Relevant bibliographies by topics / Scandinavia Foreign economic relations

Academic literature on the topic 'Scandinavia Foreign economic relations'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Scandinavia Foreign economic relations"

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Suslov, Victor I., and Vera G. Basareva. "ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND PUBLIC POLICY: SCANDINAVIA AND SIBERIA." Interexpo GEO-Siberia 3, no. 1 (July 8, 2020): 209–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.33764/2618-981x-2020-3-1-209-218.

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The report provides a comparative analysis of the current state of the countries of Scandinavia and Siberia. The purpose of the study: to show that sound state economic policies of the countries of Northern Europe lead to undeniable socio-economic progress. Based on the World Bank ratings, information from Rosstat of Russia, and expert opinions, the components of such a policy and the possibility of borrowing the experience of other countries in reforming economies are analyzed. Based on the specific tasks facing the system of regional planning and forecasting in the context of current trends in the development of Russia and the increasing impact of negative foreign economic and foreign policy factors on it, taking into account the experience of Scandinavia, the focus is on the role of technological development and innovation, state support of entrepreneurship. Institutional conditions for the implementation of nationwide reforms of federal relations and mechanisms to overcome stagnation in the development of Siberia are discussed.
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Stanciu, Cezar. "Scandinavian Perspectives. Overcoming the Cold War Pressures in Romania’s Policy towards Northern Europe." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 1, no. 1 (November 15, 2009): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v1i1_4.

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During the first years of the Cold War, Romania was isolated in terms of foreign policy, and forced to develop relations mainly with the USSR and other socialist states. During the de-Stalinization period, the East-West relations improved and Romania started to rebuilt its relations with the West, especially economic relations. This article briefly presents the re-establishment of Romania's relations with the Scandinavian states, in the context of the improved Romanian-West relations.
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Vorotnikov, V. V. "Relations between the Scandinavian-Baltic region states and Ukraine: military-political and economic dimensions." Journal of International Analytics, no. 4 (December 28, 2017): 18–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2017-0-4-18-27.

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The article is devoted to the relations of the Scandinavian-Baltic region states (Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Latvia, Lithuania, Norway, Sweden) and Ukraine in the military-political and economic spheres. These countries had engaged in Ukrainian affairs long before 2013−2014. This happened soon after «the Orange Revolution» and, then, the trend became more pronounced during the implementation of the program «Eastern Partnership». The most active actors on the Ukrainian track in their subregions are Sweden (until 2014 — one of the largest investors in its economy) and Lithuania, which in 2015 started to supply lethal weapons to Ukraine. The countries of the Scandinavian-Baltic region provide financial assistance to Ukraine which is symbolic compared to development aid, but considerable for Ukrainian economy. Financing is traditionally directed to promotion of effective public administration, democracy, human rights (including gender equality), systemic economic reforms, sustainable development (including energy efficiency), etc. From a strategic perspective, military cooperation of the Scandinavian-Baltic region countries with Ukraine is nominal as well. Against this background, completely divergent assessment of the situation in Ukraine continues to be the most important stumbling block in the relations between Russia and the states of the region. This does not give any grounds for early softening of their value-based foreign policy towards Russia.
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SCHOLZ, MICHAEL F. "East Germany's North European Policy prior to International Recognition of the German Democratic Republic." Contemporary European History 15, no. 4 (October 6, 2006): 553–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003547.

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The main aim of the GDR's foreign policy was to promote the survival and stabilisation of the SED dictatorship, and the so-called ‘worldwide revolution’, by seeking external recognition. After it was granted full sovereignty in 1954–5 the East German state carefully cultivated relations with Western countries. The Scandinavian countries received special attention on the basis of common history, natural economic and transport links, a close relationship with their respective communist parties and East German conformity to Soviet policy in the Baltic region. Up to the 1970s the GDR's main aim was to end its own international isolation. Despite a few spectacular successes, not even Sweden was won over and the final breakthrough did not come until the government of the FRG embarked on its new and successful Ostpolitik. In 1972–3 the Scandinavian countries were among the first officially to recognise the GDR.
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Yang, Kai, and Stephan Ortmann. "From Sweden to Singapore: The Relevance of Foreign Models for China's Rise." China Quarterly 236 (May 28, 2018): 946–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741018000486.

