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Journal articles on the topic 'Sarawak Politics and government'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Isnin, Nadrawina. "Social Media, Religion, Gender and Politics in Malaysia: A Case of the Social Media Usage by Sarawak Muslim Female Candidates in Batang Sadong and Batang Lupar in the 2018 Malaysian General Election." Al-Albab 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v7i2.1114.

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The 14th Malaysian General Election (GE2018) had changed the political landscape in Malaysia. For the very first time, the ruling party of Barisan Nasional failed to dominate the government in all states except that of Pahang, Perlis, and Sarawak. This study is intended to discuss the scenario of GE2018 by focusing on the election results among female candidates in Sarawak. Ten female candidates participated in GE2018 as compared to a total of 78 candidates to grab 31 Parliamentary seats in Sarawak. Meaning, merely 12.82 percentages of female candidates competed in GE2018. Nevertheless, out of ten female election candidates competing, only five (4 PBB + 1 DAP) won which was 16.12 percentages of winning whilst a big portion of the percentages of 83.87 went to the winning male election candidates. Interestingly, the usage of social media is frequently used by the candidates in GE2018. Hence, this work focuses on the usage of social media among two female Muslim election candidates from a political party of Parti Bumiputera Bersatu Sarawak (PBB). The findings reveal that the frequent usage of Facebook has positive and negative impacts on both female candidates. Even though both female candidates win the election but one has an increased in votes and majority votes whilst the other has a drastic decrease of votes and majority votes obtained.

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2

Osman, Mohamed Nawab Mohamed, and Rashaad Ali. "Sarawak State Elections 2016: Revisiting Federalism in Malaysia." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 36, no. 1 (April 2017): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341703600102.

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The recent state elections in the Eastern Malaysian state of Sarawak in 2016 saw the ruling coalition, the Barisan Nasional, secure a comfortable victory through its component party, the Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu, led by the late Adenan Satem, who passed away suddenly on 11 January 2017. A key theme of Adenan's election campaign was greater autonomy for the state of Sarawak, while he also distanced himself from the troubles of the Najib Razak administration and the federal government. This paper seeks to examine the Sarawak state elections within the context of Malaysia's federalism. We argue that the state elections highlight how a lack of popularity and weakened federal government has allowed states to exercise more leverage in order to gain greater influence and autonomy, strengthening the original federal agreement of 1963 while inadvertently weakening the centre. We argue that Malaysia's claim to be a federation is largely superficial, as much power constitutionally rests with the federal government at the expense of state autonomy. This is demonstrated through both an examination of federalism as a broad concept and a brief history of centre–state relations in Malaysia. This paper posits that further “bargaining” by states with the federal government during election campaigns may be possible if the centre continues to exhibit political weakness.

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3

Gin, Ooi Keat. "Chinese Vernacular Education in Sarawak during Brooke Rule, 1841–1946." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 3 (July 1994): 503–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00011847.

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The Chinese in Sarawak, like their counterparts in other parts of Southeast Asia (Nanyang), were staunch advocates of education where every Chinese community had its own school which was built, managed and financed by local resources, and largely independent of government control.

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4

Chin, James. "Sabah and Sarawak in the 14th General Election 2018 (GE14): Local Factors and State Nationalism." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 37, no. 3 (December 2018): 173–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341803700308.

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Many would argue that the main factors in Pakatan Harapan's victory were the 1MDB scandal, anti-Najib and anti-UMNO sentiments, and Mahathir's ability to penetrate the rural Malay constituencies so as to split the UMNO/PAS vote. In the East Malaysia states of Sabah and Sarawak, however, it was local factors and state nationalism that largely decided the outcome of GE14. In this article, I will argue that the rise of state nationalism means that the most potent political issue in contemporary East Malaysia is MA63 – or the 1963 Malaysia Agreement. MA63 gives Sabah and Sarawak autonomy in a wide range of areas. For the past half-century, the East Malaysia polity has felt that it has lost its autonomy in many areas stipulated in the MA63 agreement, due to the centralisation of bureaucratic powers by the federal government. This has created a strong sense of historical grievance among Sabahans and Sarawakians, especially the non-Muslim native communities. The MA63 issue combined with local factors such as the selection of candidates and internal party disputes as well as sabotage together better reflect the on-the-ground experience of GE14 in Sabah and Sarawak.

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5

Peter Aning Tedong, Zafirah Al Sadat Zyed, Rohana Jani, and Fathin Amelina Fazlie. "Rural Residents’ Perceptions on the Poverty Alleviation and Governance in Sarawak, Malaysia." International Journal of Business and Society 23, no. 2 (August 8, 2022): 649–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.33736/ijbs.4831.2022.

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Poverty alleviation has continuously become one of the main concerns of the socio-economic policy worldwide. This crucial phenomenon is bounded on necessity toward monetary and comprehends by social, economic, political, and physiological aspects. In Malaysia, although the New Economic Policy in 1971 has succeeded in reducing the country's poverty incident, poverty's pocket continues to exist with high incidences of poverty among specific ethnic groups and localities. For instance, rural poverty among the Iban community in Sarawak has occurred since Malaysian independence. Therefore, this paper examines the rural residents' perceptions of the State's role in poverty alleviation in Sarawak using a qualitative approach. Findings revealed that although the government has various programs to alleviate poverty, the social assistance related to poverty was not efficiently distributed in Sarawak's rural areas. This study also revealed that a lack of social infrastructures, such as road accessibility, has significantly influenced social assistance's efficiency distribution in rural areas.

