Journal articles on the topic 'Saudi Arabians Australia'

This paper examines tourists’ perceptions of Eastern Indonesia through comparisons with foreign visitors’ who have been to Indonesia, specifically Eastern Indonesia, and those who have never been to Indonesia. The aims of this study are to assess what foreign tourists perceive about Eastern Indonesia and elaborate the differences between the perceptions of visitors and non-visitors. The comparison of the visitor and non-visitor perceptions is important in order to understand Eastern Indonesia more deeply. This qualitative research uses focus group interviews to assess the perceptions of Eastern Indonesia. The perceptions from different participants came from different nationalities. In Group 1, two participants came from China, two Saudi Arabians, and one Bangladeshi. The four participants in Group 2 came from Australia. All of participants were students. The results indicate that tourists who have never been to Indonesia perceives Eastern Indonesia by comparing their experiences to other places that they have visited. From those experiences, they construct a positive image of Eastern Indonesia and as a result, indicate a willingness to visit Eastern Indonesia. All Australian participants had been to Indonesia and shared a positive image of Eastern Indonesia as well as of other places in Indonesia. However, while participants’ perceptions in Group 2 were positive, they also imply some ideas for the improvement regarding tourism development in Eastern Indonesia. Apart from that, all participants showed an intention to revisit and explore more places in EasternIndonesia in the near future.

Objectives This study investigated the perceptions of Saudi Arabian medical disciplines students undergoing training in various institutes of Australia regarding psychosocial, cultural, and academic challenges. Methods This cross-sectional study was from March 15 to June 15, 2019. Data were collected by an online questionnaire. It consisted of questions regarding demographic, psychosocial, cultural, and academic challenges. Two hundred nineteen students studying in Australia responded to our questionnaire. Results Of the total 219 students, 13(6.0%) were undergraduate, 167(76%) were postgraduate, and 39(18%) were Ph.D. students. For most students (171[79.2%]), Australia was the country of choice for studying. Most of them were satisfied with their academic performance and adjustment to the Australian way of living. Most of the students (180[82.2%]) showed satisfaction over the availability of fair chances of their religious practices in Australia. Few of them faced difficulties coping with the Australian climate (25[11.4%]), homesickness (59[26.9%]), and food and dietary sources (44[20.1%]). Students were overall satisfied with the student advisory system (156[71.2%]), university assessments (147[67.2%]), and available research facilities (170[77.6%]). Among participants, 77 (35.1%), 119(54.3%), and 23(10.5%) students indicated that they wished to stay in Australia only until completion of their studies, temporarily and permanently, respectively. Conclusions Our findings showed that Saudi students in Australia had strong psychosocial well-being, cultural integration, and academic success. Most of them were satisfied and adjusted well to Australian culture.

The ideal implementation of soccer injury prevention programs is essential knowledge for soccer coaches. The objective of this study was to investigate and compare the implementation of injury prevention programs, specially the FIFA 11+ program, among Australian and Saudi Arabian soccer coaches. A Web-based survey was used to obtain information regarding the coaches’ implementation of injury prevention programs, the FIFA 11+ program, the Nordic hamstring exercise, pre- and post-training exercises. Sixty coaches—30 from both selected countries—responded to the survey (response rate = 75%). In Australia, 93% of the coaches implemented an injury prevention program; while 73% implemented the FIFA 11+ program, only 51% implemented all the FIFA 11+ exercise components as recommended. In Saudi Arabia, 70% of the coaches stated that they followed an injury prevention program, but only 40% followed the FIFA 11+ program. However, 70% reported using all the FIFA 11+ exercise components in their current practices, which they may have adapted from different exercise-based injury prevention programs. The Australian coaches were significantly more likely to implement injury prevention programs ( p = 0.020) and the FIFA 11+ program ( p = 0.009). Nonetheless, no significant difference in the full implementation of the FIFA 11+ exercises components was found ( p = 0.114). The Australian coaches had greater awareness of injury prevention programs and more familiarity with the FIFA 11+ program than the Saudi Arabian coaches. Nevertheless, there was a gap between the coaches’ knowledge and their actual practice.

In September 2006, I was at the King Fahd University of Petroleum and Minerals in Saudi Arabia for a workshop on preparing high school students for university. Though Saudi Arabian culture is very different from ours, Saudis have the same problems in getting their students excited about the study of mathematics, and indeed that was the focus of the workshop. The photograph shows me standing inside a particularly fine walkway together with (from left) Hussain Al-Attas, the director of firstyear studies, and Suliman Al-Homidan, the head of the mathematics department. Thinking there must be a good mathematics problem somewhere, I asked my Australian colleague Peter Galbraith to take the photograph.

Aim: To compare the prevalence of PEIR in Australian and Saudi Arabian children and to investigate the relationship of PEIR with dental development. Study design: Panoramic (PAN) radiographs of 842 Australian and 456 Saudi children were screened for PEIR. The dental ages of the children with and without PEIR were assessed from the PAN radiographs using the method of Demirjian and co-workers. Results: The subject prevalence of PEIR was not statistically significant between Australian (2%) and Saudi children (0.6%) (p>0.1). The teeth most commonly affected by PEIR were the mandibular second molars and premolars. Dental impaction was observed in 31% of teeth with PEIR compared to only 0.1% of control teeth (p<0.0001). Children with PEIR showed a mean delay in dental development of 0.54±0.85 years compared with ageand gender-matched controls (p<0.0001). Conclusions: The present study provides the first evidence that there are no differences in PEIR prevalence between Australian and Saudi populations, and that dental development is significantly delayed in children with PEIR.

Low recruitment of Saudi nationals into the nursing profession, coupled with a growing population, has led to a severe nursing shortage in Saudi Arabia, particularly of nurses with advanced qualifications in clinical nursing. While the role of nurse practitioner has been successfully integrated into the healthcare systems of the U.S., Canada, the UK and Australia for decades, the advanced practice registered nurse (APRN), which includes nurse practitioners and clinical nursing specialists, is still not being implemented effectively in Saudi Arabia due to a variety of regulatory, institutional and cultural barriers. The author looks at some of those barriers and offers recommendations of how they might be overcome. Given that in many parts of the world, nurse practitioners are considered an essential component to meeting healthcare demands, the author considers the question of whether APRNs can find a role in Saudi Arabia’s healthcare system.

The Saudi Arabian healthcare system is currently undergoing a process of reform. While it previously adopted a universal access approach in which all health care was provided free-of-charge to citizens at the point of care, this has been identified as unsustainable into the future. The shift towards an ageing population and the increasing burden of chronic disease, along with increasing use of technology and development of expensive treatments, mean that health care costs in Saudi Arabia are likely to increase significantly in the near future. Therefore, new ways to fund healthcare have been explored, with the solution proposed being a social insurance model in which employment contributions pay for care. This study seeks to identify the different alternatives which are available to the Saudi government and investigate the outcomes of these alternatives in their respective countries of use. The study examined the private insurance system in the United States of America, the social insurance system in Australia, the United Kingdom’s National Health Service, and the Public Private Partnership adopted by Singapore. It would seem that the Singaporean model is associated with the lowest level of government spending to maintain a high quality of patient care. However, further in-depth analysis is required to better understand how this model would apply to the Saudi Arabian context.