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AbstractChina can be described as a “learning state” which has adapted to changing conditions and frequently turned outward for lessons. In recent years, Sweden and Singapore have drawn particularly strong interest from Chinese academics because the two countries represent two different “third ways” between Communism and capitalism and have been useful for developing a socialism “with Chinese characteristics.” Sweden is seen to symbolize the ideals of social equity and harmony while Singapore is seen as a model of authoritarian state-capitalism. China's transformation has resembled the Southeast Asia city state's model more than the Scandinavian social democratic model. Since Xi Jinping assumed power in 2012, interest in Sweden has reached a nadir, while attentiveness to Singapore has peaked. Although Chinese state-capitalism faces many challenges, including rising inequality and persistent corruption, it will be difficult to find an alternative role model that can successfully combine one-party rule with economic modernization.
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Kovalov, Denys. "Review of the Monograph by H. Nevynna «German-Finnish Relations in 1933–1939. Kyiv: «Kondor», 2019. 160 p.»." Ethnic History of European Nations, no. 67 (2022): 142–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2022.67.19.

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The book «German-Finnish relations in 1933–1939» authored by H. Nevynna is reviewed. The publication is scientific and is intended for readers with the appropriate level of academic education in the humanities. There is in detail by the author’s scientific style presenting in monograph an analysis of key aspects of relations between Hitler’s Germany (Third Reich) and (the first) Republic of Finland in the difficult interwar period, more specifically – the 1930s. Moreover, there are revealed the basic principles and nature of bilateral relations, domestic political processes in Finland, as well as their direct impact on the foreign policy of this northern European country, including cooperation with the Germans. The author highlights the problem of so-called «Northern neutrality» in the context of unequal relations between the Finns and neighboring Scandinavian countries at the state level. It was noted the German-Finnish cooperation in the field of defense, security, economic and sociocultural spheres during 1933–1939. Despite the lack of visual material, but the abundance of qualitatively presented facts, a conclusion was made about the success of the selected issues and prospects for further study of the topic, taking into account the interest of the target audience.
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Kulali, YELIZ. "The Role of Iceland in the International System as a Small State and the Issue of European Union Membership." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v8i1.p104-113.

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This study discusses the role of Iceland -which declared its independence from Denmark in 1944- in the international system and the causes that led the country to withdraw its European Union candidacy in 2015. This country, considered as one of the Scandinavian countries, has in fact its own unique structure. This unique structure has its roots in Iceland’s history, its determination about protecting the elements of national identity, geographical-climatic characteristics and economic factors such as the fishing industry. Iceland, which is the only NATO member without an army, has been through Cod Fish crisis’ with England, and the Ice-Save crisis with England and the Netherlands. The country, which had an important economic crisis in 2008, has shown a more positive attitude about EU as the government has also changed, however with the end of the crisis and another change of government, it has once again opted for a self-sufficient strategy. The country, which became member of the European Economic Area (EEA) in 1994 and of European Free Trade Area (EFTA) in 1970, aims to conduct political and economic relations through territorialisation or bilateral relations instead of participating to a big integration model or developing multilateral relations. Iceland’s primary foreign policy objectives throughout the new century seem to secure full control over its territory (land and waters), improve market access for its fisheries products and guarantee its defense. Although the governments varied from time to time, all political parties subscribed to the same goals though they differ on how to achieve them. Arctic issue seems to gain importance also for this country in 2010s
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Kinyondo, Godbertha, and Yuda Julius Chatama. "Impact of China’s cooperation: the case of Chinese garages in Tanzania." Journal of Chinese Economic and Foreign Trade Studies 8, no. 1 (February 2, 2015): 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcefts-01-2015-0003.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper was to investigate China ' s motive for its relations with Africa. Within that broad framework, the paper investigates China–Tanzania cooperation from an economic and social development perspective. It analyses the status of Chinese investments and, more specifically, it focuses on the increasing numbers of Chinese garages and assesses whether they have positive spill-over towards achievement of sustainable development. Design/methodology/approach – Case study was used; it involves an up-close, in-depth and detailed examination of the growth of Chinese garages in Tanzania, as well as its related contextual conditions including the overall impact of foreign direct investment (FDI) on the vehicle repair sector in Tanzania. Scholarly works from various sources including researchers as well as authoritative reports were consulted. Findings – The paper shows that there is an increase in Chinese garage investment which has brought significant benefits such as technology spill-over, increased employment albeit at low-level pay as well as functioning as a stimulus for Tanzanian self-employment. Practical implications – A free market environment which attracts significant FDI including Chinese garages should be strengthened. Chinese garages should not employ Chinese when there are Tanzanians with required expertise. Further research on the long history of relations between Tanzania and Scandinavian countries is better for comparison. Originality/value – The paper presents original findings based on scholarly work related to the growth of Chinese garage investments in Tanzania.
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Vuković, Ivan. "Development of European Union and joining perspective of Croatia." Tourism and hospitality management 13, no. 2 (June 2007): 507–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/thm.13.2.7.

