syariah di Indonesia menggunakan indeks. Tujuan pertama penelitian ini menggambarkan visual hasil perhitungan indeks inklusi keuangan syariah (dalam bentuk peta) di 33 provinsi yang ada di Indonesia, dengan software GeoDa. Kedua, menganalisis pengaruh variabel inklusi keuangan syariah (4 dimensi pembentuknya) yang dihitung, terhadap variabel fundamental ekonomi (pertumbuhan, tingkat pengangguran, kemiskinan, dan ketimpangan) melalui pendekatan kuantitatif berbasis metode analisis data panel (FEM dan REM). Data yang digunakan bersumber dari Otoritas Jasa Keuangan (OJK) dan Badan Pusat Statistika (BPS), dalam periode 2015-2020. Hasil penelitian ini, menunjukkan bahwa bahwa inklusi keuangan syariah di Indonesia perlu ditingkatkan lebih merata, agar tidak stagnan terpusat di Java atau provinsi dengan basis muslim komunal, jika dilihat dari hasil perhitungan indeks yang nilainya timpang antar porvinsi. Sementara itu, hasil teknik analisis data panel menunjukkan bahwa variabel yang mencerminkan 4 dimensi inklusi keuangan syariah berdampak bagi variabel fundamental ekonomi. Kata Kunci: Inklusi Keuangan Sharia, Indeks, Geoda, Data Panel. REFERENCES Allen, J., Cars, G., & Madanipour, A. (2012). Social exclusion in European cities: processes, experiences and responses. London: Routledge. Alshyab, N., Sandri, S., & Daradkah, D. (2021). The effect of financial inclusion on unemployment reduction-evidence from non-oil producing Arab countries. International Journal of Business Performance Management, 22(2-3), 100-116. Amakor, I. C., & Eneh, O. (2021). Financial inclusion and unemployment rate in Nigeria. International Journal of Research (IJR), 8(11), 1-14. Ananzeh, I. E. N. (2016). Relationship between bank credit and economic growth: Evidence in Jordan. International Journal of Financial Research, 7(2), 53-63. doi:10.5430/ijfr.v7n2p53 Anwar, K., & Amri, A. (2017). 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Gao, Xiang. "A ‘Uniform’ for All States?" M/C Journal 26, no. 1 (March 15, 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.2962.

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Introduction Daffodil Day, usually held in spring, raises funds for cancer awareness and research using this symbol of hope. On that day, people who donate money to this good cause are usually given a yellow daffodil pin to wear. When I lived in Auckland, New Zealand, on the last Friday in August most people walking around the city centre proudly wore a cheerful yellow flower. So many people generously participated in this initiative that one almost felt obliged to join the cause in order to wear the ‘uniform’ – the daffodil pin – as everyone else did on that day. To donate and to wear a daffodil is the social expectation, and operating in social environment people often endeavour to meet the expectation by doing the ‘appropriate things’ defined by societies or communities. After all, who does not like to receive a beam of acceptance and appreciation from a fellow daffodil bearer in Auckland’s Queen Street? States in international society are no different. In some ways, states wear ‘uniforms’ while executing domestic and foreign affairs just as human beings do within their social groups. States develop the understandings of desirable behaviour from the international community with which they interact and identify. They are ‘socialised’ to act in line with the expectations of international community. These expectations are expressed in the form of international norms, a prescriptive set of ideas about the ‘appropriate behaviour for actors with a given identity’ (Finnemore and Sikkink 891). Motivated by this logic of appropriateness, states that comply with certain international norms in world politics justify and undertake actions that are considered appropriate for their identities. This essay starts with examining how international norms can be spread to different countries through the process of ‘state socialisation’ (how the countries are ‘talked into’ wearing the ‘uniform’). Second, the essay investigates the idea of ‘cultural match’: how domestic actors comply with an international norm by interpreting and manipulating it according to their local political and legal practices (how the countries wear the ‘uniform’ differently). Lastly, the essay probes the current international normative community and the liberal values embedded in major international norms (whether states would continue wearing the ‘uniform’). International Norms and State Socialisation: Why Do States Wear the ‘Uniforms’? Norm diffusion is related to the efforts of ‘norm entrepreneurs’ using various platforms to convince a critical mass of states to embrace new norms (Finnemore and Sikkink 895-896). Early studies of norm diffusion tend to emphasise nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) as norm entrepreneurs and advocates, such as Oxfam and its goal of reducing poverty and hunger worldwide (Capie 638). In other empirical research, intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) were shown to serve as ‘norm teachers,’ such as UNESCO educating developing countries the value of science policy organisations (Finnemore 581-586). Additionally, states and other international actors can also play important roles in norm diffusion. Powerful states with more communication resources sometimes enjoy advantages in creating and promoting new norms (Florini 375). For example, the United States and Western European countries have often been considered as the major proponents of free trade. Norm emergence and state socialisation in a normative community often occurs during critical historical periods, such as wars and major economic downturns, when international changes and domestic crises often coincide with each other (Ikenberry and Kupchan 292). For instance, the norm entrepreneurs of ‘responsible power/state’ can be traced back to the great powers (mainly the United States, Great Britain, and the Soviet Union) and their management of international order at the end of WWII (see Bull). With their negotiations and series of international agreements at the Cairo, Tehran, Yalta, and Potsdam Conference in the 1940s, these great powers established a post-World War international society based on the key liberal values of international peace and security, free trade, human rights, and democracy. Human beings are not born to know what appropriate behaviour is; we learn social norms from parents, schools, peers, and other community members. International norms are collective expectations and understanding of how state governments should approach their domestic and foreign affairs. States ‘learn’ international norms while socialising with a normative community. From a sociological perspective, socialisation summarises ‘how and to what extent diverse individuals are meshed with the requirement of collective life’ at the societal level (Long and Hadden 39). It mainly consists of the process of training and shaping newcomers by the group members and the social adjustment of novices to the normative framework and the logic of appropriateness (Long and Hadden 39). Similarly, social psychology defines socialisation as the process in which ‘social organisations influence the action and experience of individuals’ (Gold and Douvan 145). Inspired by sociology and psychology, political scientists consider socialisation to be the mechanism through which norm entrepreneurs persuade other actors (usually a norm novice) to adhere to a particular prescriptive standard (Johnston, “Social State” 16). Norm entrepreneurs can change novices’ behaviour by the methods of persuasion and social influence (Johnston, “Treating International Institutions” 496-506). Socialisation sometimes demands that individual actors should comply with organisational norms by changing their interests or preferences (persuasion). Norm entrepreneurs often attempt to construct an appealing cognitive frame in order to persuade the novices (either individuals or states) to change their normative preferences or adopt new norms. They tend to use language that can ‘name, interpret and dramatise’ the issues related to the emerging norm (Finnemore and Sikkink 987). As a main persuasive device, ‘framing’ can provide a singular interpretation and appropriate behavioural response for a particular situation (Payne 39). Cognitive consistency theory found in psychology has suggested the mechanism of ‘analogy’, which indicates that actors are more likely to accept new ideas that share some similarities to the extant belief or ideas that they have already accepted (see Hybel, ch. 2). Based on this understanding, norm entrepreneurs usually frame issues in a way that can associate and resonate with the shared value of the targeted novices (Payne 43). For example, Finnemore’s research shows that when it promoted the creation of state science bureaucracies in the 1960s, UNESCO associated professional science policy-making with the appropriate role of a modern state, which was well received by the post-war developing countries in Latin America, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia (Finnemore 565-597). Socialisation can also emanate actors’ pro-norm behaviour through a cost-benefit calculation made with social rewards and punishments (social influence). A normative community can use the mechanism of back-patting and opprobrium to distribute social reward and punishment. Back-patting – ‘recognition, praise and normative support’ – is offered for a novice’s or member’s cooperative and pro-norm behaviour (Johnston, “Treating International Institutions” 503). In contrast, opprobrium associated with status denial and identity rejection can create social and psychological costs (Johnston 504). Both the reward and punishment grow in intensity with the number of co-operators (Johnston 504). A larger community can often create more criticism towards rule-breakers, and thus greatly increase the cost of disobedience. For instance, the lack of full commitment from major powers, such as China, the United States, and some other OECD countries, has arguably made global collective action towards mitigating climate change more difficult, as the cost of non-compliance is relatively low. While being in a normative environment, novice or emerging states that have not yet been socialised into the international community can respond to persuasion and social influence through the processes of identification and mimicking. Social psychology indicates that when one actor accepts persuasion or social influence based on its desire to build or maintain a ‘satisfying self-defining relationship’ to another actor, the mechanism of identification starts to work (Kelman 53). Identification among a social group can generate ‘obligatory’ behaviour, where individual states make decisions by attempting to match their perceptions of ‘who they are’ (national identity) with the expectation of the normative community (Glodgeier and Tetlock 82). After identifying with the normative community, a novice state would then mimic peer states’ pro-norm behaviour in order to be considered as a qualified member of the social group. For example, when the Chinese government was deliberating over its ratification of the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety in 2003, a Ministry of Environmental Protection brief noted that China should ratify the Protocol as soon as possible because China had always been a country ‘keeping its word’ in international society, and non-ratification would largely ‘undermine China’s international image and reputation’ (Ministry of Environmental Protection of PRC). Despite the domestic industry’s disagreement with entering into the Protocol, the Chinese government’s self-identification as a ‘responsible state’ that performs its international promises and duties played an important role in China’s adoption of the international norm of biosafety. Domestic Salience of International Norms: How Do States Wear the ‘Uniforms’ Differently? Individual states do not accept international norms passively; instead, state governments often negotiate and interact with domestic actors, such as major industries and interest groups, whose actions and understandings in turn impact on how the norm is understood and implemented. This in turn feeds back to the larger normative community and creates variations of those norms. There are three main factors that can contribute to the domestic salience of an international norm. First, as the norm-takers, domestic actors can decide whether and to what extent an international norm can enter the domestic agenda and how it will be implemented in policy-making. These actors tend to favour an international norm that can justify their political and social programs and promote their interests in domestic policy debates (Cortell and Davis, “How Do International Institutions Matter?” 