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is among the leading producers of quality dates where the per capita consumption of dates is highest in the world. We studied the global markets in terms of date importing and date exporting countries. Among the five groups of importing countries, the first group comprised of European Union, North America, Australia and New Zealand, group two comprised of Eastern Europe, Turkey and Russia, group three of the Gulf countries in the Middle-East including the States of Bahrain, Qatar, UAE and Kuwait, group four of the Arab States of Jordan, Syria, Morocco, Lebanon and Yemen while the fifth group from South Asia comprised of India, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. The date exporting countries were categorized into three groups namely, the first group being USA, Mexico, South Africa and Israel, the second comprising of Egypt, Iran, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Iraq and Oman while the third group of exporting countries being Tunisia and Algeria. We calculated the average price of dates for each of the groups of importing and exporting countries and studied the status of Saudi Arabian dates in the global markets and their suitability for exports. Five potential strengths of Saudi Arabian dates were identified that may be used either individually or collectively to strengthen the exports of dates from the Kingdom in each of the five date importing groups of countries where we also determined the potential market opportunities.

This study investigates the impact that study in Australia has on the lexical knowledge of Saudi Arabian students. It focuses on: 1) the effects that the length of study in Australia has on the acquisition of lexical collocations, as reflected by lexical knowledge tests, and 2) whether there is a significant gender difference in the acquisition of lexical collocation knowledge. The results indicate that there is a positive correlation between the length of stay in Australia and the knowledge of lexical collocation, since the overall mean scores of the entire sample increased with the number of the years spent in Australia. Participants who stayed for one year had the lowest mean score of 7.39, whereas those with the longest length of stay of four years had the highest mean score of 8.76. Participants staying for two or three years had minimal improvements, with mean scores of 7.64 and 7.68 respectively. The results indicate that there was only a slight difference between male and female participants in their knowledge of lexical collocations, with overall mean scores of 7.56 and 8.35 out of 12 respectively.

Triassic lungfish (Dipnoi) have been extensively documented from the Gondwanan continental and marine shelf deposits of Africa and Madagascar (Teixeira, 1949; Lehman et al., 1959; Beltan, 1968; Martin, 1979, 1981; Kemp 1996), Australia (Kemp, 1993, 1994, 1997a, 1998), India (Jain et al, 1964; Jain, 1968), and Antarctica (Dziewa, 1980). Numerous records also exist from Laurasian landmasses including Europe (Agassiz, 1838; Schultze, 1981), North America (Case, 1921) and central and eastern Asia (Liu and Yeh, 1957; Vorobyeva, 1967; Martin and Ingavat, 1982). By comparison, nothing is known of contemporary lungfish fossils from the Middle East. Thus, the recent recovery of a single tooth plate representing a new geographic occurrence of the genus Ceratodus Agassiz, 1838 from paralic marine deposits of the Jilh Formation, a latest Anisian to lower Carnian unit that crops out along the eastern margin of the Proterozoic Arabian Shield in central Saudi Arabia (Fig. 1), is significant because it provides the stratigraphically oldest record of dipnoans from the Arabian Peninsula.

Aim. We surveyed the uptake of nickel-titanium rotary files (NTRFs) among all dentists in Saudi Arabia.Methodology. A questionnaire encompassing endodontic performance and NTRF uptake was e-mailed to all members of the Saudi Dental Society. Data were collected from participants during a three-month period and were analyzed usingχ2tests and correlation coefficients. Level of significance was set atP=0.05.Results. The overall response rate was 30.6% (n=490), and 82.9% were found to perform root canal treatment (RCT). Among the 406 RCT performers, general dentists formed the bulk (45%). Among endodontists, 91.5% were using NTRF (P<0.001). Those who graduated between 1991 and 2000 used NTRF more than any other group did (78.4%,P=0.05). Graduates from Europe and Australia used NTRF most frequently (100%,P=0.001), followed by those from North America (87%,P=0.001), and finally by Saudi Arabian graduates (68.7%). Male respondents performed more endodontic procedures and used NTRF significantly more often than female respondents did (males: 73%; females: 56.2%) (P=0.001). The most significant reasons for not using NTRF were “unavailability” (64.7%,P≤0.05) and “lack of experience” (54.1%,P≤0.001).Conclusions. We found that NTRF usage was not as widespread in Saudi Arabia as in other developing countries. Therefore, we suggest an improved implementation of NTRF in undergraduate and postgraduate curriculums and the provision of educational courses with a greater focus on this development.

BackgroundFew assessments of pictorial warnings (PWs) on cigarette packs implemented in Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries have been done.MethodsThis article includes two cross-sectional studies. In Study 1, convenience samples of adults from the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (n=111) and USA (n=115) participated in a consumer survey to rate a total of nine PWs from the GCC, Australia and the UK. Outcome measures were affective responses to PWs and concerns about smoking. In Study 2, tobacco control experts (n=14) from multiple countries rated the same PWs on a potential efficacy scale and completed one open-ended question about each. The PWs were altered to mask their country of origin. Analyses compared ranking on multiple outcomes and examined ratings by country of origin and by smoking status.ResultsIn the consumer survey, participants from both countries rated the PWs from GCC lower than PWs from other countries on the two measures. The mixed-model analysis showed significant differences between the PWs from Australia and those from the GCC and between the PWs from the UK and those from the GCC (p<0.001) in the consumer and expert samples. The experts’ comments about the PWs implemented in the GCC were negative overall and confirmed previously identified themes about effective PWs.ConclusionThis study shows PWs originating from the GCC had significantly lower ratings than those implemented in Australia and the UK. The GCC countries may need to re-evaluate the currently implemented PWs and update them periodically.

This paper responds to the call for the need to develop professional development practices for leaders, supervisors, teachers, and student guidance within the framework of international standards, particularly in line with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia’s (KSA) vision 2030 (KSA, 2019). The current study aims to identify the obstacles and challenges for implementing sustainable professional development methods for teachers in KSA, who had participated in a ten-month Australian cross-national STEM professional development program. In addition, the teachers also participated in an immersion in Australian schools that lasted for 11 months. This paper reports on a sample of 22 male and female teachers coming from primary and secondary KSA schooling contexts. The participating teachers in the study were those who had participated in the Australian STEM immersion professional learning program in 2019-2020. Drawing from previous studies (Ermeling &amp; Yarbo, 2016; Greene, 2015; Kayi-Aydar &amp; Goering, 2019; Piqueras &amp; Achiam, 2019), we have proposed a framework involving four methods for sustainable professional development for STEM teachers: professional learning communities, communities of practice, action research, and the outside expert. A mixed-methods research design was applied including three methods: individual interviews, open-ended questions to identify the proposed plan of STEM teachers’ implementation of the sustainable professional development methods. Also, a questionnaire to identify obstacles to the implementation of sustainable professional development methods from the viewpoint of STEM teachers was also employed. The results showed that the most prominent obstacles to the implementation of the sustainable professional development methods by STEM teachers in the Saudi educational system where there is no coordination in the school meetings schedule for the members of the professional learning STEM education community, there is no clear plan for communities of practice of STEM education, teachers’ overload teaching duties, lack of coordination between schools to benefit from STEM experts. Implications of our study reside in developing teachers’ ongoing STEM professional development opportunities through execution of a sustainable model of collaborative teacher communities in KSA. Suggestions for curriculum stakeholders and administrator’s coordination and supporting teachers’ ongoing participation and implementation of professional development programs are discussed.