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In this paper we researched European Union starting with the Agreement from Maastrich from year 1992, even though the European Union has a long traditional history and its origin is founded on regulations of economical integrations in Europe beginning from the 1950’s through the Roman treaty from year 1957 and the forming of the European Union Committee in year 1965. Further we follow her expansion and introduction of the European economic and monetary policy, to last, the joining perspective of Croatia. According to the Agreement from Maastrich, European Union lies on three posts: 1) Legal-political and regulative post, 2) Economical post, where the forming of European economical and monetary policy is in the first plan, especially the introducing of Euro as the unique European currency, 3) Post of Mutual foreign security policy within European Union. In that context we need to highlight the research conducted here and in European Union, including the world, regarding development of European Union and its economical, legal, political and cultural, as well as foreign diplomatic results, which are all perspectives of European Union. All the scientists and researches which were involved in exploring the development of EU with its modern tendencies and development perspective, agree that extraordinary results are achieved regards to economical, legal, political, foreign-security and diplomatic views, even tough many repercussions exist in progress of some particular members and within the EU as a whole. The biggest controversy arises in the perspective and expanding of European Union regarding ratification of the Constitution of EU from particular country members, but especially after the referendum was refused from two European countries, France and Netherlands. According to some estimates, the Constitution of EU would have difficulty to be adopted in Switzerland and some other Scandinavian countries, but also in Great Britain and other very developed countries. However the European Community and European Union were developing and expanding towards third European countries, regardless of Constitutional non-existence, where we can assume that if and when the Constitution of EU will be ratified, the EU will further develop as one of the most modern communities. This will enable economical development, especially development of European business, unique European market and free trade of goods and services, market of financial capital and labour market in free movement of labour. Being that EU has become one of the most largest dominating markets in the world, it offers a possibility to all new members to divide labour by using modern knowledge and high technology which insure economical, social and political prosperity. This results to forming a society of European countries which will guarantee all rights and freedom of development for all nations and ethnic groups. As well as, all European countries with somewhat less sovereignty, but in international relations will be stronger and significant, not only in sense of economics, but also in politics and military diplomatic relations. Therefore, Croatia has no choice and perspective if she does not join the European Union till year 2010, but until than it needs to create its strategy of economical and scientific-technological development, including demographic development, which will insure equal progress of Croatia as an equal member of European Union.
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Kyrpychnyk, R. "THE FACTOR OF COOPERATION IN THE POLITICAL CULTURE OF THE SCANDINAVIAN COUNTRIES." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 3(55) (December 21, 2022): 56–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2022.3(55).269548.

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The article examines the driving forces and factors of the formation of the political culture of the Scandinavian countries in the conditions of interstate cooperation. Peculiarities of socio-political programs of the countries of the Scandinavian region are studied. The social components of state policy that created the political and economic prerequisites for the so-called "Scandinavian cooperation" are singled out. The categorical-conceptual apparatus of the study of the problems of the formation of political culture is concretized. The cumulative effect of objective and subjective factors in the development of political cooperation is clarified, their prospects in the process of political modernization are outlined, with the national characteristics of each country. The historical aspects of the development of political cooperation in the conditions of 2 World Wars and after the war are studied. The interdependence between political and cultural and foreign policy postulates at different historical stages is analyzed. The prospects for the development of interstate cooperation and the joint overcoming of negative social factors, such as the influx of migrants and climate change, are outlined. Security policy reform after the accession of Sweden and Finland to NATO. The fundamental factors of the implementation of interstate cooperation were mostly the factor of survival, since all these countries have a northern location, on the example of Finland until the 50s of the XX century. had an agrarian economy, but at various historical moments were subjected to aggression from stronger neighbors. The conducted analysis leads us to understand that all these features of interstate cooperation are a historical and political result, which distinguishes this phenomenon from the global trend of relations between other countries. Interstate cooperation was based on cultural affinity, commitment to democratic principles, and respect for the national sovereignty of each country. The effectiveness of this phenomenon was determined by the developed political culture of these countries. Which, in turn, formed an established tradition of interstate aid and joint development of the necessary processes for responding to both internal and external threats. Based on the extensive experience of interstate cooperation, the most significant historical and social events and their challenges were overcome without catastrophic consequences for each country.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Scandinavia Foreign economic relations"

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Ponniah, Helen. "Malaysia - Japan relations : economic and political implications." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110876.

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Japanese involvement in Malaysia dates back to the beginning of this century. From the beginning Japanese interests were predominantly economic in nature Japan looked upon Malaya as a source of raw materials and also as a potential market for its finished products Japan was initially drawn by the rubber industry which became lucrative in 1910 and the iron ore mines which were essential for its steel industries. In 1928 iron ore imports from Malaya accounted for 40 percent of Japan's total consumption. Japanese cotton goods and other manufactures were low priced and therefore popular in Malaysia. However Japanese efforts to make in-roads on the Malaysian economy were impeded by the British colonial administration. For example, the British enacted a Rubber Restriction Act in 1917 which limited rubber exports to Japan. The British also introduced a quota system on Japanese manufactured imports in the late 1930s.
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Herrmann, John. "Japan's economic relations with the South Pacific." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/129551.