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6

Najwa, Mohammad. "EKONOMI POLITIK INSTITUSI ZAKAT: SATU PENELITIAN TERHADAP INSTITUSI ZAKAT DI PULAU PINANG." JURNAL SYARIKAH : JURNAL EKONOMI ISLAM 3, no. 1 (June 21, 2017): 330. http://dx.doi.org/10.30997/jsei.v3i1.714.

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Institutional charity is a charity trustee body appointed by the Islamic government for a state or country aimed at governing the collection and distribution of zakat and all related recipients. In Malaysia, zakat management is under the responsibility of His Royal Highness (HRH) Sultan or King. However, for those states that do not have the monarch as Melaka, Sabah, Sarawak and Penang, zakat management is under the responsibility of His Majesty the Yang Di-Pertuan Agong (SPBA). In most states, the management and administration of charity performed by the State Islamic Religious Council (MAIN) and the state government as a representative of each of the sultan or king. Even so, the state of Malacca, Kuala Lumpur, Pahang, Negeri Sembilan, Selangor and Penang, management and administration is carried out by the institution's corporate charity. Out of the total of the country, the management and administration of the zakat institution in Penang is unique because the Penang State Government administration headed by a non-Muslim. The question is, how is the political economy of charity institutions in Penang under the administration of the state government led by the non-Muslim? Are the Penang state government plays a role in determining the direction of zakat institutions governance in Penang? Based on these issues, the study was conducted to identify and analyze the political economy of charity institutions in Penang. This study was performed using two methods of data collection, namely the first, methods study the document; and second, the interview method. The data collected is then analyzed using content analysis. The results of the analysis, it can be concluded three things. First, the establishment of Zakat Pulau Pinang (ZPP) is a strategy Majlis Agama Islam Negeri Pulau Pinang (MAINPP) to strengthen the political economy of charity institutions in Penang. Second, the economy and politics mutually need each other in charity governance institutions in Penang. Third, the political economy of charity institutions in Penang has made zakat governance in Penang more systematic and professional and have a positive impact on the improvement of collection and distribution of zakat in Penang.Keywords: Political Economy, Political Economy Institutions Zakat, Zakat Institution in Penang

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7

Fam, Shun Deng. "China Came, China Built, China Left?: The Sarawakian Experience with Chinese Dam Building." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 46, no. 3 (December 2017): 119–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261704600305.

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This paper uses a political ecology approach to unpack the experience of local governments and displaced communities in Sarawak, Malaysia, with Chinese dam construction at the Bakun Hydroelectric Dam. Data for the study was collected over 32 months from 2014 to 2016. The field site offered a unique insight into how recipient countries of aid are also often at the receiving end of domestic politics of donor countries. The paper finds that Chinese and Australian enterprises involved in the dam construction and resettlement of indigenous communities displayed different understandings with regards to social and environmental safeguards, resulting in a dysfunctional handover of the project from Australian to Chinese leadership. Consequently, indigenous communities were dispossessed from their land, affecting their ability to successfully reconstruct their livelihoods, with their attempts to do so causing further damage to the environment around the reservoir of the dam.

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8

Gin, Ooi Keat. "For Want of Rice: Sarawak's Attempts at Rice Self-Sufficiency During the Period of Brooke Rule, 1841-1941." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 29, no. 1 (March 1998): 8–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400021457.

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In Sarawak under the Brooke regime, efforts to promote rice cultivation were consistently overshadowed by the channelling of capital and labour to other more profitable economic pursuits. Measures to increase domestic rice output produced few results, and the failure of Brooke rice policy was amply demonstrated when the country faced a severe rice crisis in 1919-21. However, the lessons learnt during the crisis were soon forgotten, and despite government policies designed to reduce Sarawak's dependence on imported rice, little was accomplished during the next two decades.

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9

Glensor, Peter. "New Zealand primary health care policy and the role of a non-government organisation." Australian Journal of Primary Health 10, no. 3 (2004): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/py04050.

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I was asked to make the presentation this paper is based on1 following the collaboration between La Trobe University and Health Care Aotearoa over several years. La Trobe is the home of the Quality Improvement Council, of which Health Care Aotearoa is a member. That Council has been one of the international partners who have given validation and inspiration for us in Aotearoa/New Zealand in the field of community-based primary health care. My own background, as a Methodist minister for 20 years, followed a life-transforming year as an 18-year-old volunteer in Sarawak in 1969, and exposure internationally to struggles for social justice. In recent years I have become more directly involved in political engagement, at both the local body and national level, as an expression of my understanding of community development and health. I am Chairman of one of New Zealand?s 21 District Health Boards and am relishing the opportunity to lead a regional health organisation as it builds intersectoral linkages, embraces excellence in the delivery of health services, and addresses issues of disparities in health outcomes. I continue to be involved in national leadership of a number of non-government organisations (NGOs), and am taking a leading role in building a new national entity that can encompass the whole non-government organisation sector in New Zealand. All this work arises directly from the experiences and insights described in this paper.

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10

Harding, Andrew. "‘A Measure of Autonomy’: Federalism as Protection for Malaysia's Indigenous Peoples." Federal Law Review 46, no. 4 (December 2018): 557–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x1804600405.

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This article is a case study of federalism in Malaysia as applied to the East Malaysian states of Sabah and Sarawak, which joined the federation in 1963. It is only in the case of these two states, in the context of Malaysia, that federalism is designed to deal with ethnic issues, the majority in both states being Indigenous people. Protection of these states’ Indigenous people was a priority in 1963 and special status was given to these states in order to provide such protection. The study finds, nonetheless, that this special status has been eroded over the last 55 years by political interference by the federal government, and that the special status of these two states has proved ineffective, and indeed largely unacknowledged at the federal level. Accordingly, this study finds that federalism as protection for Indigenous people has been ineffective and the situation of the Indigenous people has as a result deteriorated over time. The solution, it is suggested, is through democratic empowerment at the state level and for federalism to provide deeper forms of constitutional protection.