Public open spaces (POSs) provide multiple services (such as facilities for physical activities and social interactions) to local people, and these services are important for the well-being of society and for improving the quality of life. Extensive research on POSs has been carried out in developed countries (such as the US and Australia, as well as European countries including Spain, France, and Germany). However, POSs in the Saudi Arabian context remain unexplored. This study aims to examine the importance and performance of public open spaces on King Abdulaziz University (KAU) campus, Jeddah city, Saudi Arabia, using importance-performance analysis (IPA). One-way ANOVA and Kruskal–Wallis tests were performed to identify differences in the importance and performance of POSs. It was observed that there are significant differences between the importance and performance of public open spaces on the KAU campus, as perceived by stakeholders. Therefore, this study may be helpful in understanding the importance and performance of public open spaces, allowing spaces to be prioritized to improve management and restore open spaces to achieve environmental sustainability at a local scale. In addition, this study suggests that decision-makers involved in campus planning should consider the contribution of public open spaces to education, recreation, and the environment, at the campus planning stage.

ABSTRACT Extensive palynological work in sequences in Oman and Saudi Arabia, has allowed a framework of eight biozones for the uppermost Carboniferous to Permian rocks in that region. Five of these are established in the palyniferous uppermost Carboniferous to Lower Permian sequence in Oman, and to some extent these are recognisable in sequences of central and southern Saudi Arabia. OSPZ1 (Oman and Saudi Arabia Palynological Zone 1), associated with the lower parts of the Al Khlata Formation and the Unayzah C member, is probably Stephanian in age. OSPZ2 is Asselian-Sakmarian in age, and is associated with the upper part of the Al Khlata Formation and the Unayzah B member. OSPZ3, which is subdivided into three sub-biozones, is associated with the Lower Gharif member; its age may lie in the range late Sakmarian to Artinskian, based on palynology and brachiopod-based ages for the Haushi Limestone, locally present toward the top of the Lower Gharif member. The composition of assemblages from OSPZ1 to OSPZ3 is similar to that of coeval sequences in other former Gondwana countries and the chronostratigraphical ages assigned to them are partly gained from correlation with faunally-calibrated Western Australian palynological biozones. At the level of OSPZ4, such correlation becomes difficult because significant differences are evident between Western Australian and Arabian assemblages, and because other Gondwana palynological biozonations, with which Arabia has greater affinity, are poorly constrained chronostratigraphically. OSPZ4 and the succeeding two biozones are established in the sporadically palyniferous Middle and Upper Permian sequences of Oman and Saudi Arabia. OSPZ4, though poorly characterised due to low palynological recovery, is probably ‘mid-Artinskian’ to Kungurian in age, and is associated with the Middle Gharif member. OSPZ5, present in southeast Saudi Arabia and Oman appears to be associated with the lower to middle parts of the Upper Gharif member, and is constrained in age, partly by the faunally-dated overlying Oman Khuff carbonates, as being Roadian or earliest Wordian in age. So far the assemblages of the highest biozone, OSPZ6, have been recovered only from the ‘basal Khuff clastics’ of central Saudi Arabia, and are believed to be younger than those of OSPZ5; dating by palynological means is difficult but recent microfaunal studies of the ‘basal Khuff clastics’ suggest a Capitanian age. Further study in appropriate palyniferous sections in other Middle Eastern countries may allow a more complete palynological succession to be established.

Objective: Pre-hospital emergency medical services (EMS) are a vital component of health management, however there are disparities in the provision of EMS between rural and urban locations. While rural people experience lower levels of pre-hospital care, there has been little examination of the reasons underpinning these differences through discussion with the providers of EMS, and particularly in countries other than the USA, UK and Australia. The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of the lived experience of EMS personnel in Saudi Arabia regarding the key issues they face in their work practice. Design: This research focussed on frontline workers and middle-level station managers within the Saudi Arabian EMS system and adopted a hermeneutic phenomenology design to better understand the factors contributing to observed disparities between rural and urban areas in Riyadh region in Saudi Arabia. A semi-structured interview approach was used to collect data reflecting realistic experiences of EMS personnel in both urban and rural locations. Results: 20 interviews (10 each with rural and urban personnel) were done. Data analyses identified three primary thematic categories impacting EMS delivery: EMS Personnel Factors; Patient Factors; and, Organisational Factors. Underpinning each category were sub-themes, including Working Conditions, Stress, Education and training, and Resources, amongst others. Conclusions: The quality and efficiency of EMS services, in both rural and urban areas, was affected by a number of over-arching organizational factors. Implementing major policy shifts, such as recruitment of female EMS professionals, will be critical in addressing these challenges, but is acknowledged that this will take time. Quicker changes, such as improving the advanced training options for rural EMS staff, may help to remediate some of the issues. Public awareness campaigns may also be effective in addressing the identified misconceptions about the role of EMS in Saudi Arabia.

The morphology of three tropical delphinids from the Sultanate of Oman and their occurrence in the Arabian Sea are presented. Body lengths of four physically mature spinner dolphins (three males) ranged from 154- l78.3cm (median 164.5cm), i.e. smaller than any known stock of spinner dolphins, except the dwarf forms from Thailand and Australia. Skulls of Oman spinner dolphins (11 = I0) were practically indistinguishable from those of eastern spinner dolphins (Stenella longirosrris orientalis) from the eastern tropical Pacific, but were considerably smaller than skulls of populations of pantropical (Stene/la longirostris longirostris) and Central American spinner dolphins (Stenella !ongirostris centroamericana). Two colour morphs (CM) were observed. The most common (CMI) has the typical tripartite pattern of the pantropical spinner dolphin. A small morph (CM2), so far seen mostly off Muscat, is characterised by a dark dorsal overlay obscuring most of the tripartite pattern and by a pinkish or white ventral field and supragenital patch. Two skulls were linked to a CMI colour morph, the others were undetermined. It is concluded that Oman spinner dolphins should be treated as a discrete population, morphologically distinct from all known spinner dolphin subspecies. Confirmed coastal range states off the Arabian Peninsula include the United Arab Emirates, the Sultanate of Oman, Yemen, Somalia, Djibouti, Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Egypt. The taxonomic position of two damaged dolphin calvariae from Oman has been the issue of much debate. This paper discusses the cranial characteristics that allow positive identification as rough-toothed dolphin (Steno bredanensis) and melon-headed whale (Peponoceplwla electro) respectively. The calvariae represent the first confirmed specimen records of these dolphin species for the Arabian Sea sensu lato.

Bali is well known as the best tourist destination in the world. Beautiful sceneries along with its distinctive culture become the main attraction of foreign tourists to visit it. During this time, foreign tourists visit Bali is dominated by tourists from Australia and China. While for visitors from the Middle East countries is still relatively small. Middle Eastern tourists are well known as a potential market since they spend a lot of budget for their vacation. On March 4th to 9th 2017, Saudi Arabia’s King, King Salman Bin Abdul Aziz al Saud traveled to Indonesia with a group of 1500 people. They spend a lot of expenses while holiday in Bali in which gave a good impact on tourism industries in Bali. The King visit is expected to promote Indonesia Tourism especially Bali to his people. Providing information about a halal and friendly destination for tourists from Middle East countries is expected to attract more visitor from those countries. Since their religion is mostly Muslim. By providing detail information about halal tourism information thus it is expected the number of their visit to Indonesia, especially Bali will increase.