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The post-World War II decades witnessed one of the most important economic achievements in recent world history: the rise of Japan as a global economic power. This served notice of Japan's new status as an actor on the world stage and ultimately, of its potential to influence developments around the world. In the South Pacific, Japan's drive to globalise its giant economy over a period of four decades generated a considerable impact on the economies of Pacific Islands countries (PICs). In the period leading up to the mid-1970s, relations between Japan and the South Pacific developed gradually with a continuing emphasis on economic involvement initially through trade and investment. That economic relationship expanded rapidly during the 1980s. Japan's intent for a role beyond a continuing 'economic' emphasis became increasingly apparent during this period with Overseas Development Assistance (ODA), because of its strategic value, becoming a significant component in Japanese involvement. It was the declaration of the Kuranari Doctrine in 1987 that made clear Japan's motivation for a greater political role. Thus, from an initial focus on economic activities in the South Pacific, strategic and political objectives became important considerations for Japan in the growing economic relationship.
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Gaarder, Christopher. "California's Foreign Relations." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1147.

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Globalization has significantly increased the number of stakeholders in transnational issues in recent decades. The typical list of the new players in global affairs often includes non-state actors like non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations, and international organizations. Sub-national governments, however, have been given relatively little attention even though they, too, have a significant interest and ability to shape the increasing flow of capital, goods, services, people, and ideas that has so profoundly influenced the global political economy in recent decades. California, arguably the most significant among sub-national governments – its economy would be seventh or eighth in the world at $2.2 trillion annually, it engages in over $570 billion in merchandise trade, and has a population of nearly 40 million, out of which over 10 million are immigrants – is also one of the most active in transnational issues. The state government has opened and closed dozens trade offices abroad since the 1960s. It set up a multi-billion dollar carbon cap-and-trade system jointly with the Canadian provinces of Québec and Ontario under Assembly Bill 32, one of the most significant pieces of climate change legislation to date. California’s educational, technological, and media hubs – its public and private universities, Silicon Valley, and Hollywood – draw some of the best and brightest from around the world. California also has a long history of involvement in transnational issues. State efforts to undermine growing Chinese then Japanese “menace” immigrant populations from the mid-19th through the mid-20th centuries influenced United States foreign policy. This thesis first takes a look at the federalism and international relations issues faced by California as it plays a greater role in transnational issues. Then, it examines the main actors and institutions, and the issues at play. The states have some leeway under the Constitution and contemporary political order to use their domestic powers to influence global issues, whether through climate legislation, public pension divestment, or non-binding “Memoranda of Understanding” with foreign governments. Such behavior, while less significant than national policy, can fill gaps in national policy, promote policy change, and deepen global ties, promoting a more complex interdependence among nations. California can also exert a moral, soft power influence in leading by example. The structures promoting California’s growing role in transnational issues are poorly organized. If the Golden State is to better leverage its political, economic, and moral authority internationally, it would do well to more explicitly develop a unified vision for its role in the world.
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Jin, Rong. "India and China :competitive co-existance through conflict management and cooperation promotion." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954064.

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Bonnor-Hay, Jenelle. "The politics of Asia-Pacific economic co-operation." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/128786.

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The focus of this thesis is on the political agenda underlying AsiaPacific economic co-operation. These agenda will be explored with reference to the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) forum, and an attempt made to assess the feasibility of the APEC forum by examining the discrepancies between the stated objectives of APEC and the implicit political factors behind each participant's position.
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Gillies, David 1952. "Commerce over conscience : Canada's foreign aid programme in the 1980s." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61150.

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This study is an examination of recent changes in the organisation and activity of Canada's foreign aid programme. Three conceptually distinct categories form the theoretical framework of the study: (a) contending approaches to the study of international relations; (b) contending conceptions of economic growth and development; and (c) contending approaches to the aid policy-making process. The study examines the multiple objectives underlying Canada's aid programme, develops and interprets a series of "aid quality" indices, and undertakes a detailed examination of the aid policy process. Emphasis is placed on tracing the specific combination of domestic "push" and international "pull" factors which have pressured Ottawa into initiatives promoting a closer linkage of the aid and trade facets of government activity. Attention is also drawn to the impact of these initiatives on the developmental objectives of the programme.
The principal finding of the study is that while Canada's aid programme has until recently been able to maintain a precarious balance between the opposing forces of philanthropy and self-interest, there are now unmistakable signs of a deliberate effort to tilt the programme in a more commercial direction. In this trend, the single case of Canada mirrors a more general pattern towards an increasingly commercial orientation in most donor aid programmes.
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Wan, Chi Shun. "Economic aspects of the Sino-Soviet Alliance, 1949-1964." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/29867.