453). By advocating the existence and adoption of an international norm, domestic actors attempt to enhance the legitimacy and authority of their current policy or institution (Acharya, “How Ideas Spread” 248). Political elites can strengthen state legitimacy by complying with an international norm in their policy-making, and consequently obtain international approval with reputation, trust, and credibility as social benefits in the international community (Finnemore and Sikkink 903). For example, when the UN General Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), only four states – Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States – voted against the Declaration. They argued that their constitutional and national policies were sufficiently responsive to the type of Indigenous self-determination envisioned by UNDRIP. Nevertheless, given the opprobrium directed against these states by the international community, and their well-organised Indigenous populations, the four state leaders recognised the value of supporting UNDRIP. Subsequently all four states adopted the Declaration, but in each instance state leaders observed UNDRIP’s ‘aspirational’ rather than legal status; UNDRIP was a statement of values that these states’ policies should seek to incorporate into their domestic Indigenous law. Second, the various cultural, political, and institutional strategies of domestic actors can influence the effectiveness of norm empowerment. Political rhetoric and political institutions are usually created and used to promote a norm domestically. Both state and societal leaders can make the performative speech act of an international norm work and raise its importance in a national context by repeated declarations on the legitimacy and obligations brought by the norm (Cortell and Davis, “Understanding the Domestic Impact” 76). Moreover, domestic actors can also develop or modify political institutions to incorporate an international norm into the domestic bureaucratic or legal system (Cortell and Davis, “Understanding the Domestic Impact” 76). These institutions provide rules for domestic actors and articulate their rights and obligations, which transforms the international norm’s legitimacy and authority into local practices. For example, the New Zealand Government adopted a non-nuclear policy in the 1980s. This policy arose from the non-nuclear movement that was leading the development of the Raratonga Treaty (South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone) and peace and Green party movements across Europe who sought to de-nuclearise the European continent. The Lange Labour Government’s 1984 adoption of an NZ anti-nuclear policy gained impetus because of these larger norm movements, and these movements in turn recognised the normative importance of a smaller power in international relations. Third, the characteristics of the international norm can also impact on the likelihood that the norm will be accepted by domestic actors. A ‘cultural match’ between international norm and local values can facilitate norm diffusion to domestic level. Sociologists suggest that norm diffusion is more likely to be successful if the norm is congruent with the prior values and practices of the norm-taker (Acharya, “Asian Regional Institutions” 14). Norm diffusion tends to be more efficient when there is a high degree of cultural match such that the global norm resonates with the target country’s domestic values, beliefs or understandings, which in turn can be reflected in national discourse, as well as the legal and bureaucratic system (Checkel 87; Cortell and Davis, “Understanding the Domestic Impact” 73). With such cultural consistency, domestic actors are more likely to accept an international norm and treat it as a given or as ‘matter-of-fact’ (Cortell and Davis, “Understanding the Domestic Impact” 74). Cultural match in norm localisation explains why identical or similar international socialisation processes can lead to quite different local developments and variations of international norms. The debate between universal human rights and the ‘Asian values’ of human rights is an example where some Asian states, such as Singapore and China, prioritise citizen’s economic rights over social and political rights and embrace collective rights instead of individual rights. Cultural match can also explain why one country may easily accept a certain international norm, or some aspect of one particular norm, while rejecting others. For example, when Taiwanese and Japanese governments adapted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples into their local political and legal practice, various cultural aspects of Indigenous rights have been more thoroughly implemented compared to indigenous economic and political rights (Gao et al. 60-65). In some extreme cases, the norm entrepreneurs even attempt to change the local culture of norm recipients to create a better cultural match for norm localisation. For example, when it tried to socialise India into its colonial system in the early nineteenth century, Britain successfully shaped the evolution of Indian political culture by adding British values and practices into India’s social, political, and judicial system (Ikenberry and Kupchan 307-309). The International Normative Community: Would States Continue Wearing ‘Uniforms’? International norms evolve. Not every international norm can survive and sustain. For example, while imperialism and colonial expansion, where various European states explored, conquered, settled, and exploited other parts of the world, was a widely accepted idea and practice in the nineteenth century, state sovereignty, equality, and individual rights have replaced imperialism and become the prevailing norms in international society today. The meanings of the same international norm can evolve as well. The Great Powers first established the post-war international norms of ‘state responsibility’ based on the idea of sovereign equality and non-intervention of domestic affairs. However, the 1980s saw the emergence of many international organisations, which built new standards and offered new meanings for a responsible state in international society: a responsible state must actively participate in international organisations and comply with international regimes. In the post-Cold War era, international society has paid more attention to states’ responsibility to offer global common goods and to promote the values of human rights and democracy. This shift of focus has changed the international expectation of state responsibility again to embrace collective goods and global values (Foot, “Chinese Power” 3-11). In addition to the nature and evolution of international norms, the unity and strength of the normative community can also affect states’ compliance with the norms. The growing size of the community group or the number of other cooperatives can amplify the effect of socialisation (Johnston, “Treating International Institutions” 503-506). In other words, individual states are often more concerned about their national image, reputation and identity regarding norm compliance when a critical mass of states have already subscribed into the international norm. How much could this critical mass be? Finnemore and Sikkink suggest that international norms reach the threshold global acceptance when the norm entrepreneurs have persuaded at least one third of all states to adopt the new norm (901). The veto record of the United Nation Security Council (UNSC) shows this impact. China, for example, has cast a UNSC veto vote 17 times as of 2022, but it has rarely excised its veto power alone (Security Council Report). For instance, though being sceptical of the notion of ‘Responsibility to Protect’, which prioritises human right over state sovereignty, China did not veto Resolution 1973 (2011) regarding the Libyan civil war. The Resolution allowed the international society to take ‘all necessary measure to protect civilians’ from a failed state government, and it received wide support among UNSC members (no negative votes from the other 14 members). Moreover, states are not entirely equal in terms of their ‘normative weight’. When Great Powers act as norm entrepreneurs, they can usually utilise their wealth and influence to better socialise other norm novice states. In the history of promoting biological diversity norms which are embedded in the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), the OECD countries, especially France, UK, Germany, and Japan, have been regarded as normative leaders. French and Japanese political leaders employed normative language (such as ‘need’ and ‘must’) in various international forums to promote the norms and to highlight their normative commitment (see e.g. Chirac; Kan). Additionally, both governments provided financial assistance for developing countries to adopt the biodiversity norms. In the 2011 annual review of CBD, Japan reaffirmed its US$12 million contribution to assisting developing countries (Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity 9). France joined Japan’s commitment by announcing a financial contribution of €1 million along, with some additional funding from Norway and Switzerland (Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity 9). Today, biological diversity has been one of the most widely accepted international environmental norms, which 196 states/nations have ratified (United Nations). While Great Powers can make more substantial contributions to norm diffusion compared to many smaller powers with limited state capacity, Great Powers’ non-compliance with the normative ‘uniform’ can also significantly undermine the international norms’ validity and the normative community’s unity and reputation. The current normative community of climate change is hardly a unified one, as it is characterised by a low degree of consensus. Major industrial countries, such as the United States, Canada, and Australia, have not yet reached an agreement concerning their individual responsibilities for reducing greenhouse emissions. This lack of agreement, which includes the amount of cuts, the feasibility and usefulness of such