The genera Tetraena Maxim. and Zygophyllum L. (Zygophyllaceae) present different morphological characters, viz. growth habit, leaf features, flower traits and fruit shape, and have a high diversity of species in Africa, Australia and Asia. Six species of Tetraena [T. alba (L.f.) Beier & Thulin, T. coccinea (L) Beier & Thulin, T. decumbens (Delile) Beier & Thulin, T. hamiensis (Schwein f.) Beier & Thulin, T. propinqua (Decne.) Ghaz. & Osborne and T. simplex (L.) Beier & Thulin], and one species of Zygophyllum (Z. fabago L.) have been identified in Saudi Arabia, most of which grow in sandy soils and saline habitats as shrubs and herbs. One new endemic variety (T. alba var. arabica Alzahrani & Albokhari) along with four new combinations [T. alba var. amblyocarpa (Baker) Alzahrani & Albokhari, T. hamiensis var. qatarensis (Hadidi ex Beier & Thulin) Alzahrani & Albokhari, T. hamiensis var. mandavillei (Hadidi ex Beier & Thulin) Alzahrnai & Albokhari, and T. propinqua subsp. migahidii (Hadidi ex Beier & Thulin) Alzahrani & Albokhari] are proposed. Descriptions, illustrations, distribution maps and a key for identification of the taxa are presented. Conservation status has been proposed for the new variety and combinations.Bangladesh J. Plant Taxon. 25(1): 19-43, 2018 (June)

Abstract The influence of the Madden–Julian oscillation (MJO) on daily, monthly, and seasonal precipitation was investigated for southern Iran and the Arabian Peninsula using November–April data for the period of 1979–2005. The positive MJO phase is considered to be the periods for which the enhanced convection center was placed over the south Indonesian–north Australian region. On the other hand, the convection center shifts over the western Indian Ocean tropics and most of the study area as the negative MJO phase prevails. Seasonal precipitation and the frequency of wet events were significantly increased during the negative phase. The ratios of the precipitation amount during the negative phase to the corresponding values during the positive phase were about 1.75–2.75 and 2.75–4.00 for the southwestern and southeastern parts of Iran, respectively. This ratio reached to about 3.00 for Riyadh, 4.20 and 5.50 for Masqat and Doha, 2.10 for Kuwait, and 1.20 for Bahrain. The results of the seasonal and monthly analysis were generally found to be consistent, although because of the smaller sample size the outcomes of the monthly investigations were less statistically significant. While the negative MJO phase does not have a consistent effect on March precipitation over some parts of southern Iran, it has consistently enhanced precipitation over the eastern and southern coasts of the peninsula in Oman, Yemen, and Saudi Arabia. During the negative MJO phase, while enhanced low-level southerly winds transfer a substantial amount of moisture to the study area, upward motion increases in the middle layers of the atmosphere. Synchronized with the prevalence of these rain-bearing southerly winds, the existence of a strong horizontal wind speed gradient at the exit region of the North Africa–Arabian jet enhances precipitation. The jet exit, which was mostly located over Egypt in November, moved westward into the study area in Iran and Saudi Arabia during the rainy period of January–March. The direction of near-surface wind anomalies changed from mostly southeasterly in November to southwesterly in March and April, influencing precipitation pattern during various months of the rainy season. In contrast to the negative phase, an enhanced low-level dry northerly wind and suppressed horizontal wind speed gradient at the jet exits are the main characteristics of atmospheric circulation over the study area during the positive MJO phase. Furthermore, an increased downward air motion at the middle levels of the atmosphere and a significant shortage in precipitation are the other climatic components of the southwest Asian region during such a period.

Abstract Abstract : Introduction: t(12; 21) leading to ETV6-RUNX1 fusion oncogene is associated with better prognosis and excellent treatment outcome in pediatric ALL (pALL) patients have good prognosis as compared to other genetic abnormalities1. Accordingly, frequency of ETV6-RUNX1 has a huge implication in treatment strategies of pALL in a given population. Different ethnic groups from various geographical regions have different frequencies of ETV6-RUNX1 ranging from 10% (Southeast Asia) to 33% (Australia) 2,3. Therefore, aim of this study was to determine ETV6-RUNX1 status of Saudi Arabian pALL patients and its association with clinical parameters and early remission. Patients & Methods: Pediatric Acute Lymphoblastic Leukemia (pALL) patients at King Abdulaziz Medical City represent pure Saudi Arabian population. Clinical parameters and ETV6-RUNX1 status (using FISH technique) of pALL patients attending Pediatric Oncology Clinic, King Abdulaziz Medical City Riyadh from 2006 to 2011 were studied using Vysis ETV6/RUNX1 DF FISH Probe Kit (Abbot Laboratories, Illinois, USA)4. CCG1991 protocol was used for standard risk patients while CCG1961 protocol was used for high risk patients. Number of blasts at day 14 and day 29 of the treatment were also calculated as a part of routine clinical follow-up.Comparison between ETV6-RUNX1 positive and negative groups done using chi-square test or Fisher's exact test. All Statistical analysis was performed using SAS version 9.2 (SAS Institute, Inc., Cary, NC). Results: Out of 54 patients, 33 were male and 21 were females (ration1.57:1). B- and T-cell lineage was found in 47 (87%) and 7 (13%) patients respectively. Only 5 (9.3%) patients with ETV6-RUNX1 positive while 49(80.7%) were ETV6-RUNX1 negative. All ETV6-RUNX1 patients (100%) were of B-cell lineage and 80% (4/5) were in 3-7 year age group. None of ETV6-RUNX11 patients had ≥5% blasts (no remission) at Day 14 as compared to 9% patients from ETV6-RUNX1 negative group (Table 1). Discussion: Frequency of ETV6-RUNX1 positive patients (less than 10%) in our pALL patients is much lower than reported in most of the European countries, North America, Australia and Japan while it is in accordance with ETV6-RUNX1 frequencies from Egypt (11.6%), Pakistan (10%), and India (5-7%) 2,3,5,6. This diversity in frequencies of ETV6-RUNX1 among pALL can be attributed to level of industrialization and/or westernized lifestyle. Moreover, ethnic differences in frequencies of this and other prognostically important genetic abnormalities can have a significant bearing on global pediatric ALL management strategies7 which necessitates further large scale studies in this regard. References: 1. Cooper SL, Brown PA. Treatment of pediatric acute lymphoblastic leukemia. Pediatr Clin North Am. 2015 Feb;62(1):61-73. 2. Iqbal Z. Molecular genetic studies on 167 pediatric ALL patients from different areas of Pakistan confirm a low frequency of the favorable prognosis fusion oncogene TEL-AML1 (t 12; 21) in underdeveloped countries of the region. Asian Pac J Cancer Prev. 2014;15(8):3541-6. 3. Amor DJ, Algar EM, Slater HR, Smith PJ. High frequency of t(12;21) in childhood acute lymphoblastic leukemia detected by RT-PCR. Pathology. 1998 Nov;30(4):381-5. 4. Vysis ETV6/RUNX1 DF FISH Probe Kit. https://www.abbottmolecular.com/vysis-etv6runx1-df-fish-probe-kit.html 5. Harbott J, Viehmann S, Borkhardt A, Henze G, Lampert F. Incidence of TEL/AML1 fusion gene analyzed consecutively in children with acute lymphoblastic leukemia in relapse. Blood. 1997 Dec 15;90(12):4933-7. 6. Shurtleff SA, Buijs A, Behm FG, Rubnitz JE, Raimondi SC, Hancock ML, Chan GC, Pui CH, Grosveld G, Downing JR. TEL/AML1 fusion resulting from a cryptic t(12;21)is the most common genetic lesion in pediatric ALL and defines a subgroup of patients with an excellent prognosis. Leukemia. 1995 Dec;9(12):1985-9. 7. Weso³owska-Andersen A, Borst L, Dalgaard MD, Yadav R, Rasmussen KK, Wehner PS,et al. Genomic profiling of thousands of candidate polymorphisms predicts risk of relapse in 778 Danish and German childhood acute lymphoblastic leukemia patients. Leukemia. 2015 Feb;29(2):297-303. Disclosures Saglio: Novartis: Consultancy, Honoraria; BMS: Consultancy.