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The characteristics of the Sino-Soviet Alliance have been analyzed extensively for more than three decades. However, the economic aspects of this Alliance remain unclear. A number of factors, such as statistical discrepancies, complexity of interpretation, and the quality and reliability of the Chinese and Soviet sources , are accountable for this obscurity. A more narrowly focused study examining the role Sino-Soviet economic relations played in shaping the Alliance is useful to better our understanding. After a chronological, review of the Sino-Soviet economic relationship, its significance in shaping the Alliance is examined through the reappraisal of three major areas. Firstly, the relative costs and benefits for each partner are assessed in an objective and detached way. The Soviet Union made a decisive contribution to China's industrialization. Soviet financial aid , though modest in figure, was provided in a timely way. Together with the provision of scientific and technological knowledge, the value of Soviet aid must be regarded as considerable. The benefits to the Soviet Union were less impressive; but since the imported Chinese consumer goods were largely consumed in the Soviet Far East, the benefits should not be underestimated. The cost for both sides remains obscure; though it is obvious that the questions of "Soviet exploitation", concerning the joint-stock companies, the overvaluation of the rouble and the pricing in Sino-Soviet trade are highly complex and should be interpreted with greater care. Secondly, the effect of Sino-Soviet economic cooperation on the Alliance — whether it strengthened or weakened it — is explored. Undoubtedly, the economic relationship had both unifying and divisive effects. It was a unifying factor because the Soviets had provided China with support and assistance that would have been difficult to obtain elsewhere . Another factor which had tied China to the USSR was the strong Soviet influences resulting from the implementation of the Soviet model and the close cooperation in the fields of education and sciences. On the other hand, these Soviet influences proved to be a divisive factor as well, because they produced a domestic political and social situation that Mao found profoundly distasteful. Different economic interests and competition in foreign aid programs also created tensions and frictions. The independent outlook of China's leaders made them resentful of their role as a junior partner in the early 1950's, and prevented them from entering a long-term trade agreement with the USSR or joining the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance, as the Soviets had wished. Finally, the impact of Sino-Soviet economic relations upon China's policy-making is discussed, albeit speculatively. In the early 1950's, China's economic and military dependence on the USSR made its leaders exercise greater caution in their claim of "Mao's Road " as the model for other Asian countries. As China gained strength, however, Soviet influence declined. While the discontinuation of Soviet financial aid can reasonably be regarded as one of the major factors contributing to China's decision to abandon the Soviet model in 1958, the economic pressure applied by Khrushchev failed to change China's policy, and proved counterproductive.
Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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Wainer, Gwen. "Economic sanctions : an effective tool of foreign policy." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2000. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/210.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science
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Ng, Hei Lin. "China foreign aid to Africa : features and implications." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2012. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1465.

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Mills, Jason. "Sino-American economic relationship after the global economic slowdown." Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/33994.

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The continued funding of America's persistent trade and fiscal deficits has sparked debate among international economists. One controversial explanation argues that East Asia is pursuing "Bretton Woods II" and funding American deficits as part of a greater development policy. This paper examines the Chinese policy response to the global economic crisis and finds that China's policy actions provide evidence for "Bretton Woods II." Furthermore, the Sino-American relationship is now characterized by codependence which has implications for the policy decisions of each country.
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Books on the topic "Scandinavia Foreign economic relations"

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Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation. Scandinavia. Ottawa, Ont: Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation, 1997.

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Norbert, Götz, and Haggrén Heidi, eds. Regional cooperation and international organizations: The Nordic model in transnational alignment. New York, NY: Routledge, 2008.

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B, Olesen Thorsten, ed. Interdependence versus integration. [Odense]: Odense University Press, 1995.

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Veggeland, Noralv. Det sterke Norden i et regionalisert Europa. [Oslo]: Vett & Viten, 1994.

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Heuven, Marten Van. Europe 1991: A Scandinavian perspective. Santa Monica, CA: Rand, 1991.

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Scandinavia in world politics. Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006.

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Scandinavia and the great powers, 1890-1940. Cambridge, U.K: Cambridge University Press, 1997.

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Kjeld, Bjørnager, Schacke Lene Tybjærg, Steffensen Eigil, and International Association for the Study and Dissemination of Slav Cultures., eds. The Slavic world and Scandinavia: Cultural relations. [Århus]: Aarhus University Press, 1988.

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Scandinavia and the United States: An insecure friendship. New York: Twayne Publishers, 1997.