cuts, and the relative sharing of cuts across various states, is complicated by the fact that large developing countries, such as China, Brazil, and India, also hold different opinions towards climate change regimes (see Vidal et al.). Experts heavily criticised the major global powers, such as the European Union and the United States, for their lack of ambition in phasing out fossil fuels during the 2022 climate summit in Egypt (COP27; Ehsan et al.). In international trade, both China and the United States are among the leading powers because of their large trade volume, capacity, and transnational network; however, both countries have recently undermined the world trade system and norms. China took punitive measures against Australian export products after Australia’s Covid-19 inquiry request at the World Health Organisation. The United States, particularly under the Trump Administration, invoked the WTO national security exception in Article XXI of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) to justify its tariffs on steel and aluminium. Lastly, norm diffusion and socialisation can be a ‘two-way path,’ especially when the norm novice state is a powerful and influential state in the international system. In this case, the novices are not merely assimilated into the group, but can also successfully exert some influence on other group members and affect intra-group relations (Moreland 1174). As such, the novices can be both targets of socialisation and active agents who can shape the content and outcome of socialisation processes (Pu 344). The influence from the novices can create normative contestation and thus influence the norm evolution (Thies 547). In other words, novice states can influence international society and shape the international norm during the socialisation process. For example, the ‘ASEAN Way’ is a set of norms that regulate member states’ relationships within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). It establishes a diplomatic and security culture characterised by informality, consultation, and dialogue, and consensus-building in decision-making processes (Caballero-Anthony). From its interaction with ASEAN, China has been socialised into the ‘ASEAN Way’ (Ba 157-159). Nevertheless, China’s relations with the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) also suggest that there exists a ‘feedback’ process between China and ARF which resulted in institutional changes in ARF to accommodate China’s response (Johnston, “The Myth of the ASEAN Way?” 291). For another example, while the Western powers generally promote the norm of ‘shared responsibility’ in global environment regimes, the emerging economies, such as the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), have responded to the normative engagement and proposed a ‘Common but Differentiated Responsibilities’ regime where the developing countries shoulder less international obligations. Similarly, the Western-led norm of ‘Responsibility to Protect’, which justifies international humanitarian intervention, has received much resistance from the countries that only adhere to the conventional international rules regarding state sovereignty rights and non-intervention to domestic affairs. Conclusion International norms are shared expectations about what constitutes appropriate state behaviour. They are the ‘uniforms’ for individual states to wear when operating at the international level. States comply with international norms in order to affirm their preferred national identities as well as to gain social acceptance and reputation in the normative community. When the normative community is united and sizable, states tend to receive more social pressure to consistently wear these normative uniforms – be they the Geneva Conventions or nuclear non-proliferation. Nevertheless, in the post-pandemic world where liberal values, such as individual rights and rule of law, face significant challenges and democracies are in decline, the future success of the global normative community may be at risk. Great Powers are especially responsible for the survival and sustainability of international norms. The United States under President Trump adopted a nationalist ‘America First’ security agenda: alienating traditional allies, befriending authoritarian regimes previously shunned, and rejecting multilateralism as the foundation of the post-war global order. While the West has been criticised of failing to live up to its declared values, and has suffered its own loss of confidence in the liberal model, the rising powers have offered their alternative version of the world system. Instead of merely adapting to the Western-led global norms, China has created new institutions, such as the Belt and Road Initiatives, to promote its own preferred values, and has reshaped the global order where it deems the norms undesirable (Foot, “Chinese Power in a Changing World Order” 7). Great Power participation has reshaped the landscape of global normative community, and sadly not always in positive ways. Umberto Eco lamented the disappearance of the beauty of the past in his novel The Name of the Rose: ‘stat rosa pristina nomine, nomina nuda tenemus’ ('yesterday’s rose endures in its name, we hold empty names'; Eco 538). If the international community does not want to witness an era where global norms and universal values are reduced to nominalist symbols, it must renew and reinvigorate its commitment to global values, such as human rights and democracy. It must consider wearing these uniforms again, properly. 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Moreland, Richard L. “Social Categorization and the Assimilation of ‘New’ Group Members.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 48.5 (1985): 1173-1190. Payne, Rodger A. “Persuasion, Frames and Norm Construction.” European Journal of International Relations 7.1 (2001): 37-61. Pu, Xiaoyu. “Socialisation as a Two-way Process: Emerging Powers and the Diffusion of International Norms.” The Chinese Journal of International Politics 5.4 (2012): 341-367. Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity. The Convention on Biological Diversity: Year in Review 2011. 2011 <https://www.cbd.int/doc/reports/cbd-report-2011-en.pdf>. Secrity Council Report. "The Veto." 16 Dec. 2020. <https://www.securitycouncilreport.org/un-security-council-working-methods/the-veto.php>. Thies, Cameron G. “Sense and Sensibility in the Study of State Socialisation: A Reply to Kai Alderson.” Review of International Studies 29.4 (2003): 543-550. 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Karlin, Beth, and John Johnson. "Measuring Impact: The Importance of Evaluation for Documentary Film Campaigns." M/C Journal 14, no. 6 (November 18, 2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.444.

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Abstract:
Introduction Documentary film has grown significantly in the past decade, with high profile films such as Fahrenheit 9/11, Supersize Me, and An Inconvenient Truth garnering increased attention both at the box office and in the news media. In addition, the rising prominence of web-based media has provided new opportunities for documentary to create social impact. Films are now typically released with websites, Facebook pages, twitter feeds, and web videos to increase both reach and impact. This combination of technology and broader audience appeal has given rise to a current landscape in which documentary films are imbedded within coordinated multi-media campaigns. New media have not only opened up new avenues for communicating with audiences, they have also created new opportunities for data collection and analysis of film impacts. A recent report by McKinsey and Company highlighted this potential, introducing and discussing the implications of increasing consumer information being recorded on the Internet as well as through networked sensors in the physical world. As they found: "Big data—large pools of data that can be captured, communicated, aggregated, stored, and analyzed—is now part of every sector and function of the global economy" (Manyika et al. iv). This data can be mined to learn a great deal about both individual and cultural response to documentary films and the issues they represent. Although film has a rich history in humanities research, this new set of tools enables an empirical approach grounded in the social sciences. However, several researchers across disciplines have noted that limited investigation has been conducted in this area. Although there has always been an emphasis on social impact in film and many filmmakers and scholars have made legitimate (and possibly illegitimate) claims of impact, few have attempted to empirically justify these claims. Over fifteen years ago, noted film scholar Brian Winston commented that "the underlying assumption of most social documentaries—that they shall act as agents of reform and change—is almost never demonstrated" (236). A decade later, Political Scientist David Whiteman repeated this sentiment, arguing that, "despite widespread speculation about the impact of documentaries, the topic has received relatively little systematic attention" ("Evolving"). And earlier this year, the introduction to a special issue of Mass Communication and Society on documentary film stated, "documentary film, despite its growing influence and many impacts, has mostly been overlooked by social scientists studying the media and communication" (Nisbet and Aufderheide 451). Film has been studied extensively as entertainment, as narrative, and as cultural event, but the study of film as an agent of social change is still in its infancy. This paper introduces a systematic approach to measuring the social impact of documentary film aiming to: (1) discuss the context of documentary film and its potential impact; and (2) argue for a social science approach, discussing key issues about conducting such research. Changes in Documentary Practice Documentary film has been used as a tool for promoting social change throughout its history. John Grierson, who coined the term "documentary" in 1926, believed it could be used to influence the ideas and actions of people in ways once reserved for church and school. He presented his thoughts on this emerging genre in his 1932 essay, First Principles of Documentary, saying, "We believe that the cinema's capacity for getting around, for observing and selecting from life itself, can be exploited in a new and vital art form" (97). Richard Barsam further specified the definition of documentary, distinguishing it from non-fiction film, such that all documentaries are non-fiction films but not all non-fiction films are documentaries. He distinguishes documentary from other forms of non-fiction film (i.e. travel films, educational films, newsreels) by its purpose; it is a film with an opinion and a specific message that aims to persuade or influence the audience. And Bill Nichols writes that the definition of documentary may even expand beyond the film itself, defining it as a "filmmaking practice, a cinematic tradition, and mode of audience reception" (12). Documentary film has undergone many significant changes since its inception, from the heavily staged romanticism movement of the 1920s to the propagandist tradition of governments using film to persuade individuals to support national agendas to the introduction of cinéma vérité in the 1960s and historical documentary in the 1980s (cf. Barnouw). However, the recent upsurge in