A two-day conference on material culture in the Islamic Middle F.astand Central Asia with special reference to the innovation and diffusonof technology in the areas of engineering, architecture, carpet manufacture,and medicine, among others, was held in London between 5-6 May1994. It was hosted by the School of Oriental and African Studies(SOAS), University of London, United Kingdom. As conveners of theconference, Keith McLachlan (SOAS, University of London, UK) andRichard Tapper (SOAS, University of London, UK) pointed out that itwas the latest in a series of conferences to be held at SOAS on variousaspects of material culture. Earlier ones were entitled "Culinaty Culturesof the Middle Fat" (April 1992)," The Language of Dress in the MiddleEast" (November 1992), and the first conference on #Material Culture inCentral Asia and the Middle Fast" (June 1993).Participants reviewed nomadic, pastoralist, cultivator, and urban systemsand assessed the regions' role as centers for innovation and the diffusionof technologies, principally during the Islamic period. The firstscsmon of the conference's keynote speech was chaired by GhaziAlgosaibi (Saudi Arabian ambassador to the United Kingdom) andincluded a revealing paper titled "Arab and Islamic Contributions to Euro­pean Civilization." Rifat Ebied (professor of Semitic Studies, Universityof Sydney, Australia, and currently Visiting Fellow, Trinity Hall, Cambridge,UK) elaborated upon the historical issues concerning the productionof knowledge in the Muslim world and its transmission to Europe viaeducational establishments. Ebied pointed out that the Arabs inherited thescientific tradition of late antiquity, preserved and expanded it withvaluable additions, and finally passed it on to Europe. He outlined themajor segments of the Muslim world's massive contribution to westerncivilization, focusing on the influence of the Islamic legacy on Europe inthe various fields of knowledge, with particular emphasis on the Islamicorigins of the system of higher education (i.e., the creation of the universityas an institution). In the second session, Donald Hill read a paperentitled "Science and Technology in Islamic Building Construction,* inwhich he examined some of the scientific and technological content of ...

Purpose Although there is a boom in the construction industry in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), it is yet to fully adopt building information modeling (BIM), which has received a lot of attention in the US, UK and Australian construction industries. Thus, the purpose of this paper is to provide the current state of the art in BIM implementation in Saudi Arabia, as well as perceived benefits and barriers through a case study. Design/methodology/approach A broad overview of BIM, the construction industry in KSA and the research and implementation of BIM in KSA was presented in this study. The research further established the perceived benefits and barriers of BIM implementation through a case study of a local AEC firm. A questionnaire survey was used to obtain lessons learned from the BIM team of the pilot project and was further analyzed using the RII approach. Findings The study’s findings include the lack of policy initiatives in KSA to enforce BIM in the construction industry, as well as the lack of sufficient research in the domain of BIM in KSA. Furthermore, the case study also revealed that the most important benefit of BIM adoption is “detection of inter-disciplinary conflicts in the drawings to reduce error, maintain design intent, control quality and speed up communication,” whereas the most important barrier is “the need for re-engineering many construction projects for successful transition towards BIM.” Originality/value The study provides a background for enhanced research towards the implementation of BIM in Saudi Arabia and also demonstrates the potential benefits and barriers in BIM implementation.