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11

Mahmud, Noorfadhleen Binti, Nadrawina Isnin, Noni Harianti binti Junaidi, and Nursuria binti Mahrif. "Understanding the Complexities of Sarawak Women’s Social Participation in Non-Governmental Organizations." GATR Global Journal of Business Social Sciences Review 10, no. 3 (September 25, 2022): 114–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35609/gjbssr.2022.10.3(1).

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Objective - The purpose of this study is to gain an understanding of the issues that prevent women from socially participating in NGOs. Methodology/Technique – Qualitative research using in-depth interviews was used to collect relevant data. The findings were analyzed using a thematic analysis approach and discussed within the theoretical framework of social participation. In response to the nature of women’s social participation in Sarawak, the researchers highlighted long, critical answers and discussions by 36 selected participants from various NGOs in Sarawak. Finding –There were four difficulties for Sarawak women’s social participation in NGOs identified in this study. The factors were practical deterrents, a psychological barrier, discrimination and prejudice, and lack of resources. The impeding factors which were grouped in these four categories comprised 16 factors. This study hoped to help the stakeholders develop different strategies for assisting women to be more aware and active in a civil-based society. Novelty –The study highlighted the complex factors of Sarawak women’s social participation in NGOs. These factors show different perspectives on the subject investigation in Sarawak, Malaysia. Furthermore, the adapted qualitative method conducted in this paper is further discussed regarding the complex factors of Sarawak women’s social participation in NGOs. There are many studies conducted exploring political participation. However, studies on social participation that focused on NGOs that are not politically based are very low. Type of Paper: Empirical JEL Classification: D71, D73, Z19. Keywords: Non-governmental organizations; Social Participation; complexities; Sarawak’s Women. Reference to this paper should be referred to as follows: Mahmud, N.B.M; Isnin, N.I; Junaidi, N.H.B; Mahrif, N.B. (2022). Understanding the Complexities of Sarawak Women’s Social Participation in Non-Governmental Organizations, GATR-Global J. Bus. Soc. Sci. Review, 10(3), 114–120. https://doi.org/10.35609/gjbssr.2022.10.3(1)

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12

MUHAMMAD KHALILUR RAHMAN BIN TAMAM. "Social Change and Identity – Education and the Socio-Political Awareness of Sarawak Malays Before 1963." Trends in Undergraduate Research 3, no. 2 (December 29, 2020): h22–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.33736/tur.2702.2020.

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Education emancipates a society, and this is also true in Sarawak for where it has an important role in maintaining the core values of Sarawak Malay identity politics. Education, and how it is related to the political consciousness of the Sarawak Malay, shall be the main subject of this research. The purpose of this study is to analyse the role and importance of education in maintaining the core values in Sarawak Malays identity politics. This study was conducted through library research and other secondary sources as it tries to explore the elements of education and the social and political change of the Sarawak Malays. Education not only provided the access to social mobility and socio-political awareness of the Sarawak Malays, but it also enhanced the politics of identity of Sarawak Malays through the inculcation of values based on Islam and the local context of Malayness (Kemelayuaan).

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13

Chin, James. "PBDS and ethnicity in Sarawak politics." Journal of Contemporary Asia 26, no. 4 (January 1996): 512–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472339680000311.

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14

Cooke, Fadzilah Majid. "The politics of “sustainability” in Sarawak." Journal of Contemporary Asia 27, no. 2 (January 1997): 217–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472339780000141.

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15

King, Victor T. "Book Review: Chinese Politics in Sarawak: A Study of the Sarawak United People's Party." South East Asia Research 6, no. 2 (July 1998): 181–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967828x9800600205.

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16

Chin, James. "The 1991 Sarawak Election: Continuity of Ethnic Politics." South East Asia Research 4, no. 1 (March 1996): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967828x9600400103.

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17

Maximus Balla Tang, Barbara Anak Dieo, Mohd Kamarul Anwar Mohd Suhaimi, and Jessica Lyn Anak Andam. "The Emergence of E-Wallet in Sarawak: Factors Influencing the Adoption of Sarawak Pay." International Journal of Business and Society 23, no. 3 (December 19, 2022): 1423–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.33736/ijbs.5172.2022.

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This paper discusses the adoption factors of electronic wallet, more specifically Sarawak Pay in Kuching, Sarawak. The Sarawak Government has a very aggressive mandate in terms of digital transformation to boost the e-commerce industry in Sarawak. Propel with the effort of federal and state governments in encouraging a cashless and digital society, Kuching will foresee a rapid rise in the adoption of Sarawak Pay. This paper adopts and expands the Technology Acceptance Model (TAM) in addressing the adoption factors of Sarawak Pay. With a population of three quarter a million, it is vital to understand whether perceived usefulness, perceived ease of use, perceived risk and reward play any significant roles in the adoption of Sarawak Pay. Data were collected from 204 respondents and the results were examined using partial least squares-structured equation modelling (PLS-SEM). Findings indicated that perceived usefulness, perceived ease of use and perceived risk have significant impacts on Sarawak Pay adoption. As a result of the study, the understanding of existing theoretical literature on e-wallets in Malaysia will be enhanced.

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18

Singh, D. S. Ranjit. "THE SARAWAK STATE ELECTION, 1996: THE POLITICS OF RECONCILIATION." SEJARAH 8 (December 15, 2000): 233–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/sejarah.vol8no8.10.