popularity of documentary media, combined with technological advances of internet and computers have opened up a whole new set of opportunities for film to serve as both art and agent for social change. One such opportunity is in the creation of film-based social action campaigns. Over the past decade, filmmakers have taken a more active role in promoting social change by coordinating film releases with action campaigns. Companies such as Participant Media (An Inconvenient Truth, Food Inc., etc.) now create "specific social action campaigns for each film and documentary designed to give a voice to issues that resonate in the films" (Participant Media). In addition, a new sector of "social media" consultants are now offering services, including "consultation, strategic planning for alternative distribution, website and social media development, and complete campaign management services to filmmakers to ensure the content of nonfiction media truly meets the intention for change" (Working Films). The emergence of new forms of media and technology are changing our conceptions of both documentary film and social action. Technologies such as podcasts, video blogs, internet radio, social media and network applications, and collaborative web editing "both unsettle and extend concepts and assumptions at the heart of 'documentary' as a practice and as an idea" (Ellsworth). In the past decade, we have seen new forms of documentary creation, distribution, marketing, and engagement. Likewise, film campaigns are utilizing a broad array of strategies to engage audience members, including "action kits, screening programs, educational curriculums and classes, house parties, seminars, panels" that often turn into "ongoing 'legacy' programs that are updated and revised to continue beyond the film's domestic and international theatrical, DVD and television windows" (Participant Media). This move towards multi-media documentary film is becoming not only commonplace, but expected as a part of filmmaking. NYU film professor and documentary film pioneer George Stoney recently noted, "50 percent of the documentary filmmaker's job is making the movie, and 50 percent is figuring out what its impact can be and how it can move audiences to action" (qtd. in Nisbet, "Gasland"). In his book Convergence Culture, Henry Jenkins, coined the term "transmedia storytelling", which he later defined as "a process where integral elements of a fiction get dispersed systematically across multiple delivery channels for the purpose of creating a unified and coordinated entertainment experience" ("Transmedia"). When applied to documentary film, it is the elements of the "issue" raised by the film that get dispersed across these channels, coordinating, not just an entertainment experience, but a social action campaign. Dimensions of Evaluation It is not unreasonable to assume that such film campaigns, just like any policy or program, have the possibility to influence viewers' knowledge, attitudes, and behavior. Measuring this impact has become increasingly important, as funders of documentary and issue-based films want look to understand the "return on investment" of films in terms of social impact so that they can compare them with other projects, including non-media, direct service projects. Although we "feel" like films make a difference to the individuals who also see them in the broader cultures in which they are embedded, measurement and empirical analysis of this impact are vitally important for both providing feedback to filmmakers and funders as well as informing future efforts attempting to leverage film for social change. This type of systematic assessment, or program evaluation, is often discussed in terms of two primary goals—formative (or process) and summative (or impact) evaluation (cf. Muraskin; Trochim and Donnelly). Formative evaluation studies program materials and activities to strengthen a program, and summative evaluation examines program outcomes. In terms of documentary film, these two goals can be described as follows: Formative Evaluation: Informing the Process As programs (broadly defined as an intentional set of activities with the aim of having some specific impact), the people who interact with them, and the cultures they are situated in are constantly changing, program development and evaluation is an ongoing learning cycle. Film campaigns, which are an intentional set of activities with the aim of impacting individual viewers and broader cultures, fit squarely within this purview. Without formulating hypotheses about the relationships between program activities and goals and then collecting and analyzing data during implementation to test them, it is difficult to learn ways to improve programs (or continue doing what works best in the most efficient manner). Attention to this process enables those involved to learn more about, not only what works, but how and why it works and even gain insights about how program outcomes may be affected by changes to resource availability, potential audiences, or infrastructure. Filmmakers are constantly learning and honing their craft and realizing the impact of their practice can help the artistic process. Often faced with tight budgets and timelines, they are forced to confront tradeoffs all the time, in the writing, production and post-production process. Understanding where they are having impact can improve their decision-making, which can help both the individual project and the overall field. Summative Evaluation: Quantifying Impacts Evaluation is used in many different fields to determine whether programs are achieving their intended goals and objectives. It became popular in the 1960s as a way of understanding the impact of the Great Society programs and has continued to grow since that time (Madaus and Stufflebeam). A recent White House memo stated that "rigorous, independent program evaluations can be a key resource in determining whether government programs are achieving their intended outcomes as well as possible and at the lowest possible cost" and the United States Office of Management and Budget (OMB) launched an initiative to increase the practice of "impact evaluations, or evaluations aimed at determining the causal effects of programs" (Orszag 1). Documentary films, like government programs, generally target a national audience, aim to serve a social purpose, and often do not provide a return on their investment. Participant Media, the most visible and arguably most successful documentary production company in the film industry, made recent headlines for its difficulty in making a profit during its seven-year history (Cieply). Owner and founder Jeff Skoll reported investing hundreds of millions of dollars into the company and CEO James Berk added that the company sometimes measures success, not by profit, but by "whether Mr. Skoll could have exerted more impact simply by spending his money philanthropically" (Cieply). Because of this, documentary projects often rely on grant funding, and are starting to approach funders beyond traditional arts and media sources. "Filmmakers are finding new fiscal and non-fiscal partners, in constituencies that would not traditionally be considered—or consider themselves—media funders or partners" (BRITDOC 6). And funders increasingly expect tangible data about their return on investment. Says Luis Ubiñas, president of Ford Foundation, which recently launched the Just Films Initiative: In these times of global economic uncertainty, with increasing demand for limited philanthropic dollars, assessing our effectiveness is more important than ever. Today, staying on the frontlines of social change means gauging, with thoughtfulness and rigor, the immediate and distant outcomes of our funding. Establishing the need for evaluation is not enough—attention to methodology is also critical. Valid research methodology is a critical component of understanding around the role entertainment can play in impacting social and environmental issues. The following issues are vital to measuring impact. Defining the Project Though this may seem like an obvious step, it is essential to determine the nature of the project so one can create research questions and hypotheses based on a complete understanding of the "treatment". One organization that provides a great example of the integration of documentary film imbedded into a larger campaign or movement is Invisible Children. Founded in 2005, Invisible Children is both a media-based organization as well as an economic development NGO with the goal of raising awareness and meeting the needs of child soldiers and other youth suffering as a result of the ongoing war in northern Uganda. Although Invisible Children began as a documentary film, it has grown into a large non-profit organization with an operating budget of over $8 million and a staff of over a hundred employees and interns throughout the year as well as volunteers in all 50 states and several countries. Invisible Children programming includes films, events, fundraising campaigns, contests, social media platforms, blogs, videos, two national "tours" per year, merchandise, and even a 650-person three-day youth summit in August 2011 called The Fourth Estate. Individually, each of these components might lead to specific outcomes; collectively, they might lead to others. In order to properly assess impacts of the film "project", it is important to take all of these components into consideration and think about who they may impact and how. This informs the research questions, hypotheses, and methods used in evaluation. Film campaigns may even include partnerships with existing social movements and non-profit organizations targeting social change. The American University Center for Social Media concluded in a case study of three issue-based documentary film campaigns: Digital technologies do not replace, but are closely entwined with, longstanding on-the-ground activities of stakeholders and citizens working for social change. Projects like these forge new tools, pipelines, and circuits of circulation in a multiplatform media environment. They help to create sustainable network infrastructures for participatory public media that extend from local communities to transnational circuits and from grassroots communities to policy makers. (Abrash) Expanding the Focus of Impact beyond the Individual A recent focus has shifted the dialogue on film impact. Whiteman ("Theaters") argues that traditional metrics of film "success" tend to focus on studio economic indicators that are far more relevant to large budget films. Current efforts focused on box office receipts and audience size, the author claims, are really measures of successful film marketing or promotion, missing the mark when it comes to understanding social impact. He instead stresses the importance of developing a more comprehensive model. His "coalition model" broadens the range and types of impact of film beyond traditional metrics to include the entire filmmaking process, from production to distribution. Whiteman (“Theaters”) argues that a narrow focus on the size of the audience for a film, its box office receipts, and viewers' attitudes does not incorporate the potential reach of a documentary film. Impacts within the coalition model include both individual and policy levels. Individual impacts (with an emphasis on activist groups) include educating members, mobilizing for action, and raising group status; policy includes altering both agenda for and the substance of