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Thomsen, Vilhelm Ludvig Peter. The Relations Between Ancient Russia and Scandinavia, and the Origin of the Russian State: Three lectures delivered at the Taylor Institution, Oxford, in May, 1676. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "Scandinavia Foreign economic relations"

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Adam, Jan. "Foreign Economic Relations." In Why did the Socialist System Collapse in Central and Eastern European Countries?, 71–88. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24239-9_5.

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Vinokurov, Evgeny. "Eurasian Economic Union: Foreign Economic Relations." In Introduction to the Eurasian Economic Union, 109–41. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92825-8_5.

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Esmaili-Sardari, Mohamad, and Daria Mizza. "Economic Growth Predictions." In Persian in International Relations and Foreign Policy, 149–64. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429437090-12.

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Stankovsky, Jan. "Foreign Economic Relations in Eastern Europe’s Transition." In Economics and Politics of Transition, 125–42. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12923-2_8.

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Kalamujić, Afan. "Foreign Economic Policy and Trade Relations of BiH." In Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Foreign Policy Since Independence, 97–111. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05654-4_5.

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McMillan, Samuel Lucas. "US States and Governors in Foreign Economic Relations." In The Involvement of State Governments in US Foreign Relations, 143–62. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137015402_8.

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Plowiec, Urszula. "U.S. Foreign Economic Policy Towards Eastern Europe." In The Impact of Governments on East-West Economic Relations, 95–104. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12419-0_7.

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Andreev, Yuri. "A New Foreign Economic Policy for the 1990s?" In East-West Economic Relations in the 1990s, 223–30. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11465-8_15.

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Rosati, Dariusz K. "The Need for a New Foreign Trade Regime." In East-West Economic Relations in the 1990s, 241–61. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11465-8_17.

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Zhu, Li. "Myanmar’s Foreign Policy and Multilateral Relations in the Democracy Process." In Current Chinese Economic Report Series, 69–95. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-45940-9_4.

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Conference papers on the topic "Scandinavia Foreign economic relations"

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Bello, Ismail, Kabir Umar Musa, Asma'u Isyaku Dutse, and Muktar Bashir. "Indonesia- Nigeria Foreign Economic Relations: A Partnership for Economic Development." In Unhas International Conference on Social and Political Science (UICoSP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/uicosp-17.2017.35.

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Saralinova, Dzhamilya. "Management Of Foreign Economic Relations Based On Structural Policy." In SCTCMG 2019 - Social and Cultural Transformations in the Context of Modern Globalism. Cognitive-Crcs, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2019.12.04.374.

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Ohrimenko, Elena I., and Olga T. Ergunova. "Tourism Industry: Development and Importance of Foreign Economic Relations of Russia." In Proceedings of the First International Volga Region Conference on Economics, Humanities and Sports (FICEHS 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.200114.035.

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Mantaeva, Elza, Dayana Batyreva, Elza Goryaeva, and Olga Badlaeva. "Interregional and foreign economic relations’ development in the Republic of Kalmykia." In Proceedings of the Volgograd State University International Scientific Conference "Competitive, Sustainable and Safe Development of the Regional Economy" (CSSDRE 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/cssdre-19.2019.100.

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Aryani, Made Gitanadya, and Annisa Pratamasari. "The Relationship between Foreign Direct Investment Influx, Economic Growth, and Financial Institutions in ASEAN-6." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010272600260033.

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Selminskaya, O. N., and N. A. Babkina. "FOREIGN ECONOMIC SECURITY OF RUSSIA: CONTENT AND ASSESSMENT." In CONTEMPORARY ECONOMIC PROBLEMS OF RUSSIA AND CHINA. Amur State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/medprh.63.

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The article defines the essence of economic security in the context of the global crisis during the pandemic, analyzes the state of foreign economic security of the Russian Federation using the coefficient of import coverage by export, its dynamics, and compliance of indicators of foreign economic relations with the limit value.
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. "Effects of Global Economic Crisis on Kyrgyzstan Economy and Developments in Economic Relations between Turkey and Kyrgyzstan." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00239.