Introduction I am a transmigrant who has moved back and forth between the West and the Rest. I was born and raised in a Muslim family in a predominantly Muslim country, Bangladesh, but I spent several years of my childhood in Pakistan. After my marriage, I lived in the United States for a year and a half, the Middle East for 5 years, Australia for three years, back to the Middle East for another 5 years, then, finally, in Australia for the last 12 years. I speak Bengali (my mother tongue), Urdu (which I learnt in Pakistan), a bit of Arabic (learnt in the Middle East); but English has always been my medium of instruction. So where is home? Is it my place of origin, the Muslim umma, or my land of settlement? Or is it my ‘root’ or my ‘route’ (Blunt and Dowling)? Blunt and Dowling (199) observe that the lives of transmigrants are often interpreted in terms of their ‘roots’ and ‘routes’, which are two frameworks for thinking about home, homeland and diaspora. Whereas ‘roots’ might imply an original homeland from which people have scattered, and to which they might seek to return, ‘routes’ focuses on mobile, multiple and transcultural geographies of home. However, both ‘roots’ and ‘routes’ are attached to emotion and identity, and both invoke a sense of place, belonging or alienation that is intrinsically tied to a sense of self (Blunt and Dowling 196-219). In this paper, I equate home with my root (place of birth) and route (transnational homing) within the context of the ‘diaspora and belonging’. First I define the diaspora and possible criteria of belonging. Next I describe my transnational homing within the framework of diaspora and belonging. Finally, I consider how Australia can be a ‘home’ for me and other Muslim Australians. The Diaspora and Belonging Blunt and Dowling (199) define diaspora as “scattering of people over space and transnational connections between people and the places”. Cohen emphasised the ethno-cultural aspects of the diaspora setting; that is, how migrants identify and position themselves in other nations in terms of their (different) ethnic and cultural orientation. Hall argues that the diasporic subjects form a cultural identity through transformation and difference. Speaking of the Hindu diaspora in the UK and Caribbean, Vertovec (21-23) contends that the migrants’ contact with their original ‘home’ or diaspora depends on four factors: migration processes and factors of settlement, cultural composition, structural and political power, and community development. With regard to the first factor, migration processes and factors of settlement, Vertovec explains that if the migrants are political or economic refugees, or on a temporary visa, they are likely to live in a ‘myth of return’. In the cultural composition context, Vertovec argues that religion, language, region of origin, caste, and degree of cultural homogenisation are factors in which migrants are bound to their homeland. Concerning the social structure and political power issue, Vertovec suggests that the extent and nature of racial and ethnic pluralism or social stigma, class composition, degree of institutionalised racism, involvement in party politics (or active citizenship) determine migrants’ connection to their new or old home. Finally, community development, including membership in organisations (political, union, religious, cultural, leisure), leadership qualities, and ethnic convergence or conflict (trends towards intra-communal or inter-ethnic/inter-religious co-operation) would also affect the migrants’ sense of belonging. Using these scholarly ideas as triggers, I will examine my home and belonging over the last few decades. My Home In an initial stage of my transmigrant history, my home was my root (place of birth, Dhaka, Bangladesh). Subsequently, my routes (settlement in different countries) reshaped my homes. In all respects, the ethno-cultural factors have played a big part in my definition of ‘home’. But on some occasions my ethnic identification has been overridden by my religious identification and vice versa. By ethnic identity, I mean my language (mother tongue) and my connection to my people (Bangladeshi). By my religious identity, I mean my Muslim religion, and my spiritual connection to the umma, a Muslim nation transcending all boundaries. Umma refers to the Muslim identity and unity within a larger Muslim group across national boundaries. The only thing the members of the umma have in common is their Islamic belief (Spencer and Wollman 169-170). In my childhood my father, a banker, was relocated to Karachi, Pakistan (then West Pakistan). Although I lived in Pakistan for much of my childhood, I have never considered it to be my home, even though it is predominantly a Muslim country. In this case, my home was my root (Bangladesh) where my grandparents and extended family lived. Every year I used to visit my grandparents who resided in a small town in Bangladesh (then East Pakistan). Thus my connection with my home was sustained through my extended family, ethnic traditions, language (Bengali/Bangla), and the occasional visits to the landscape of Bangladesh. Smith (9-11) notes that people build their connection or identity to their homeland through their historic land, common historical memories, myths, symbols and traditions. Though Pakistan and Bangladesh had common histories, their traditions of language, dress and ethnic culture were very different. For example, the celebration of the Bengali New Year (Pohela Baishakh), folk dance, folk music and folk tales, drama, poetry, lyrics of poets Rabindranath Tagore (Rabindra Sangeet) and Nazrul Islam (Nazrul Geeti) are distinct in the cultural heritage of Bangladesh. Special musical instruments such as the banshi (a bamboo flute), dhol (drums), ektara (a single-stringed instrument) and dotara (a four-stringed instrument) are unique to Bangladeshi culture. The Bangladeshi cuisine (rice and freshwater fish) is also different from Pakistan where people mainly eat flat round bread (roti) and meat (gosh). However, my bonding factor to Bangladesh was my relatives, particularly my grandparents as they made me feel one of ‘us’. Their affection for me was irreplaceable. The train journey from Dhaka (capital city) to their town, Noakhali, was captivating. The hustle and bustle at the train station and the lush green paddy fields along the train journey reminded me that this was my ‘home’. Though I spoke the official language (Urdu) in Pakistan and had a few Pakistani friends in Karachi, they could never replace my feelings for my friends, extended relatives and cousins who lived in Bangladesh. I could not relate to the landscape or dry weather of Pakistan. More importantly, some Pakistani women (our neighbours) were critical of my mother’s traditional dress (saree), and described it as revealing because it showed a bit of her back. They took pride in their traditional dress (shalwar, kameez, dopatta), which they considered to be more covered and ‘Islamic’. So, because of our traditional dress (saree) and perhaps other differences, we were regarded as the ‘Other’. In 1970 my father was relocated back to Dhaka, Bangladesh, and I was glad to go home. It should be noted that both Pakistan and Bangladesh were separated from India in 1947 – first as one nation; then, in 1971, Bangladesh became independent from Pakistan. The conflict between Bangladesh (then East Pakistan) and Pakistan (then West Pakistan) originated for economic and political reasons. At this time I was a high school student and witnessed acts of genocide committed by the Pakistani regime against the Bangladeshis (March-December 1971). My memories of these acts are vivid and still very painful. After my marriage, I moved from Bangladesh to the United States. In this instance, my new route (Austin, Texas, USA), as it happened, did not become my home. Here the ethno-cultural and Islamic cultural factors took precedence. I spoke the English language, made some American friends, and studied history at the University of Texas. I appreciated the warm friendship extended to me in the US, but experienced a degree of culture shock. I did not appreciate the pub life, alcohol consumption, and what I perceived to be the lack of family bonds (children moving out at the age of 18, families only meeting occasionally on birthdays and Christmas). Furthermore, I could not relate to de facto relationships and acceptance of sex before marriage. However, to me ‘home’ meant a family orientation and living in close contact with family. Besides the cultural divide, my husband and I were living in the US on student visas and, as Vertovec (21-23) noted, temporary visa status can deter people from their sense of belonging to the host country. In retrospect I can see that we lived in the ‘myth of return’. However, our next move for a better life was not to our root (Bangladesh), but another route to the Muslim world of Dhahran in Saudi Arabia. My husband moved to Dhahran not because it was a Muslim world but because it gave him better economic opportunities. However, I thought this new destination would become my home – the home that was coined by Anderson as the imagined nation, or my Muslim umma. Anderson argues that the imagined communities are “to be distinguished, not by their falsity/genuineness, but by the style in which they are imagined” (6; Wood 61). Hall (122) asserts: identity is actually formed through unconscious processes over time, rather than being innate in consciousness at birth. There is always something ‘imaginary’ or fantasized about its unity. It always remains incomplete, is always ‘in process’, always ‘being formed’. As discussed above, when I had returned home to Bangladesh from Pakistan – both Muslim countries – my primary connection to my home country was my ethnic identity, language and traditions. My ethnic identity overshadowed the religious identity. But when I moved to Saudi Arabia, where my ethnic identity differed from that of the mainstream Arabs and Bedouin/nomadic Arabs, my connection to this new land was through my Islamic cultural and religious identity. Admittedly, this connection to the umma was more psychological than physical, but I was now in close proximity to Mecca, and to my home of Dhaka, Bangladesh. Mecca is an important city in Saudi Arabia for Muslims because it is the holy city of Islam, the home to the Ka’aba (the religious centre of Islam), and the birthplace of Prophet Muhammad [Peace Be Upon Him]. It is also the destination of the Hajj, one of the five pillars of Islamic faith. Therefore, Mecca is home to significant events in Islamic history, as well as being an important present day centre for the Islamic faith. We lived in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia for 5 years. Though it was a 2.5 hours flight away, I treasured Mecca’s proximity and regarded Dhahran as my second and spiritual home. Saudi Arabia had a restricted lifestyle for women, but I liked it because it was a Muslim country that gave me the opportunity to perform umrah Hajj (pilgrimage). However, Saudi Arabia did not allow citizenship to expatriates. Saudi Arabia’s government was keen to protect the status quo and did not want to compromise its cultural values or standard of living by allowing foreigners to become a permanent part of society. In exceptional circumstances only, the King granted citizenship to a foreigner for outstanding service to the state over a number of years. Children of foreigners born in Saudi Arabia did not have rights of local citizenship; they automatically assumed the nationality of their parents. If it was available, Saudi citizenship would assure expatriates a secure and permanent living in Saudi Arabia; as it was, there was a fear among the non-Saudis that they would have to leave the country once their job contract expired. Under the circumstances, though my spiritual connection to Mecca was strong, my husband was convinced that Saudi Arabia did not provide any job security. So, in 1987 when Australia offered migration to highly skilled people, my husband decided to migrate to Australia for a better and more secure economic life. I agreed to his decision, but quite reluctantly because we were again moving to a non-Muslim part of the world, which would be culturally different and far away from my original homeland (Bangladesh). In Australia, we lived first in Brisbane, then Adelaide, and after three years we took our Australian citizenship. At that stage I loved the Barossa Valley and Victor Harbour in South Australia, and the Gold Coast and Sunshine Coast in Queensland, but did not feel at home in Australia. We bought a house in Adelaide and I was a full time home-maker but was always apprehensive that my children (two boys) would lose their culture in this non-Muslim world. In 1990 we once again moved back to the Muslim world, this time to Muscat, Sultanate of Oman. My connection to this route was again spiritual. I valued the fact that we would live in a Muslim country and our children would be brought up in a Muslim environment. But my husband’s move was purely financial as he got a lucrative job offer in Muscat. We had another son in Oman. We enjoyed the luxurious lifestyle provided by my husband’s workplace and the service provided by the housemaid. I loved the beaches and freedom to drive my car, and I appreciated the friendly Omani people. I also enjoyed our frequent trips (4 hours flight) to my root, Dhaka, Bangladesh. So our children were raised within our ethnic and Islamic culture, remained close to my root (family in Dhaka), though they attended a British school in Muscat. But by the time I started considering Oman to be my second