policy deliberations. The Fledgling Fund (Barrett and Leddy) expanded on this concept and identified five distinct impacts of documentary film campaigns. These potential impacts expand from individual viewers to groups, movements, and eventually to what they call the "ultimate goal" of social change. Each is introduced briefly below. Quality Film. The film itself can be presented as a quality film or media project, creating enjoyment or evoking emotion in the part of audiences. "By this we mean a film that has a compelling narrative that draws viewers in and can engage them in the issue and illustrate complex problems in ways that statistics cannot" (Barrett and Leddy, 6). Public Awareness. Film can increase public awareness by bringing light to issues and stories that may have otherwise been unknown or not often thought about. This is the level of impact that has received the most attention, as films are often discussed in terms of their "educational" value. "A project's ability to raise awareness around a particular issue, since awareness is a critical building block for both individual change and broader social change" (Barrett and Leddy, 6). Public Engagement. Impact, however, need not stop at simply raising public awareness. Engagement "indicates a shift from simply being aware of an issue to acting on this awareness. Were a film and its outreach campaign able to provide an answer to the question 'What can I do?' and more importantly mobilize that individual to act?" (Barrett and Leddy, 7). This is where an associated film campaign becomes increasingly important, as transmedia outlets such as Facebook, websites, blogs, etc. can build off the interest and awareness developed through watching a film and provide outlets for viewers channel their constructive efforts. Social Movement. In addition to impacts on individuals, films can also serve to mobilize groups focused on a particular problem. The filmmaker can create a campaign around the film to promote its goals and/or work with existing groups focused on a particular issue, so that the film can be used as a tool for mobilization and collaboration. "Moving beyond measures of impact as they relate to individual awareness and engagement, we look at the project's impact as it relates to the broader social movement … if a project can strengthen the work of key advocacy organizations that have strong commitment to the issues raised in the film" (Barrett and Leddy, 7). Social Change. The final level of impact and "ultimate goal" of an issue-based film is long-term and systemic social change. "While we understand that realizing social change is often a long and complex process, we do believe it is possible and that for some projects and issues there are key indicators of success" (Barrett and Leddy, 7). This can take the form of policy or legislative change, passed through film-based lobbying efforts, or shifts in public dialogue and behavior. Legislative change typically takes place beyond the social movement stage, when there is enough support to pressure legislators to change or create policy. Film-inspired activism has been seen in issues ranging from environmental causes such as agriculture (Food Inc.) and toxic products (Blue Vinyl) to social causes such as foreign conflict (Invisible Children) and education (Waiting for Superman). Documentary films can also have a strong influence as media agenda-setters, as films provide dramatic "news pegs" for journalists seeking to either sustain or generation new coverage of an issue (Nisbet "Introduction" 5), such as the media coverage of climate change in conjunction with An Inconvenient Truth. Barrett and Leddy, however, note that not all films target all five impacts and that different films may lead to different impacts. "In some cases we could look to key legislative or policy changes that were driven by, or at least supported by the project... In other cases, we can point to shifts in public dialogue and how issues are framed and discussed" (7). It is possible that specific film and/or campaign characteristics may lead to different impacts; this is a nascent area for research and one with great promise for both practical and theoretical utility. Innovations in Tools and Methods Finally, the selection of tools is a vital component for assessing impact and the new media landscape is enabling innovations in the methods and strategies for program evaluation. Whereas the traditional domain of film impact measurement included box office statistics, focus groups, and exit surveys, innovations in data collection and analysis have expanded the reach of what questions we can ask and how we are able to answer them. For example, press coverage can assist in understanding and measuring the increase in awareness about an issue post-release. Looking directly at web-traffic changes "enables the creation of an information-seeking curve that can define the parameters of a teachable moment" (Hart and Leiserowitz 360). Audience reception can be measured, not only via interviews and focus groups, but also through content and sentiment analysis of web content and online analytics. "Sophisticated analytics can substantially improve decision making, minimize risks, and unearth valuable insights that would otherwise remain hidden" (Manyika et al. 5). These new tools are significantly changing evaluation, expanding what we can learn about the social impacts of film through triangulation of self-report data with measurement of actual behavior in virtual environments. Conclusion The changing media landscape both allows and impels evaluation of film impacts on individual viewers and the broader culture in which they are imbedded. Although such analysis may have previously been limited to box office numbers, critics' reviews, and theater exit surveys, the rise of new media provides both the ability to connect filmmakers, activists, and viewers in new ways and the data in which to study the process. This capability, combined with significant growth in the documentary landscape, suggests a great potential for documentary film to contribute to some of our most pressing social and environmental needs. A social scientific approach, that combines empirical analysis with theory applied from basic science, ensures that impact can be measured and leveraged in a way that is useful for both filmmakers as well as funders. In the end, this attention to impact ensures a continued thriving marketplace for issue-based documentary films in our social landscape. References Abrash, Barbara. "Social Issue Documentary: The Evolution of Public Engagement." American University Center for Social Media 21 Apr. 2010. 26 Sep. 2011 ‹http://www.centerforsocialmedia.org/›. Aufderheide, Patricia. "The Changing Documentary Marketplace." Cineaste 30.3 (2005): 24-28. Barnouw, Eric. Documentary: A History of the Non-Fiction Film. New York: Oxford UP, 1993. Barrett, Diana and Sheila Leddy. "Assessing Creative Media's Social Impact." The Fledgling Fund, Dec. 2008. 15 Sep. 2011 ‹http://www.thefledglingfund.org/media/research.html›. Barsam, Richard M. Nonfiction Film: A Critical History. Bloomington: Indiana UP. 1992. BRITDOC Foundation. The End of the Line: A Social Impact Evaluation. London: Channel 4, 2011. 12 Oct. 2011 ‹http://britdoc.org/news_details/the_social_impact_of_the_end_of_the_line/›. Cieply, Michael. "Uneven Growth for Film Studio with a Message." New York Times 5 Jun. 2011: B1. Ellsworth, Elizabeth. "Emerging Media and Documentary Practice." The New School Graduate Program in International Affairs. Aug. 2008. 22 Sep. 2011. ‹http://www.gpia.info/node/911›. Grierson, John. "First Principles of Documentary (1932)." Imagining Reality: The Faber Book of Documentary. Eds. Kevin Macdonald and Mark Cousins. London: Faber and Faber, 1996. 97-102. Hart, Philip Solomon and Anthony Leiserowitz. "Finding the Teachable Moment: An Analysis of Information-Seeking Behavior on Global Warming Related Websites during the Release of The Day After Tomorrow." Environmental Communication: A Journal of Nature and Culture 3.3 (2009): 355-66. Jenkins, Henry. Convergence Culture: Where Old and New Media Collide. New York: New York UP, 2006. ———. "Transmedia Storytelling 101." Confessions of an Aca-Fan. The Official Weblog of Henry Jenkins. 22 Mar. 2007. 10 Oct. 2011 ‹http://www.henryjenkins.org/2007/03/transmedia_storytelling_101.html›. Madaus, George, and Daniel Stufflebeam. "Program Evaluation: A Historical Overview." Evaluation in Education and Human Services 49.1 (2002): 3-18. Manyika, James, Michael Chui, Jacques Bughin, Brad Brown, Richard Dobbs, Charles Roxburgh, and Angela Hung Byers. Big Data: The Next Frontier for Innovation, Competition, and Productivity. McKinsey Global Institute. May 2011 ‹http://www.mckinsey.com/mgi/publications/big_data/›. Muraskin, Lana. Understanding Evaluation: The Way to Better Prevention Programs. Washington: U.S. Department of Education, 1993. 8 Oct. 2011 ‹http://www2.ed.gov/PDFDocs/handbook.pdf›. Nichols, Bill. "Foreword." Documenting the Documentary: Close Readings of Documentary Film and Video. Eds. Barry Keith Grant and Jeannette Sloniowski. Detroit: Wayne State UP, 1997. 11-13. Nisbet, Matthew. "Gasland and Dirty Business: Documentary Films Shape Debate on Energy Policy." Big Think, 9 May 2011. 1 Oct. 2011 ‹http://bigthink.com/ideas/38345›. ———. "Introduction: Understanding the Social Impact of a Documentary Film." Documentaries on a Mission: How Nonprofits Are Making Movies for Public Engagement. Ed. Karen Hirsch, Center for Social Media. Mar. 2007. 10 Sep. 2011 ‹http://aladinrc.wrlc.org/bitstream/1961/4634/1/docs_on_a_mission.pdf›. Nisbet, Matthew, and Patricia Aufderheide. "Documentary Film: Towards a Research Agenda on Forms, Functions, and Impacts." Mass Communication and Society 12.4 (2011): 450-56. Orszag, Peter. Increased Emphasis on Program Evaluation. Washington: Office of Management and Budget. 7 Oct. 2009. 10 Oct. 2011 ‹http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/omb/assets/memoranda_2010/m10-01.pdf›. Participant Media. "Our Mission." 2011. 2 Apr. 2011 ‹http://www.participantmedia.com/company/about_us.php.›. Plantinga, Carl. Rhetoric and Representation in Nonfiction Film. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1997. Trochim, William, and James Donnelly. Research Methods Knowledge Base. 3rd ed. Mason: Atomic Dogs, 2007. Ubiñas, Luis. "President's Message." 2009 Annual Report. Ford Foundation, Sep. 2010. 10 Oct. 2011 ‹http://www.fordfoundation.org/about-us/2009-annual-report/presidents-message›. Vladica, Florin, and Charles Davis. "Business Innovation and New Media Practices in Documentary Film Production and Distribution: Conceptual Framework and Review of Evidence." The Media as a Driver of the Information Society. Eds. Ed Albarran, Paulo Faustino, and R. Santos. Lisbon, Portugal: Media XXI / Formal, 2009. 299-319. Whiteman, David. "Out of the Theaters and into the Streets: A Coalition Model of the Political Impact of Documentary Film and Video." Political Communication 21.1 (2004): 51-69. ———. "The Evolving Impact of Documentary Film: Sacrifice and the Rise of Issue-Centered Outreach." Post Script 22 Jun. 2007. 10 Sep. 2011 ‹http://www.allbusiness.com/media-telecommunications/movies-sound-recording/5517496-1.html›. Winston, Brian. Claiming the Real: The Documentary Film Revisited. London: British Film Institute, 1995. Working Films. "Nonprofits: Working Films." Foundation Source Access 31 May 2011. 5 Oct. 2011 ‹http://access.foundationsource.com/nonprofit/working-films/›.