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19

Yong, Kee Howe. "The Politics and Aesthetics of Place-names in Sarawak." Anthropological Quarterly 80, no. 1 (2007): 65–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/anq.2007.0017.

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20

Mahyan, Nur Rasfina, and Onni Suhaiza Selaman. "WATER SUPPLY RESOURCES AND MANAGEMENT PRACTICES IN SARAWAK AND OTHER COUNTRIES." Journal of Civil Engineering, Science and Technology 7, no. 2 (September 30, 2016): 50–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.33736/jcest.304.2016.

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The rapid urbanization faced by Sarawak has raised the concern on whether the current water supply isadequate to cater for the increasing demands in future. This study focuses on identifying the potential options of watersupply resources and management practices for Sarawak in future. The water supply resources and management practicesfrom other countries are reviewed as to provide guidance for Sarawak in improving their water supply resources andmanagement practices. The desk study is performed by collecting data and information from existing resources such asinternet, government agencies, journal papers, and published reports. In this study, five types of water resources wereconsidered to be used by studied countries including surface water, groundwater, desalinated water, rainwater and reclaimedwater. The usage of surface water is recorded as the highest among all resources for both in Sarawak and other countries. Interms of water storage system, the difference between Sarawak and other countries are not significant as they adoptedalmost the similar systems such as reservoir and well. Ideally, there are three proposed potential options regarding watersupply resources for Sarawak in future namely rainwater harvesting, desalinated water and reclaimed water. Nonetheless,most of the management practices in other countries had already been practiced by Sarawak itself but may differ in terms oftechnologies and method of applications. Thus, effective water resources management must be supported by understandingof the availability of the resource itself in order to address the probable challenges in future.

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21

Ngidang, Dimbab. "The politics of development in longhouse communities in Sarawak, East Malaysia." Development in Practice 5, no. 4 (November 1995): 305–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0961452951000157324.

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22

Wan Husain, Wan Ahmad Fauzi Hashim. "Article 153 Of the Federal Constitution: Governing Principle for Affirmative Policy Against Social Injustice." Journal of Governance and Integrity 5, no. 1 (November 29, 2021): 135–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15282/jgi.5.1.2021.7130.

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The special position of Malays and Natives of Sabah and Sarawak remains a national debate despite the fact that its position has been lawfully accorded according to Article 153, Federal Constitution. Those who had significantly benefitted from the implementation of policies under Article 153 among non-Malays and non-Natives of Sabah and Sarawak, especially from an economic policy have yet turned up to defend many allegations thrown at the Government. As a matter of fact, many Malays themselves admitted that the Government had introduced many good programs to elevate the living standard of their community but yet to see much improvement across the country. On the contrary, the wealth accumulated by non-Malays as well as non-Natives of Sabah and Sarawak beyond RM1 billion personal net worth as shown in many popular magazines has proven to increase both in the number of individuals and its value. Hence, this paper aims to examine Article 153 and its governance on policies for affirmative action against social injustice using historical and legal analysis methods. The findings in this study could justify the position of Article 153 and evaluate the truth of so many allegations against it.

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23

Ting, Helen Mu Hung. "Chinese Politics in the 2016 Sarawak state elections: Case Studies of Dudong and Bawang Assan Seats." Kajian Malaysia 39, no. 2 (October 29, 2021): 71–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.21315/km2021.39.2.4.

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This article examines local Chinese electoral politics in Sarawak during the 2016 Sarawak state elections based on a case study of two Chinese-majority marginal seats in Sibu district, namely Dudong and Bawang Assan. It examines the discourse and strategies deployed by the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) and the opposition Democratic Action Party (DAP) and other independent candidates in the two constituencies. Candidates of the former in both seats were prominent leaders who had left the Sarawak United People’s Party (SUPP) – a major BN component party – to form a rival splinter party called the United People’s Party (UPP) and had contested as “BN direct candidates.” The article provides insights into how the intricate political dynamics on the ground shaped the electoral outcomes. Analysis of the voting patterns in polling districts provides a more nuanced understanding of the purported “increase” in Chinese support, revealing an urban-rural contrast. Both DAP candidates retained majority support in urban Chinese areas, albeit with reduced vote shares and absolute numbers due to abstention. Rural Chinese voters, on the other hand, manifested a clear surge in their support for BN, both in absolute numbers and vote share, contributing decisively to the victories of the two BN direct candidates. The findings are based on field observation, in-depth interviews with party leaders and informants, as well as analysis of polling district results of the two constituencies.

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24

Ohueri, Chukwuka Christian, Wallace Imoudu Enegbuma, and Hadina Habil. "MyCREST embedded framework for enhancing the adoption of green office building development in Sarawak." Built Environment Project and Asset Management 10, no. 2 (September 9, 2019): 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/bepam-10-2018-0127.

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Purpose Green building development practices reduce carbon footprint and promote sustainability in the built environment. To foster green building construction in Malaysia, several strategies and sustainability metrics like the Malaysian Carbon Reduction and Environmental Sustainability Tool (MyCREST) have been established. Yet, the implementation of green office building development in Sarawak still remains low. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to develop MyCREST Embedded Framework (MEF) for enhancing the adoption of green office building construction in Sarawak. Design/methodology/approach To achieve the research aim, document analysis of the overarching MyCREST Reference Guide was conducted. Then, questionnaire was used to survey 120 green construction professionals in Kuching, the capital of Sarawak. Afterwards, data from the questionnaire was analyzed using Statistical Package for Social Science software version 22. As a result, the significant strategies for enhancing the adoption of green office building construction in Sarawak were identified, and ranked hierarchically using the Relative Importance Index. Findings The established significant strategies include: government policies and incentives, sustainable technological practices, defined process for executing green building projects and adequate information for the public. Moreover, this study recommends MyCREST as the suitable Green Building Assessment Tool for developing green office buildings in Sarawak due to its integration of carbon reduction strategies with sustainability indicators. Research limitations/implications This study is limited to Kuching; hence future study should be extended to other cities in Sarawak. Originality/value Based on the findings, the MEF is developed to enlighten the industry practitioners on the approaches that will elevate green office building development in Sarawak.