home, we had to leave once again for a place that could provide us with a more secure future. Oman was like Saudi Arabia; it employed expatriates only on a contract basis, and did not give them citizenship (not even fellow Muslims). So after 5 years it was time to move back to Australia. It was with great reluctance that I moved with my husband to Brisbane in 1995 because once again we were to face a different cultural context. As mentioned earlier, we lived in Brisbane in the late 1980s; I liked the weather, the landscape, but did not consider it home for cultural reasons. Our boys started attending expensive private schools and we bought a house in a prestigious Western suburb in Brisbane. Soon after arriving I started my tertiary education at the University of Queensland, and finished an MA in Historical Studies in Indian History in 1998. Still Australia was not my home. I kept thinking that we would return to my previous routes or the ‘imagined’ homeland somewhere in the Middle East, in close proximity to my root (Bangladesh), where we could remain economically secure in a Muslim country. But gradually I began to feel that Australia was becoming my ‘home’. I had gradually become involved in professional and community activities (with university colleagues, the Bangladeshi community and Muslim women’s organisations), and in retrospect I could see that this was an early stage of my ‘self-actualisation’ (Maslow). Through my involvement with diverse people, I felt emotionally connected with the concerns, hopes and dreams of my Muslim-Australian friends. Subsequently, I also felt connected with my mainstream Australian friends whose emotions and fears (9/11 incident, Bali bombing and 7/7 tragedy) were similar to mine. In late 1998 I started my PhD studies on the immigration history of Australia, with a particular focus on the historical settlement of Muslims in Australia. This entailed retrieving archival files and interviewing people, mostly Muslims and some mainstream Australians, and enquiring into relevant migration issues. I also became more active in community issues, and was not constrained by my circumstances. By circumstances, I mean that even though I belonged to a patriarchally structured Muslim family, where my husband was the main breadwinner, main decision-maker, my independence and research activities (entailing frequent interstate trips for data collection, and public speaking) were not frowned upon or forbidden (Khan 14-15); fortunately, my husband appreciated my passion for research and gave me his trust and support. This, along with the Muslim community’s support (interviews), and the wider community’s recognition (for example, the publication of my letters in Australian newspapers, interviews on radio and television) enabled me to develop my self-esteem and built up my bicultural identity as a Muslim in a predominantly Christian country and as a Bangladeshi-Australian. In 2005, for the sake of a better job opportunity, my husband moved to the UK, but this time I asserted that I would not move again. I felt that here in Australia (now in Perth) I had a job, an identity and a home. This time my husband was able to secure a good job back in Australia and was only away for a year. I no longer dream of finding a home in the Middle East. Through my bicultural identity here in Australia I feel connected to the wider community and to the Muslim umma. However, my attachment to the umma has become ambivalent. I feel proud of my Australian-Muslim identity but I am concerned about the jihadi ideology of militant Muslims. By jihadi ideology, I mean the extremist ideology of the al-Qaeda terrorist group (Farrar 2007). The Muslim umma now incorporates both moderate and radical Muslims. The radical Muslims (though only a tiny minority of 1.4 billion Muslims worldwide) pose a threat to their moderate counterparts as well as to non-Muslims. In the UK, some second- and third-generation Muslims identify themselves with the umma rather than their parents’ homelands or their country of birth (Husain). It should not be a matter of concern if these young Muslims adopt a ‘pure’ Muslim identity, providing at the same time they are loyal to their country of residence. But when they resort to terrorism with their ‘pure’ Muslim identity (e.g., the 7/7 London bombers) they defame my religion Islam, and undermine my spiritual connection to the umma. As a 1st generation immigrant, the defining criteria of my ‘homeliness’ in Australia are my ethno-cultural and religious identity (which includes my family), my active citizenship, and my community development/contribution through my research work – all of which allow me a sense of efficacy in my life. My ethnic and religious identities generally co-exist equally, but when I see some Muslims kill my fellow Australians (such as the Bali bombings in 2002 and 2005) my Australian identity takes precedence. I feel for the victims and condemn the perpetrators. On the other hand, when I see politics play a role over the human rights issues (e.g., the Tampa incident), my religious identity begs me to comment on it (see Kabir, Muslims in Australia 295-305). Problematising ‘Home’ for Muslim Australians In the European context, Grillo (863) and Werbner (904), and in the Australian context, Kabir (Muslims in Australia) and Poynting and Mason, have identified the diversity within Islam (national, ethnic, religious etc). Werbner (904) notes that in spite of the “wishful talk of the emergence of a ‘British Islam’, even today there are Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Arab mosques, as well as Turkish and Shia’a mosques”; thus British Muslims retain their separate identities. Similarly, in Australia, the existence of separate mosques for the Bangladeshi, Pakistani, Arab and Shia’a peoples indicates that Australian Muslims have also kept their ethnic identities discrete (Saeed 64-77). However, in times of crisis, such as the Salman Rushdie affair in 1989, and the 1990-1991 Gulf crises, both British and Australian Muslims were quick to unite and express their Islamic identity by way of resistance (Kabir, Muslims in Australia 160-162; Poynting and Mason 68-70). In both British and Australian contexts, I argue that a peaceful rally or resistance is indicative of active citizenship of Muslims as it reveals their sense of belonging (also Werbner 905). So when a transmigrant Muslim wants to make a peaceful demonstration, the Western world should be encouraged, not threatened – as long as the transmigrant’s allegiances lie also with the host country. In the European context, Grillo (868) writes: when I asked Mehmet if he was planning to stay in Germany he answered without hesitation: ‘Yes, of course’. And then, after a little break, he added ‘as long as we can live here as Muslims’. In this context, I support Mehmet’s desire to live as a Muslim in a non-Muslim world as long as this is peaceful. Paradoxically, living a Muslim life through ijtihad can be either socially progressive or destructive. The Canadian Muslim feminist Irshad Manji relies on ijtihad, but so does Osama bin Laden! Manji emphasises that ijtihad can be, on the one hand, the adaptation of Islam using independent reasoning, hybridity and the contesting of ‘traditional’ family values (c.f. Doogue and Kirkwood 275-276, 314); and, on the other, ijtihad can take the form of conservative, patriarchal and militant Islamic values. The al-Qaeda terrorist Osama bin Laden espouses the jihadi ideology of Sayyid Qutb (1906-1966), an Egyptian who early in his career might have been described as a Muslim modernist who believed that Islam and Western secular ideals could be reconciled. But he discarded that idea after going to the US in 1948-50; there he was treated as ‘different’ and that treatment turned him against the West. He came back to Egypt and embraced a much more rigid and militaristic form of Islam (Esposito 136). Other scholars, such as Cesari, have identified a third orientation – a ‘secularised Islam’, which stresses general beliefs in the values of Islam and an Islamic identity, without too much concern for practices. Grillo (871) observed Islam in the West emphasised diversity. He stressed that, “some [Muslims were] more quietest, some more secular, some more clamorous, some more negotiatory”, while some were exclusively characterised by Islamic identity, such as wearing the burqa (elaborate veils), hijabs (headscarves), beards by men and total abstinence from drinking alcohol. So Mehmet, cited above, could be living a Muslim life within the spectrum of these possibilities, ranging from an integrating mode to a strict, militant Muslim manner. In the UK context, Zubaida (96) contends that marginalised, culturally-impoverished youth are the people for whom radical, militant Islamism may have an appeal, though it must be noted that the 7/7 bombers belonged to affluent families (O’Sullivan 14; Husain). In Australia, Muslim Australians are facing three challenges. First, the Muslim unemployment rate: it was three times higher than the national total in 1996 and 2001 (Kabir, Muslims in Australia 266-278; Kabir, “What Does It Mean” 63). Second, some spiritual leaders have used extreme rhetoric to appeal to marginalised youth; in January 2007, the Australian-born imam of Lebanese background, Sheikh Feiz Mohammad, was alleged to have employed a DVD format to urge children to kill the enemies of Islam and to have praised martyrs with a violent interpretation of jihad (Chulov 2). Third, the proposed citizenship test has the potential to make new migrants’ – particularly Muslims’ – settlement in Australia stressful (Kabir, “What Does It Mean” 62-79); in May 2007, fuelled by perceptions that some migrants – especially Muslims – were not integrating quickly enough, the Howard government introduced a citizenship test bill that proposes to test applicants on their English language skills and knowledge of Australian history and ‘values’. I contend that being able to demonstrate knowledge of history and having English language skills is no guarantee that a migrant will be a good citizen. Through my transmigrant history, I have learnt that developing a bond with a new place takes time, acceptance and a gradual change of identity, which are less likely to happen when facing assimilationist constraints. I spoke English and studied history in the United States, but I did not consider it my home. I did not speak the Arabic language, and did not study Middle Eastern history while I was in the Middle East, but I felt connected to it for cultural and religious reasons. Through my knowledge of history and English language proficiency I did not make Australia my home when I first migrated to Australia. Australia became my home when I started interacting with other Australians, which was made possible by having the time at my disposal and by fortunate circumstances, which included a fairly high level of efficacy and affluence. If I had been rejected because of my lack of knowledge of ‘Australian values’, or had encountered discrimination in the job market, I would have been much less willing to embrace my host country and call it home. I believe a stringent citizenship test is more likely to alienate would-be citizens than to induce their adoption of values and loyalty to their new home. Conclusion Blunt (5) observes that current studies of home often investigate mobile geographies of dwelling and how it shapes one’s identity and belonging. Such geographies of home negotiate from the domestic to the global context, thus mobilising the home beyond a fixed, bounded and confining location. Similarly, in this paper I have discussed how my mobile geography, from the domestic (root) to global (route), has shaped my identity. Though I received a degree of culture shock in the United States, loved the Middle East, and was at first quite resistant to the idea of making Australia my second home, the confidence I acquired in residing in these ‘several homes’ were cumulative and eventually enabled me to regard Australia as my ‘home’. I loved the Middle East, but I did not pursue an active involvement with the Arab community because I was a busy mother. Also I lacked the communication skill (fluency in Arabic) with the local residents who lived outside the expatriates’ campus. I am no longer a cultural freak. I am no longer the same Bangladeshi woman who saw her ethnic and Islamic culture as superior to all other cultures. I have learnt to appreciate Australian values, such as tolerance, ‘a fair go’ and multiculturalism (see Kabir, “What Does It Mean” 62-79). My bicultural identity is my strength. With my ethnic and religious identity, I can relate to the concerns of the Muslim community and other Australian ethnic and religious minorities. And with my Australian identity I have developed ‘a voice’ to pursue active citizenship. Thus my biculturalism has enabled me to retain and merge my former home with my present and permanent home of Australia. References Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London, New York: Verso, 1983. Australian Bureau of Statistics: Census of Housing and Population, 1996 and 2001. Blunt, Alison. Domicile and Diaspora: Anglo-Indian Women and the Spatial Politics of Home. 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Citation reference for this article MLA Style Kabir, Nahid. "Why I Call Australia ‘Home’?: A Transmigrant’s Perspective." M/C Journal 10.4 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/15-kabir.php>. APA Style Kabir, N. (Aug. 2007) "Why I Call Australia ‘Home’?: A Transmigrant’s Perspective," M/C Journal, 10(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/15-kabir.php>.