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Patti-Signorelli, Anna, and José Javier Romero-Díaz de la Guardia. "CHAPTER 4: The biopsychosocial model and what it means for understanding inclusion in education - Brahm Norwich Introduction This chapter focuses on two specific pieces of Paul Cooper’s writing from 19 and 15 years ago respectively, namely his ideas about the biopsychosocial model and how he developed and used this perspective in unique ways to expand our thinking about inclusion and inclusive education. I believe this will give me the opportunity to show the detail of his analyses and way he engaged in the key debates going on in the field. It will also enable me to show the continuing relevance /of the arguments he voiced to current issues and concerns. Paul’s intellectual approach has been to oppose what he sees as false oppositions or dichotomies and this is something I have learned from and shared with him. The biopsychosocial model was for him a way to combine and bring together a more complex synthesis not just as an intellectual exercise, but as critical to enhancing educational practice, especially for those with disability and difficulties. A critical discussion of education, ADHD and the biopsychosocial (BPS) perspective Paul Cooper’s paper on the biopsychosocial perspective (Cooper, 2008) focuses on ADHD to propose a BPS model or what is called here a ‘paradigm’ as a way forward to address controversies amongst educationalists. Its argument had and continues to have much wider significance for the field of special educational needs and inclusive education. The main point in the paper was to show how the polarity between biological and social explanations for learning and behaviour problems had become redundant and unhelpful. ADHD it was stated was influenced by both biology and the social environment and indeed was ‘socially constructed’. But, this notion of social construction was not like the one adopted by the social model advocates referenced in the paper and still widely used in the 2020s. Shakespeare (2018, p. 68), for example, refers to the social model of disability as ‘the idea that people are disabled by society, rather than by their bodies’. What motivated Paul was the negativity towards the ADHD concept based on what he saw as: ‘outdated thinking and a lack of understanding of the diagnosis and the biopsychosocial paradigm through which it can be usefully understood’ (p. 457). Before examining the arguments about a social or a BPS model of ADHD, it worth exploring the usage of the terms in these models in written publications generally and in relation to academic research publications in education. Using the google ngram viewer system shows that the phrase ’social model of disability’ is used 114 times more in those texts covered within the google system than the phrase ‘biopsychosocial model of disability’ published in 2019. In addition, references to the phrase ‘social model of disability; increased 2.6 times from 2000 to 2019. By contrast, the use of the phrase ‘biopsychosocial model of disability’ increased more rapidly by 9.3 times, over the same period. Though this analysis is confined to those ngram accessed books in English, it does show that the ‘social model’ was used in this corpus considerably more than the ‘BPS model’. This is so even when the ‘BPS model’ had a greater increase in usage compared to the ‘social model’ over this almost two decade period. This picture is repeated when examining research literature references in education using the Education Research Complete database (ERC). In a search for literature with the terms ‘inclusive education or inclusion or mainstreaming or integration’ and either ‘biopsychosocial model’ or ‘social model’, it was found that there were 13 times as many references for social model than BPS model. It is clear from these analyses that Paul Cooper’s position has not been widely adopted since the 2000s and into the late 2010s, despite the international interest in the WHO International Classification of Functioning (ICF), which adopts a BPS model of disability (Hollenweger, 2012). My argument here is that this does not detract from the value and importance of the arguments in his paper. I am not going into the details of the case for the usefulness and risks in the use of medical classification systems that include ADHD as the most prevalent of childhood behaviour disorders. Cooper’s 2008 paper does this, and no doubt since then the current state of knowledge about ADHD has changed. What I will focus on is the argument made by Paul Cooper about the involvement of biological processes in functioning that comes to be identified as ADHD. Here he considered evidence for there being a problem in the response inhibition system, involving neuropsychological executive functioning mechanisms implicating physiological processes in the frontal lobes of the brain. In addition, he also implicates the genetic studies that have shown a much greater incidence of ADHD among identical than non-identical twins and among children who are biologically related as opposed to adopted. What he resists is the polarising between recognising these biological processes on human behaviour and the social processes; the either – or in favour of the both – and perspective. This is a central point in the commentary I am making of Paul Cooper’s positions and one which will be made too in relation to his ideas about inclusion in education below. The BPS model he is advocating rejects a biological determinism and represents biological factors as being mediated by psychosocial processes; the biological is subjected to social construction at various social and psychological levels. See Figure 4.1 which represents this kind of BPS model. In this respect the BPS model he advocates has strong links to Bronfenbrenner’s bio-ecological model (Bronfenbrenner and Morris, 2006). It is notable that many references to Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model have tended to also split the biological from the psycho-social (Tudge et al., 2009). Figure 4.1 Factors in interaction in the bio-psycho-social model of ADHD Critical reactions to ADHD have involved the dismissal of ADHD by some as a medical construct that individualises educational failure and disruptive behaviour. Part of the aversion to ADHD has been its use to legitimise the practice of using drugs as a form of social control of defiant children. Some argued this approach represented wrong-headed pseudo-science. The argument which Paul Cooper focussed on was the assertion that this individualised these problems, distract from how schools and teachers were involved in these problems, and so absolve them of responsibility to provide relevant opportunities for these groups. He countered this argument by claiming that the BPS model recognises that schools are a major setting through which institutional control and pedagogical practices contribute to the construction of ADHD. In his argument for a more complex BPS model, he countered the arguments of authors like Slee (1995) who were critical of what they portrayed as: ‘The monism of locating the nature of [classroom] disruption in the neurological infrastructure of the child is myopic and convenient’ (Slee, 1995, p. 74). Slee has continued this critical line of argument with his more recent views about the language of special educational needs in referring to: ‘the saturation of our discourse and thinking with the quasi-medical posturing of special educational needs. The conceptual foundations and usage of terms like special educational needs passes without a second thought’ (Slee, 2018; p. 78). Paul Cooper’s thorough response to four challenges from the critical perspective continue to be very relevant to the current circumstances. Firstly, it has been claimed that the ADHD diagnosis is somehow bogus or ‘illicit’ because there is an absence of neuro-scientific evidence. In this article he illustrates how this is ‘patently untrue’ (p. 463). Secondly, ADHD is sometimes claimed to be an example of biological determinism, a claim which expresses a fear of determinism and its associated denial of human agency. Here he has sympathy with this fear but shows how this is not well founded as regards developmental opportunities, given the interaction between biological inheritance and environmental factors in the development of behavioural difficulties. Paul Cooper argued that not only were there several biological pathways implicated in the development of ADHD, but that ADHD is not biologically determined in the simplistic sense suggested by some; see the Slee quote above. He turns the argument by ADHD critics about ADHD diverting attention from school factors against their position. He suggests that portraying ADHD as an example of biological determinism, itself diverts attention from converting a biopsychosocial account of ADHD into pedagogical and other interventions. By knowing more about the biological, psychological and social factors in ADHD enables us, he argued, to avoid aggravating experienced difficulties and promoting educational engagement. The third challenge he addressed was that an ADHD ‘diagnosis’ rests on value-laden, culturally-specific judgements about behavioural or cognitive norms. Here Paul Cooper adopts a perspective, not often found in debates about behaviour difficulties and school education norms. He recognised that children who are biologically predisposed to develop ADHD can be at a disadvantage by culturally based assumptions about appropriate school and classroom behaviour. But, this, he argues, does not reflect on the clinicians who identify ADHD, but reflects on the weaknesses of, what he called, ‘Western mass education’. This issue is about whether to change the educational environment to accommodate the student or to change the student to enable him or her to engage with an unchanging environment. As Paul Cooper recognised the attempt is often made to combine environmental and individual changes. He suggested that using medication can be seen as the failure of the school to make changes that enable the student with ADHD to engage effectively. The implications for those wanting to make schools more inclusive is to learn the lesson that ADHD teaches about shaping the educational environment to improve learning opportunities. In discussing how he approached this challenge, it is also notable that some psychologists have adopted more recently