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The global crisis which started in September 2008 adversely affected many global economies and also Kyrgyzstan economy. Kyrgyzstan economy which declined and experienced a severe recession in 2009 due to the crisis started recovering from the adverse effects of the crisis after 2010. What lie beneath this positive development is increased foreign exchange revenues abroad and vigor experienced in construction industry and industrial production. The recovery experienced in economies of Russia and neighbor Kazakhstan resulted in increased exports and thus increased revenues in foreign currencies obtained from foreign countries. The political disturbances experienced in Bishkek in April 2011 and ethnic conflicts experienced in southern Kyrgyzstan in June 2011, created an adverse effect on the economy. The crisis resulted in degradation of investment environment, adversely influenced the foreign investments and increased the current account deficit. These developments adversely influenced the banking sector too. The government attempted to diminish effects of the crisis through financial incentives. The budget deficit emerged as a result of crisis was attempted to be closed through support secured from International Monetary Fund (IMF). IMF, World Bank and Asian Development Bank lent great support to invigorating Kyrgyzstan economy after events of April and July. According to IMF, if political instability goes on in Kyrgyzstan in medium and long term, economic problems shall continue. Uncertainties in banking sector are amongst the main factors which increase the economic risks. Recovery of Kyrgyzstan economy is dependent on medium term financial policy measures to be applied to the economy and balancing the foreign trade.
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Puspita Sari, Viani, and M. Ali Mauludin. "Redefining the Role of Indonesian Subnational Actors in Foreign Relations through Economic Diplomacy." In 2nd International Conference on Social and Political Development (ICOSOP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icosop-17.2018.71.

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Luptáková, Anabela, and Elena Kašťáková. "The Position of the Eurasian Economic Union in the EU’s Foreign Trade Relations." In The 20th International Joint Conference: Central and Eastern Europe in the Changing Business Environment. Prague University of Economics and Business, Oeconomica Publishing House, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/pr.2020.cer.2395.13.

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Цвиль, Мария, Mariya Tsvil, Яна Серженко, and Yana Serzhenko. "ANALYSIS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF FOREIGN TRADE RELATIONS OF RUSSIA AND LITHUANIA." In Modern problems of an economic safety, accounting and the right in the Russian Federation. AUS PUBLISHERS, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.26526/conferencearticle_5c5060d9a80424.08383031.

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The article deals with the prospects of development of foreign trade relations between Russia and Lithuania. The structure of export and import is revealed. The main indicators of foreign trade are considered and analyzed.
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Reports on the topic "Scandinavia Foreign economic relations"

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Romero, Antonio. The Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement and relations between European Union and Cuba. Fundación Carolina, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff01en.

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This document makes an assessment of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA) between Cuba and the European Union (EU) in its four years of validity, and of the evolution of political and economic relations between both parties. The analysis is structured in five headings that address the background, determinants and significance of the PDCA between Cuba and the EU; the main elements discussed in the political dialogue —and in thematic dialogue— between the two parties since 2018, and the central aspects of trade, investment and cooperation relations between Cuba and the EU. The report concludes that, unlike the United States, the EU is able to support the complex process of economic and institutional transformations underway in Cuba, in four fundamental areas: i) technical assistance and advice for the design and implementation of public policies, macroeconomic management, decentralisation and local development; ii) cooperation to fight climate change and transform Cuba’s productive and technological structure; iii) the promotion and encouragement of foreign investment flows from Europe, targeting key productive sectors; and iv) the exploration of financial opportunities for Cuba through the European Investment Bank (EIB) under the current PDCA.
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Barton, Frederick D. Testimony: Statement of Frederick D. Barton, Senior Fellow and Director, Post-Conflict Reconstruction Project, Center for Strategic and International Studies, before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate on Accelerating Economic Progress in Iraq"". Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, July 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada438876.

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Kelly, Luke. Characteristics of Global Health Diplomacy. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.09.

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This rapid review focuses on Global Health Diplomacy and defines it as a method of interaction between the different stakeholders of the public health sector in a bid to promote representation, cooperation, promotion of the right to health and improvement of health systems for vulnerable populations on a global scale. It is the link between health and international relations. GHD has various actors including states, intergovernmental organizations, private companies, public-private partnerships and non-governmental organizations. Foreign policies can be integrated into national health in various ways i.e., designing institutions to govern practices regarding health diplomacy (i.e., health and foreign affairs ministries), creating and promoting norms and ideas that support foreign policy integration and promoting policies that deal with specific issues affecting the different actors in the GHD arena to encourage states to integrate them into their national health strategies. GHD is classified into core diplomacy – where there are bilateral and multilateral negotiations which may lead to binding agreements, multistakeholder diplomacy – where there are multilateral and bilateral negotiations which do not lead to binding agreements and informal diplomacy – which are interactions between other actors in the public health sector i.e., NGOs and Intergovernmental Organizations. The US National Security Strategy of 2010 highlighted the matters to be considered while drafting a health strategy as: the prevalence of the disease, the potential of the state to treat the disease and the value of affected areas. The UK Government Strategy found the drivers of health strategies to be self-interest (protecting security and economic interests of the state), enhancing the UK’s reputation, and focusing on global health to help others. The report views health diplomacy as a field which requires expertise from different disciplines, especially in the field of foreign policy and public health. The lack of diplomatic expertise and health expertise have been cited as barriers to integrating health into foreign policies. States and other actors should collaborate to promote the right to health globally.
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Allan, Duncan, and Ian Bond. A new Russia policy for post-Brexit Britain. Royal Institute of International Affairs, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784132842.