AbstractWhile many data on molecular epidemiology of MRSA are available for North America, Western Europe and Australia, much less is known on the distribution of MRSA clones elsewhere. Here, we describe a poorly known lineage from the Middle East, CC1153, to which several strains from humans and livestock belong. Isolates were characterised using DNA microarrays and one isolate from the United Arab Emirates was sequenced using Nanopore technology. CC1153 carries agr II and capsule type 5 genes. Enterotoxin genes are rarely present, but PVL is common. Associated spa types include t504, t903 and t13507. PVL-positive CC1153-MSSA were found in Egyptian cattle suffering from mastitis. It was also identified among humans with skin and soft tissue infections in Saudi Arabia, France and Germany. CC1153-MRSA were mainly observed in Arabian Gulf countries. Some isolates presented with a previously unknown SCCmec/SCCfus chimeric element in which a mec B complex was found together with the fusidic acid resistance gene fusC and accompanying genes including ccrA/B-1 recombinase genes. Other isolates carried SCCmec V elements that usually also included fusC. Distribution and emergence of CC1153-MRSA show the necessity of molecular characterization of MRSA that are resistant to fusidic acid. These strains pose a public health threat as they combine resistance to beta-lactams used in hospitals as well as to fusidic acid used in the community. Because of the high prevalence of fusC-positive MRSA in the Middle East, sequences and descriptions of SCC elements harbouring fusC and/or mecA are reviewed. When comparing fusC and its surrounding regions from the CC1153 strain to available published sequences, it became obvious that there are four fusC alleles and five distinct types of fusC gene complexes reminiscent to the mec complexes in SCCmec elements. Likewise, they are associated with different sets of ccrA/B recombinase genes and additional payload that might include entire mec complexes or SCCmec elements.