a BPS model of ADHD and supplemented the social aspects with a focus on the cultural aspects that relate to the mental health needs of culturally and linguistically diverse children and young people (Pham, 2015). The fourth challenge Paul Cooper responded to was that accepting an ADHD diagnosis ‘legitimise[s] the practice of drugging defiant children into docility’ (Skidmore, 2004, p. 4). To this he points out that informed opinion does not consider medication for ADHD as an essential treatment, and that whatever is decided is to be in the context of a multi-modal treatment programme that includes psychosocial and educational interventions. In his paper he refers to the UK guidance from 2000 and this is still the current guidelines (NICE, 2018). How parents participate in intervention selection is also illustrated in Pham (2015). The linked and final challenge he dealt with was that ADHD represents the wrongful medicalisation of defiance in school children. Here Paul Cooper questioned the link between defiance and the functional issues associated with ADHD. He suggested that defiance is better considered as a cognitive distortion affecting social engagement rather than a deficit in executive functioning associated with ADHD. So, not complying with parent wishes is seen as non-volitional and not to be confused with defiance. For him what was concerning was the ‘high moral tone’ (p. 470) which concealed limited understanding about ADHD that he believed could be dangerous. A crucial difference between the social and BPS models In defending the BPS model from critical arguments, Paul Cooper did not examine the ideological or value basis for the knowledge claims in these debates. From a critical perspective, it has been suggested by Slee & Weiner (2001) that it is possible to identify two groups of researchers, which they characterise in these terms, namely those who work within, what they call the ‘positivist paradigm’, accept the way things are, attempt to make marginal reforms and who criticise ‘full inclusion’ as ideological; and those who see inclusive education as cultural politics and call for educational reconstruction. This distinction between a positivist / technical versus cultural political position can be aligned with one between an investigatory versus an emancipatory perspective to research about disability (Oliver, 1999). Oliver frames the research-as-investigation as the dominant form of social research which is unacceptable to oppressed groups, such as those with disabilities, who aim to collectively empower themselves. In this perspective the social model of disability expresses the emancipatory stance which is pursued through cultural politics. This contrasts with a technical – interventionist perspective that derives from what Slee and Weiner (2001) call a ‘positivist paradigm’ and is associated with what is called a medical or a bio-medical model. It can be seen that this dichotomy between research stances embraces the splitting which Paul Cooper argued against. Figure 4.2 below represents these distinct research stances as adopting emancipatory or investigatory values, while showing their main focus and linked assumptions. With emancipatory values the main focus is on reducing the oppression of the vulnerable with this being done through collective socio-political action and in doing so entailing a causal assumption that it is the dominant social system that oppresses. With investigatory values, the main focus is on identifying complex causal models of a phenomenon and in doing so assumes that this knowledge can be used for subsequent improvement interventions. Figure 4.2 Value bases underlying different research stances One of the main arguments in this chapter is that there are links and common elements to these two basic value positions, so raising questions about the split and opposition between them. Both connect knowledge with action for social change, on one hand, and both assume some causal processes, on the other. The difference is in the assumptions of their main focus. Identifying complex causal processes (e.g. that includes social processes as part of a BPS perspective) is the primary focus of the investigatory stance, while change depends on applying this knowledge in interventions. This stance represents an outsider-spectator-intervenor perspective. By contrast, reducing the oppression of the vulnerable is the primary focus of the emancipatory stance, with this being through collective political and social action. This stance represents an insider-participator perspective. So, while distinct, there are connections to be recognised between them which can help to understand what the social stands for in these two models. The social in the social model stands for where change is to be focussed; in the socio-political arena. The social, by contrast, in the BPS model stands for the social factors that need to be understood in their interaction with bio-psychological causal factors. Making use of the distinction between insider-outsider role perspectives enables us to see how these different value stances can be connected and not seen as opposites to select between. As Paul Cooper argued in his 2008 paper, informed opinion does not consider medication for ADHD as an essential treatment / intervention; the BPS model implies multi-modal methods including psychosocial and educational interventions (NICE, 2018). Intervention / treatment acceptability is also an important consideration when considering individual children with identified ADHD from a BPS perspective, as illustrated in Pham’s (2015) case study. This implies that parents and young people will participate in action decisions, which gives them an insider role. However, the social model goes beyond insider participation at the individual level, to involve collective participation at institutional and societal levels too. This is where the BPS model could be open to insider participation beyond the individual level, to see the value of institutional and societal participation too. And, as the BPS can be open to the collective action of the social model, so the social model can be open to the outsider perspective’s recognition of multi-level causal processes (including the bio-psychological levels) and their associated interventions. Inclusion as a buzz-word In this 2008 paper Paul Cooper suggested that the use of insights from the BPS model in developing educational provision is likely to lead to a more genuinely inclusive education system. This was written after an earlier editorial he wrote in the journal Emotional and Behavioural Difficulties in 2004 (Cooper, 2004). Here he pointed to the overuse and misuse of the word inclusion, suggesting that it will lose its meaning and that the purposes for which it was coined will become neglected. One way of challenging this misuse, he mentioned, was to be vigilant about how it is used and to call for greater clarity. In this editorial he stated that social inclusion is about active participation and engagement with other people. With inclusive education, he continued, it is not just about social inclusion, but an individual’s active engagement in formal learning processes. Here Paul Cooper goes beyond common ideas about inclusion which are defined in terms of social and academic participation (as in the Inclusion Index; Booth and Ainscow, 2011), by clarifying that it is also about academic and social engagement. From this it was clear that inclusion was more than both location / placement and social interaction with other people; it was also about personal engagement with others and with formal learning. Paul Cooper was not alone in linking engagement with inclusion, he shared this with Mary Warnock, the chair of the Warnock Committee which in 1978 set out new policies about the education of children and young people with disabilities and difficulties (Warnock, 2005). In her 2005 policy paper she rejected the idea of educational inclusion as about ‘all children under the same roof’. She preferred a learning concept of inclusion, which was about: ‘including all children in the common educational enterprise of learning, wherever they learn best’ (Warnock, 2005). Though she does not use the term ‘engagement’ as such, her notion of learning where done best connects with ‘engagement’ and prioritises this over placement, a view which was also adopted later by Paul for the area of education of children and young people with social, emotional and behaviour difficulties (Cooper and Jacobs, 2011). Paul Cooper drew on the psychological ideas of Marjorie Boxall in the Boxall Profile (Bennathan and Boxall, 2003) to connect Inclusion with engagement, as he mentioned in his 2004 editorial. For him engagement was at the heart of educational inclusion from a cognitive perspective. He adopted the five subskills of what the Boxall Profile termed ‘the organization of experience’: whether the child gives purposeful attention, participates constructively, connects up experiences, shows insightful involvement and engages cognitively with peers. Within this framework he recognised that children with social, emotional and behavioural difficulties (SEBD) can have problems with some or all of these skills. So, it can be argued that the child who experiences SEBD is socially, emotionally and cognitively excluded from what is going in class lessons; with SEBD being framed as a barrier to inclusion. This concept of a barrier is very different to that proposed from a social model perspective as in the Inclusion Index (Booth and Ainscow, 2011), in which barriers are only external to the person. But, Paul Cooper does not draw the conclusion that children with SEBD can never be ‘included’. Here he makes the distinction between inclusion-as-location and inclusion-as-engagement, with the implication that in some cases when there is not mainstream class inclusion this does not mean there cannot be some engagement inclusion. He also reminded us that inclusion is such that nobody is ever fully included in any situation all the time. In this sense his ideas resemble Qvortrup and Qvortrup’s (2018) argument that inclusion and exclusion are connected through peoples’ simultaneous involvement in different social arenas. With social interactions involving negotiations in all situations, Paul Cooper argued that any episode can result in tensions and the rejection of the people involved . This is a feature of our lives and in this respect the