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The UK’s 2021 Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy describes Russia as ‘the most acute direct threat to [the UK’s] security’ in the 2020s. Relations did not get this bad overnight: the trend has been negative for nearly two decades. The bilateral political relationship is now broken. Russian policymakers regard the UK as hostile, but also as weaker than Russia: a junior partner of the US and less important than Germany within Europe. The consensus among Russian observers is that Brexit has reduced the UK’s international influence, to Russia’s benefit. The history of UK–Russia relations offers four lessons. First, because the two lack shared values and interests, their relationship is fragile and volatile. Second, adversarial relations are the historical norm. Third, each party exaggerates its importance on the world stage. Fourth, external trends beyond the UK’s control regularly buffet the relationship. These wider trends include the weakening of the Western-centric international order; the rise of populism and opposition to economic globalization; and the global spread of authoritarian forms of governance. A coherent Russia strategy should focus on the protection of UK territory, citizens and institutions; security in the Euro-Atlantic space; international issues such as non-proliferation; economic relations; and people-to-people contacts. The UK should pursue its objectives with the tools of state power, through soft power instruments and through its international partnerships. Despite Brexit, the EU remains an essential security partner for the UK. In advancing its Russia-related interests, the UK should have four operational priorities: rebuilding domestic resilience; concentrating resources on the Euro-Atlantic space; being a trusted ally and partner; and augmenting its soft power. UK decision-makers should be guided by four propositions. In the first place, policy must be based on clear, hard-headed thinking about Russia. Secondly, an adversarial relationship is not in itself contrary to UK interests. Next, Brexit makes it harder for the UK and the EU to deal with Russia. And finally, an effective Russia policy demands a realistic assessment of UK power and influence. The UK is not a ‘pocket superpower’. It is an important but middling power in relative decline. After Brexit, it needs to repair its external reputation and maximize its utility to allies and partners, starting with its European neighbours.
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Oltarzhevskyi, Dmytro. HISTORICAL FEATURES OF CORPORATE MEDIA FORMATION IN UKRAINE AND IN THE WORLD. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11067.

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The article examines the world and Ukrainian history of corporate periodicals. The main purpose of this study is to reproduce an objective global picture of the emergence and formation of corporate periodicals, taking into account the business and socio-economic context. Accordingly, its tasks are to compare the conditions and features of corporate media genesis in different countries, to determine the main factors of their development, as well as to clarify the transformations of the terminological apparatus. The research is based on mostly foreign secondary scientific works published from 1915 to the present time. The literature was studied using methods such as overview, historical, functional and thematic analysis, description, and generalization. A systematic approach was used to determine the role and place of each element in the system, as well as to comprehensively consider the object in the general historical context and within the current scientific discourse. The method of systematization made it possible to establish internal and external connections, patterns and contradictions in the development of the object of study. The main historical milestones on this path are identified, examples of the first successful corporate publications and their contribution to business development, public relations, and corporate communications are considered. It was found that corporate media emerged in the mid-nineteenth century spontaneously, on the wave of practical business needs in response to industrialization, company increase, staff growth, and consumer market development. Their appearance preceded the formation of the public relations industry and changed the structure of the information space. The scientific significance of this research is that the historical look at the evolution of corporate media provides an understanding of their place, influence, capabilities, and growing communicative role in the digital age.
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TITOVA, E. FEATURES OF MIGRATION POLICY IN THE JEWISH AUTONOMOUS REGION. Science and Innovation Center Publishing House, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/2077-1770-2021-13-4-2-54-70.

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The article reveals the features of the state mechanism for regulating labor migration in the Jewish Autonomous Region. It is noted that labor migration is an integral part of the economic development of the region. The purpose of the study is the peculiarities of solving the problems of optimizing the mechanisms for regulating labor migration in the Jewish Autonomous Region (JAO). The practical significance of the study is underscored by the growing resource requirements of the Jewish Autonomous Region. The importance of attracting labor migrants from the widest list of countries, to increase the exchange of experience and improve interethnic relations, the organization of programs to increase the flow of willing workers and promising employers, is highlighted. The scientific novelty of the research is in the designation of the latest methods and state programs aimed at improving the efficiency of the labor migration management mechanism. Every year, the number of migrants illegally staying on the territory of Russia is growing, and the authorities of the Russian Federation are trying to improve the methods of control of foreign citizens entering the country, which makes it easier, but at the same time more effective, to exercise control over migrants and distribute it in. areas such as the patent system, employee-to-employer linkage and simplified taxation.
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