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25

Brown, William H., Kenneth T. Palmer, G. Thomas Taylor, and Marcus A. LiBrizzi. "Maine Politics and Government." New England Quarterly 66, no. 2 (June 1993): 308. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/365854.

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26

Billings, Charles E., James D. Thomas, and William H. Stewart. "Alabama Government and Politics." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 19, no. 4 (1989): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330427.

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27

Patton, Janet W., and Penny M. Miller. "Kentucky Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, no. 3 (1994): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330747.

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Thomas, Clive S., Gerald A. McBeath, and Thomas A. Morehouse. "Alaska Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, no. 3 (1994): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330749.

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Barringer, Richard, Kenneth T. Palmer, G. Thomas Taylor, and Marcus A. LiBrizzi. "Maine Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 23, no. 2 (1993): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330863.

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Shrewsbury, Carolyn M., Daniel J. Elazar, Virginia Gray, and Wyman Spano. "Minnesota Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 30, no. 3 (2000): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3331101.

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31

Haycox, Stephen, Gerald A. McBeath, and Thomas A. Morehouse. "Alaska Politics and Government." Western Historical Quarterly 26, no. 2 (1995): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/970241.

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32

Dougan, Michael B., Diane D. Blair, and Jay Barth. "Arkansas Politics and Government." Arkansas Historical Quarterly 65, no. 1 (2006): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40028075.

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33

Kirmanj, Sherko. "Islam, Politics and Government." Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 9, no. 1 (March 2008): 43–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14690760701856382.

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34

Dempsey, D. J. "Distinguishing "Government" and "Politics"." Social Work 56, no. 2 (April 1, 2011): 191–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sw/56.2.191-a.

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35

Dollinger, Marc J. "Politics, government, and business." Business Horizons 55, no. 5 (September 2012): 399–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bushor.2012.03.005.

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36

Kadam-Kiai, Stanley Bye, and Dick Lembang Dugun. "Revisiting early Political History of Modern Sarawak through the making of Stephen Kalong Ningkan as Sarawak’s first Chief Minister." Journal of Borneo-Kalimantan 6, no. 1 (July 14, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.33736/jbk.2415.2020.

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This paper narrates a political story of modern Sarawak from 1961 to 1974. The modern political history of Sarawak began with the conceptualisation and the formulation of the Federation Malaysia. The significant events that shaped and influenced the political history of modern Sarawak include: the British-Malayan Government meetings in November 1961 and July 1962; the setting up of the Cobbold Commission of Enquiry; the formulation of the Malaysia Solidarity and Consultative Committee (MSCC); the formation of the Inter-Governmental Committee (IGC); the signing the Malaysia Agreement of 1963; the controversies surrounding the making of the first Chief Minister and of the making of the first local State Governor; the cabinet crises of 1965 and 1966; the proclamation of the state of emergency in Sarawak in 1966 by the Federal Parliament which led to the removal of its first Chief Minister; and the establishment of the Sarawak Alliance and the Native Alliance. This historical account of the early history of modern Sarawak is not complete without the description of the ideas and the political struggles of Stephen Kalong Ningkan, the State’s first Chief Minister, and the issues affecting his political leadership

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Raj, Tisha. "Who is King of Sarawak’s Rainforest? An insight to Sarawak’s land corruption led by its Chief Minister and his family." Earth Common Journal 3, no. 1 (September 29, 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.31542/j.ecj.129.

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Malaysia’s 13th General Elections were hopes of many to be the turning point of change, breaking Barisan Nasional’s (BN or National Front) 56 years of governance. BN in recent years had been plagued with allegations of corruption and cronyism. Land grabs in the state of Sarawak, exposed an intricate and systematic corruption that happens in all levels of government in Malaysia. The perils of the rainforest in Sarawak are uncovered through a corrupt systematic mass deforestation through the governance of its Chief Minister Taib Mahmud. Was Malaysia’s latest election successful in dethroning Taib and his family out of their political powers? Taib holding several portfolios puts him in immense political and economic power. For more than 30 years, Taib has made use of his various ministerial roles to methodically harvest the state’s natural resources and amassing a personal fortune of USD $15 billion. The first family of Sarawak too has their share in Taib’s fortunes. Kickbacks, corrupt land deals, evasion of Malaysian tax and the service economy of corruption were true and evident in the family’s dealings. Taib’s eldest daughter, Jamilah Taib and her husband Sean Murray, well known socialites in Ottawa, Canada play a major role in the slow death of Sarawak’s rainforest and indigenous tribes. One woman, Clare Rewcastle Brown who manages Sarawak Report and Radio Free Sarawak is determined to bring down the supreme rule of Taib and his family. Her media outlets aim “… to provide that platform and to offer an alternative vision of justice, transparency and a fairer future in Sarawak.”

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Maraining, Amrullah, Zaini Othman, Eko Prayitno Joko, and Saat Awang Damit. "BUGIS DI SABAH DAN PRU-14: KAJIAN KES PARLIMEN KALABAKAN." Jurnal Kinabalu, July 15, 2018, 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.51200/ejk.vi.1631.