child experiencing SEBD is no different from others. However, he pointed out that the child or young person with a SEBD is at greater risk of rejection or exclusion, which may be attributed to individual characteristics in interaction with social circumstances (in line with a BPS model). Using this notion of engagement, he also approached the questions of teaching children and young people with SEBD in terms of the BPS model. In avoiding a focus just on problems located in the student, he adopted an interactionist perspective that combined specialist teaching knowledge about individual differences with teachers’ practical thinking about decision-making that led to adapted teaching (Cooper, 2004). He reviewed in this 2004 chapter and in his later 2008 paper discussed above, the various teaching strategies that research had shown to promote further engagement for children with ADHD. It is useful here to compare his engagement perspective to a well-known ‘Inclusive Pedagogy (IP) framework for participation in classrooms’ developed by Florian and Black-Hawkins (2011). This framework in covering access, collaboration, achievement and diversity aimed to extend what was typically available in the classroom community to all. It avoided having learning activities for most being alongside different activities for some who experience difficulties. It also proposed differentiation by pupil choice for everyone while rejecting ability grouping. This is an approach that required flexibility to be driven by need and not curriculum coverage, while seeing difficulties in learning as professional challenges rather than learner deficits. Though Paul Cooper’s perspective agreed with some elements of this inclusive pedagogy framework (e.g. flexibility and responding to learning difficulties as a challenge), his does not accept the either-or polarity at the core of the framework with the adoption of only one option: differentiation by choice v. by grouping and only opting for the former, or seeing learning difficulties as a professional challenge v. learner deficits and opting only for the challenge option). This IP framework reflects the medical v social model polarity that he argued against while favouring a BPS model. Based on his approach of seeing social and academic engagement as being at the heart of educational and social inclusion, he believed that it followed that: ‘students are best placed in educational settings where they have access to and support for maximum social and academic engagement’. (Cooper, 2004, p. 222). In his view, this meant that there was no simple way to decide about the provision setting. For some pupils this meant access to various forms of provision, but always a detailed analysis of individual capabilities and needs as well as what provision affords should determine the decisions. Conclusion This chapter has focussed on two of Paul Cooper’s papers in which he explained and justified his ideas about the biopsychosocial model and how he developed and used this perspective in unique ways to expand our thinking about inclusion and inclusive education. Through relating and contrasting these with other contemporary and current ideas I hope to have shown his distinctive and insightful contribution. I have also tried to extend his adoption of a both-and rather than an either-or approach by discussing the epistemological and value bases of different models, on one hand, and how difference and distinction does not imply irreconcilable opposition between the key models in the field. References: Bennathan, M. & Boxall, M. (2003) The Boxall Profile. East Sutton: SEBDA. Booth, T. and Ainscow, M. (2011) Index for Inclusion: developing learning and participation in schools. 3rd ed. Bristol: CSIE. Bronfenbrenner, U., and Morris, P. (2006) The bioecological model of human development. In W. Damon & R. M. Lerner (Eds.), Handbook of child psychology: Vol. 1. Theoretical models of human development (6th ed., pp. 793–828). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Cooper, P. (2004) Is ‘inclusion’ just a buzz-word?, Emotional and Behavioural Difficulties, 9:4, 219-222, DOI: 10.1177/1363275204051391 Cooper, P. (2004) ‘AD/HD’, in A. Lewis & B. Norwich (eds) Special Teaching for Special Children? Pedagogies for Inclusion. Buckingham: Open University Press. Cooper, P. (2008) Like Alligators Bobbing for Poodles? A Critical Discussion of Education, ADHD and the Biopsychosocial Perspective. Journal of Philosophy of Education, 42, 3-4, 457-474. Cooper, P. and Jacobs, B. (2011) From Inclusion to Engagement: Helping Students Engage with Schooling Through Policy and Practice. London: Wiley. Florian, L. and Black-Hawkins, K. (2011) Exploring inclusive pedagogy, British Educational Research Journal, 37, 5, pp. 813-828. Hollenweger, J. (2012) Using the International Classification of Functioning, Disability and health Children and Youth version in education systems. American Journal of Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation, 91, 13, pp. 97-102. NICE (2018) Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder: diagnosis and management NICE guidelines. Published: 14 March 2018. Access on 23.5.23 www.nice.org.uk/guidance/ng87 Oliver, M. (1999) Final accounts and the parasite people. in Corker, M. and French, S. (eds.) Disability discourse. (eds.) Maidenhead: Open University Press. Pham, A.V. (2015) Understanding ADHD from a Biopsychosocial-Cultural Framework: A Case Study. Contemporary School Psychology, 19:54–62. Qvortrup, A. and Qvortrup, L. (2018). Inclusion: Dimensions of inclusion in education. International Journal of Inclusive Education, 22(7), 803-817. Shakespeare, T. (2018) Disability: the basics. London: Routledge. Skidmore, D. (2004) Inclusion. Buckingham,: Open University Press. Slee, R. (1995) Changing Theories and Practices of Discipline. London, Falmer. Slee, R. and Weiner, G. (2001). Education Reform and Reconstruction as a Challenge to Research Genres: Reconsidering School Effectiveness Research and Inclusive Schooling. School Effectiveness and School Improvement, 12:1, 83-98, DOI: 10.1076/sesi.12.1.83.3463 Slee, R. (2018) Inclusive Education isn’t Dead, it Just Smells Funny. London: Routledge. Tudge, J.R.H., Mokrova, I., Hatfield, B.E. and Karnik, R.B. (2009) Uses and Misuses of Bronfenbrenner’s Bioecological Theory of Human Development. Journal of Family Theory & Review, 1, 198–210. Warnock, M. (2005) Special Educational Needs: A New Look. London: Philosophy of Education Society of Great Britain, Impact Series No. 11." International Journal of Emotional Education 15, no. 2 (November 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.56300/esja4186.

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The present study aimed to determine the emotional characteristics of the Trait-Meta-Mood-Scale (TMMS-24) in music-oriented secondary school students in Italy. A 24-item self-assessment protocol was applied to measure the level of perceived emotional intelligence according to 3 dimensions: attention, clarity and repair. This tool represents one of the most widely used self-assessment measures of perceived emotional intelligence. The objective of the study was to conduct construct validation to examine reliability of the Italian version of the TMMS-24 in order to identify its feasibility for the assessment of emotional intelligence. Exploratory and confirmatory factorial analyses were conducted on a sample of music-oriented secondary school students in Italy (n=402). Exploratory factor analysis outcomes revealed that the three dimensions of the original scale (attention, clarity and emotional repair) are supported in the examined context, showing adequate internal consistency and describing 52.6% of overall variance. Outcomes were confirmed via confirmatory analysis, obtaining good fit indices (CFI=0.986; TLI=0.985; RMSEA=0.038). The TMMS-24 scale is a valid and reliable instrument for measuring the emotional intelligence of secondary school students in Italy. Keywords: TMMS-24, emotional intelligence, secondary school education, exploratory factor analysis, confirmatory factor analysis.
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Books on the topic "School management and organization – Government policy – Great Britain"

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Great Britain. Scottish Office. Education Department. Self-governingschools: Change of characteristics : notes of guidance for board of management of a self governing school. (Edinburgh): The Department, 1994.

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Great Britain. Scottish Office. Education Department. Self-governing schools: Consultation on draft regulations : the Self-Governing Schools Grant and Recovery (Scotland) Regulations 1994. Edinburgh: Scottish Office Education Dept, 1994.

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Department, Great Britain Scottish Office Education. Self-governingschools: Financial arrangements : a consultation paper. (Edinburgh): Scottish Office, 1993.

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Blatchford, Roy. National standards of excellence for headteachers: A practical guide. Melton, Woodbridge: John Catt Educational Ltd, 2015.

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Heller, Harold. Policy and power in education: The rise and fall of the LEA. London: Routledge, 1992.

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Macdonald, Clark Margaret, and Munn Pamela, eds. Education in Scotland: Policy and practice from pre-school to secondary. London: Routledge, 1997.

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Radnor, Hilary A. Local education authorities: Accountability and control. Stoke-on-Trent, Staffordshire, England: Trentham Books, 1996.

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J, Campbell R. Curriculum reform at Key Stage 1: Teacher commitment and policy failure. Harlow: Longman with the Association of Teachers and Lecturers, 1994.

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Knight, Brian A. A. Local management of schools: Training materials for headteachers and other school staff, school governors, and local authority officers. 2nd ed. Harlow: Longman, 1989.

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Bennett, Chris. Managing crisis and change in health management: The organizational response to HIV/AIDS. Buckinghame: Open University Press, 1994.

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