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Dalam konteks Malaysia, umumnya persoalan politik berbaur keetnikan sering kali berfokus kepada Melayu, Cina dan India. Hal ini barang kali dipengaruhi oleh latar belakang sejarah negara terkait dengan pengisytiharan kemerdekaan pada 31 Ogos 1957 yang diperoleh hasil daripada kesepakatan bersama ketiga-tiga etnik ini di bawah payung Parti Perikatan. Kesepakatan bersama etnik ini berterusan sehinggalah Sabah dan Sarawak bersama-sama Persekutuan Tanah Melayu membentuk Malaysia pada 16 September 1963. Hakikat sejarah yang menyaksikan perkongsian beberapa peristiwa besar negara inilah yang adakalanya dari sisi lain membuatkan dimensi pemikiran kelompok akademik mahupun bukan akademik menjadi sempit dan terkongkong sifatnya. Natijahnya, dimensi kajian politik negara khususnya yang berkenaan politik etnik sering kali dihujani penulisan dengan memfokuskan Melayu, Cina dan India sebagai subjek kajian khususnya menjelang pilihan raya umum. Agak jarang diketengahkan etnik lain khususnya di Sabah dan Sarawak yang sebenarnya juga memainkan peranan yang sangat signifikan dalam menentukan hala tuju politik negara. Salah satunya adalah komuniti Bugis di pantai timur Sabah yang sungguhpun berdasarkan latar sejarah Sabah keterlibatannya dalam arena politik negeri Sabah khususnya bagi Parlimen Kalabakan menjelang PRU-14 adalah jelas, namun jarang sekali dijadikan subjek kajian dan sering kali dikebelakangkan. Menyedari kekurangan tersebut, maka makalah ini hadir untuk mengetengahkan peranan dan keberadaan komuniti Bugis di Sabah khususnya dalam konteks politik Sabah khasnya di pantai timur. Dalam memahami realiti ini, metode yang digunakan bagi mendapatkan maklumat dan data adalah menerusi temu bual secara langsung dengan responden yang terlibat, yang terdiri daripada pimpinan politik di barisan kerajaan mahupun pembangkang. AbstractIn the context of Malaysia, the politics of ethnic diversity often focus on Malays, Chinese and Indians. This is probably influenced by the historical background of the country concerned with the declaration of independence on August 31, 1957 which was obtained by the agreement of these three ethnic groups under the Alliance Party umbrella. This ethnic collective agreement continued until Sabah and Sarawak together with the Federation of Malaya formed Malaysia on 16 September 1963. The historical fact of witnessing the sharing of some of the major events of the country is that sometimes from the other side of the minds of academic or non-academic groups sometimes become narrow and tangled its nature. As a result, the dimensions of national political studies, especially on ethnic politics are often bombarded by writing focusing on Malay, Chinese and Indian as subjects especially in the run-up to the general elections. It is rarely highlighted by other ethnicities, especially in Sabah and Sarawak which also play a very significant role in determining the country's political direction. One of them is the Bugis community on the east coast of Sabah, which is based on Sabah's historical background that its involvement in Sabah's political arena, especially for the Kalabakan parliament by the GE-14 which is rarely studied. Recognizing the caps, this paper is to highlight the role and existence of Bugis communities in Sabah especially in the context of Sabah politics, especially the east coast. In understanding this reality the method used to obtain information and data is through direct interviews of respondents involved in the political leadership of the government or opposition.

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Saiful Sinring, Mohammad, and Anantha Raman Govindasamy. "SABAH SARAWAK KELUAR MALAYSIA (SSKM): HALA TUJU SELEPAS PRU-14." Jurnal Kinabalu, December 31, 2018, 411. http://dx.doi.org/10.51200/ejk.vi.1657.

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Kajian ini adalah untuk memahami perkembangan fahaman gerakan pemisahan yang digerakkan oleh sebuah organisasi dikenali Sabah Sarawak Keluar Malaysia (SSKM). Sejak SSKM ditubuhkan tahun 2011, gerakan ini telah mendapat sambutan yang baik terutama dalam kalangan golongan muda yang inginkan hak yang lebih adil terutamanya dari segi ekonomi dan politik kepada dua negeri di Malaysia. Fokus utama kajian ini adalah untuk melihat faktor-faktor yang telah mendorong penubuhan SSKM, strategi-strategi yang telah diguna pakai untuk menarik sokongan kepada kumpulan ini dan akhir sekali membincangkan masa depan SSKM selepas pilihanraya umum yang ke-14. Melalui kaedah perpustakaan, data-data sekunder yang berkaitan dengan SSKM akan dianalisis untuk menjawab objektif kajian yang telah ditetapkan. Dapatan awal kajian ini menunjukkan bahawa SSKM ini telah di manipulasi oleh kumpulan-kumpulan tertentu untuk mendapatkan 'political mileage' di Sabah dan Sarawak. Di samping itu, kemenangan parti tempatan iaitu Parti Warisan dalam pilihan raya ke-14 di Sabah dan pembentukan Gabungan Sarawak telah menjadikan tuntutan-tuntutan SSKM ini tidak disokong oleh majoriti masyarakat di Sabah dan Sarawak. AbstractThis study is to understand the development of the activist movement called Sabah Sarawak Keluar Malaysia (SSKM). Since the formation of SSKM in 2011, it managed to galvanise the support of the youths in demanding equality from the federal government in Putrajaya for Sabah and Sarawak. By using library research and secondary sources, this paper intends to explore factors which have contributed to the formation of SSKM, strategies that were used by SSKM to remain relevant, and finally, the future of SKMM in the aftermath of the 14th Malaysian General Elections. The findings of this study indicate that the leaders of SKMM have manipulated the issues related to Sabahan and Sarawakian rights for their personal political gain. The election victory for the Sabah based Parti Warisan Sabah and the creation of Parti Gabungan Sarawak in the recently concluded election have hampered the relevance of SKMM in Sabah and Sarawak.

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Tang Abdullah, A. Rahman, and Pandikar Amin Haji Mulia. "ISU PERJANJIAN MALAYSIA 1963 (MA63) DAN HAK AUTONOMI SABAH DAN SARAWAK DALAM KONTEKS SEJARAH DAN PRU-14." Jurnal Kinabalu, December 31, 2018, 291. http://dx.doi.org/10.51200/ejk.vi.1653.

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Hak autonomi Sabah dan Sarawak sememangnya merupakan isu politik utama yang telah lama disuarakan oleh politikus dari kedua-dua negeri ini dalam Pilihan Raya Umum dan Pilihan Raya Negeri. Isu hak autonomi ini sering ditafsirkan sebagai satu gambaran yang menunjukkan bahawa dua negeri tersebut mempunyai kedudukan yang lebih tinggi dari negeri-negeri lain di Semenanjung Malaysia, sebagaimana yang termaktub dalam Perlembagaan Persekutuan dan Perjanjian Malaysia 1963 (MA63). Isu ini digunakan untuk menyuarakan rasa tidak puas hati berhubung dengan situasi di kedua-dua negeri tersebut yang masih jauh ketinggalan dari aspek pembangunan berbanding dengan negeri-negeri di Semenanjung. Hal ini ditambah lagi dengan dakwaan bahawa sebahagian besar sumber dan pendapatan kedua-dua negeri tersebut tidak dapat dinikmati oleh mereka. Malahan, sudut pandang ini seterusnya telah didasarkan kepada dakwaan pelanggaran terhadap MA63 sebagaimana yang terdapat dalam manifesto dan kenyataan politik dalam Pilihan Raya Umum ke-14 (PRU-14). Justeru, Pakatan Harapan (PH) telah mengisytiharkan untuk mengembalikan status Sabah dan Sarawak berteraskan MA63. Parti Warisan Sabah pula mengisytiharkan bahawa mereka menuntut hak-hak dari Kerajaan Persekutuan seperti yang termaktub dalam Perlembagaan dan MA63. Oleh hal yang demikian, artikel ini bertujuan membincangkan sejauh manakah persoalan hak Sabah dan Sarawak yang dilegitimasikan kepada MA63 dalam PRU-14 menepati konteks sejarahnya yang dikaitkan dengan situasi masa kini. Perbincangan ini menggunakan kerangka sejarah perundangan yang merujuk kepada MA63 dan kaitannya dengan isu-isu yang dibangkitkan dalam manifesto dan kenyataan politik dalam PRU14. Berdasarkan kerangka ini, didapati bahawa MA63 yang dieksploitasi dalam PRU-14 hanya merupakan retorik politik. Hal ini demikian kerana kefahaman terhadap MA63 telah diaplikasikan secara anachronistic akibat daripada kompleksiti dalam menghubungkaitkan dokumen dan peristiwa sejarah kepada konteks masa kini. AbstractThe autonomous rights of the states of Sabah and Sarawak certainly became the main political issue that had long been voiced by the politicians of those states in all general and state elections. These autonomous rights are generally interpreted as the impression that those states possess higher status than other states in Peninsular Malaysia as stipulated in the Federal Constitution and Malaysia Agreement of 1963 (MA63). This issue was used for highlighting grievances in relations to the situation in those states that are still left behind in developmental aspect compared to the states in the peninsula. It is further claimed that the large proportion of the sources and revenues of those states are not enjoyed by them. In fact, this view is also utilized as the claim of violation on MA63 as it can be found in the manifesto and political statements during the 14th General Election (GE-14). Accordingly, the Pakatan Harapan (Hope Alliance) proclaimed to restore the status of Sabah and Sarawak in accordance with MA63. Parti Warisan Sabah then also proclaimed that they claim the right from the federal government as stipulated in the constitution and MA63. Thus, this article aims to discuss the extent to which the questions of the rights of Sabah and Sarawak which are legitimized by MA63 conform to the historical context associated with the current situation. This discussion is based on legal history framework with reference to MA63 and its relevance to the issues highlighted in the manifesto and political statements during the GE-14. Based on this framework, it can be identified that MA63 which had been exploited in GE-14 was merely political rhetoric. This is because the understanding of MA63 had been applied in an anachronistic manner due to the complexity in relating the historical document an event to the contemporary context.

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Wan Hassan, Wan Shawaluddin, Nordin Sakke, Jusman Aman Setia, and Diana Peter. "PILIHAN RAYA UMUM KE-14 (PRU-14) DAN TUMBANGNYA BARISAN NASIONAL (BN) DI PARLIMEN SILAM." Jurnal Kinabalu, December 31, 2018, 383. http://dx.doi.org/10.51200/ejk.vi.1656.

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Sabah sering dianggap sebagai fixed deposit Barisan Nasional (BN) dan UMNO sejak 1994. Kemenangan yang sering dicapai dalam oleh UMNO/BN Sabah dan Sarawak dalam PRU sejak 1994, 1998, 2004, 2008 dan 2013 merupakan testimoni kepada realiti ini. Namun dalam PRU-14, BN gagal mempertahankan kedudukannya di Sabah apabila secara teknikal telah kehilangan kuasanya kepada Parti Warisan yang kemudian telah berkuasa di Sabah. Di Parlimen Silam yang merupakan fixed deposit BN, mereka telah kalah 4-0 kepada Parti Warisan. Makalah ini membincangkan antara isu yang membawa kepada kekalahan ini antara lain; kepimpinan, tidak peka kepada masalah penduduk setinggan, nepotisme, isu tanah, ESSCOM, kenaikan kos sara hidup dan 1MDB. Kaedah kualitatif telah digunakan dengan temu bual, pemerhatian dan kepustakaan. Temu bual telah dibuat dengan calon bertanding, ahli politik (UMNO) dan Parti Warisan serta masyarakat di Parlimen Silam. Makalah ini mendapati bahawa keengganan BN belajar dari segi sejarah bahawa rakyat Sabah dan pengundi Silam yang rasional memilih menukar kerajaan jika mereka tidak puas hati dengan kerajaan sebagaimana yang pernah berlaku pada 1976 (USNO), 1985 (Berjaya) dan 1994 (PBS). Kegagalan belajar dari sejarah mengakibatkan BN tumbang di Parlimen Silam dalam PRU-14 , kubu kuatnya selama ini.AbstractSince BN/UMNOs entry into East Malaysia, Sabah and Sarawak were often referred to as BN/UMNOs fixed deposit states following their victory during the 1994, 1998, 2004, 2008 and 2013 general elections. However, GE-14 saw the change in BN's hold on Sabah when Parti Warisan came to power. In the Parliament Seat of Silam, BN lost 4-0 to Parti Warisan. This article looks into the factors that contributed to this defeat amongst which was the lack of attention on the squatter problems, nepotism, land issues, ESSCOM, rising costs of living and 1MDB. Qualitative methods such as interviews, observation, and secondary data i.e. newspapers, journal articles, books and internet were used. Interviews with contending candidates, political members from both BN and Parti Warisan, as well as the general community in Silam was carried out. The findings observed was the failure of BN to heed lessons from past elections whereby voters in Sabah would rationally vote to change governments if they were not satisfied with the government of the day, as was the case in 1976 (USNO), 1985 (Berjaya) and 1994 (PBS). It was this lack of attention to history which saw BN's lost over its stronghold in Silam during GE-14.

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Zulkifli, Noraini. "Early Survey on the Relocation of Capital City of Indonesia and its Impact towards East Malaysia Security." International Journal of Social Science and Human Research 05, no. 06 (June 3, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.47191/ijsshr/v5-i6-02.

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The issue of borders is a factor that can threaten the sovereignty of a country because it has an impact from traditional and non -traditional angles. This study is conducting to examine the impact of the relocation of the Indonesian capital on the security of East Malaysia. This is because the relocation plan involves a large and comprehensive development increase. The literature review of this study is divided into three, namely (1) The relocation of the Indonesian capital (Jakarta) to Kalimantan, (2) Security issues that exist between Malaysia-Indonesia due to the relocation of the Indonesian capital to the province of Kalimantan and (3) Security impact to Malaysia due to the relocation of the Indonesian capital to Kalimantan. The objectives of this study are to identify security threats that exist on the Sarawak-Kalimantan border, to study the impact of the Indonesian capital on national security in East Malaysia and to analyze the actions of the Malaysian government to improve security in East Malaysia. This study adopts a qualitative method in which part of the data is collected through secondary data obtained through a library study. These include scholarly books, journal articles, confidential reports released (public domain) as well as the security and defense policies of a government. While the primary data was obtained through face-to-face interviews with experts and officials directly involved in the topic of study from Malaysia and Indonesia. The conclusion of the survey is that there are traditional and non -traditional threats at the border. The relocation of the Indonesian capital has had a political, economic and security impact on East Malaysia. The Malaysian government is adding security personnel to be on alert along the border as well as establishing closer diplomatic relations with Indonesia.

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Yaakop, Mohd Rizal, Ahmad Redzuan Mohamad, Mohd Azmi Mohd Razif, Ing Nurdin, Ahmad Ali Seman, Sharifah Aluya Ali, and Sharifah Sabrina Ali. "Environmental Knowledge and Politics in Sarawak." International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences 10, no. 11 (November 25, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.6007/ijarbss/v10-i11/8147.

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"Participation On Women’s Non-Governmental Organizations: A Conceptual Framework." International Journal of Engineering and Advanced Technology 8, no. 5C (September 23, 2019): 434–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.35940/ijeat.e1061.0585c19.

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Women in Non-governmental Organizations (WNGOs) can be define as women’s movement, women’s pressure group or interest group, women’s association and women’s in civil society. It is a non-profit institution that empowered to address women’s issues which the government has not been able to manage. It is a mediator whereby women issues can be brought to the attention of government. Since independence, more than 50 WNGOs have been established in Sarawak and this is an important indication that Sarawak women have realized their important roles and contribution to the society. Through WNGOs, Sarawak women have played an important part in promoting the development of society. Their roles and contribution through civil society have made society realized of the importance of their role in highlighting issues that need to be addressed. Even though the increasing number of WNGOs establishment has proven that they are needed in the development process but the issues of participation still arise. This paper makes an attempted to throw light on the various factors on women motivation and challenges that inhibit Sarawak women to participate in WNGOs in Sarawak.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 25, no. 2 (June 1996): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693564.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 24, no. 4 (December 1996): 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693595.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 25, no. 1 (March 1996): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693626.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 25, no. 3 (September 1996): 27–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693671.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 29, no. 3-4 (September 2000): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-000-1008-1.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 29, no. 1-2 (March 2000): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-000-1039-7.

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