Relevant bibliographies by topics / Sarawak Politics and government

Academic literature on the topic 'Sarawak Politics and government'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Sarawak Politics and government"

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Isnin, Nadrawina. "Social Media, Religion, Gender and Politics in Malaysia: A Case of the Social Media Usage by Sarawak Muslim Female Candidates in Batang Sadong and Batang Lupar in the 2018 Malaysian General Election." Al-Albab 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v7i2.1114.

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The 14th Malaysian General Election (GE2018) had changed the political landscape in Malaysia. For the very first time, the ruling party of Barisan Nasional failed to dominate the government in all states except that of Pahang, Perlis, and Sarawak. This study is intended to discuss the scenario of GE2018 by focusing on the election results among female candidates in Sarawak. Ten female candidates participated in GE2018 as compared to a total of 78 candidates to grab 31 Parliamentary seats in Sarawak. Meaning, merely 12.82 percentages of female candidates competed in GE2018. Nevertheless, out of ten female election candidates competing, only five (4 PBB + 1 DAP) won which was 16.12 percentages of winning whilst a big portion of the percentages of 83.87 went to the winning male election candidates. Interestingly, the usage of social media is frequently used by the candidates in GE2018. Hence, this work focuses on the usage of social media among two female Muslim election candidates from a political party of Parti Bumiputera Bersatu Sarawak (PBB). The findings reveal that the frequent usage of Facebook has positive and negative impacts on both female candidates. Even though both female candidates win the election but one has an increased in votes and majority votes whilst the other has a drastic decrease of votes and majority votes obtained.
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Osman, Mohamed Nawab Mohamed, and Rashaad Ali. "Sarawak State Elections 2016: Revisiting Federalism in Malaysia." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 36, no. 1 (April 2017): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341703600102.

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The recent state elections in the Eastern Malaysian state of Sarawak in 2016 saw the ruling coalition, the Barisan Nasional, secure a comfortable victory through its component party, the Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu, led by the late Adenan Satem, who passed away suddenly on 11 January 2017. A key theme of Adenan's election campaign was greater autonomy for the state of Sarawak, while he also distanced himself from the troubles of the Najib Razak administration and the federal government. This paper seeks to examine the Sarawak state elections within the context of Malaysia's federalism. We argue that the state elections highlight how a lack of popularity and weakened federal government has allowed states to exercise more leverage in order to gain greater influence and autonomy, strengthening the original federal agreement of 1963 while inadvertently weakening the centre. We argue that Malaysia's claim to be a federation is largely superficial, as much power constitutionally rests with the federal government at the expense of state autonomy. This is demonstrated through both an examination of federalism as a broad concept and a brief history of centre–state relations in Malaysia. This paper posits that further “bargaining” by states with the federal government during election campaigns may be possible if the centre continues to exhibit political weakness.
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Gin, Ooi Keat. "Chinese Vernacular Education in Sarawak during Brooke Rule, 1841–1946." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 3 (July 1994): 503–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00011847.

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The Chinese in Sarawak, like their counterparts in other parts of Southeast Asia (Nanyang), were staunch advocates of education where every Chinese community had its own school which was built, managed and financed by local resources, and largely independent of government control.
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Chin, James. "Sabah and Sarawak in the 14th General Election 2018 (GE14): Local Factors and State Nationalism." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 37, no. 3 (December 2018): 173–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341803700308.

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Many would argue that the main factors in Pakatan Harapan's victory were the 1MDB scandal, anti-Najib and anti-UMNO sentiments, and Mahathir's ability to penetrate the rural Malay constituencies so as to split the UMNO/PAS vote. In the East Malaysia states of Sabah and Sarawak, however, it was local factors and state nationalism that largely decided the outcome of GE14. In this article, I will argue that the rise of state nationalism means that the most potent political issue in contemporary East Malaysia is MA63 – or the 1963 Malaysia Agreement. MA63 gives Sabah and Sarawak autonomy in a wide range of areas. For the past half-century, the East Malaysia polity has felt that it has lost its autonomy in many areas stipulated in the MA63 agreement, due to the centralisation of bureaucratic powers by the federal government. This has created a strong sense of historical grievance among Sabahans and Sarawakians, especially the non-Muslim native communities. The MA63 issue combined with local factors such as the selection of candidates and internal party disputes as well as sabotage together better reflect the on-the-ground experience of GE14 in Sabah and Sarawak.
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Peter Aning Tedong, Zafirah Al Sadat Zyed, Rohana Jani, and Fathin Amelina Fazlie. "Rural Residents’ Perceptions on the Poverty Alleviation and Governance in Sarawak, Malaysia." International Journal of Business and Society 23, no. 2 (August 8, 2022): 649–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.33736/ijbs.4831.2022.

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Poverty alleviation has continuously become one of the main concerns of the socio-economic policy worldwide. This crucial phenomenon is bounded on necessity toward monetary and comprehends by social, economic, political, and physiological aspects. In Malaysia, although the New Economic Policy in 1971 has succeeded in reducing the country's poverty incident, poverty's pocket continues to exist with high incidences of poverty among specific ethnic groups and localities. For instance, rural poverty among the Iban community in Sarawak has occurred since Malaysian independence. Therefore, this paper examines the rural residents' perceptions of the State's role in poverty alleviation in Sarawak using a qualitative approach. Findings revealed that although the government has various programs to alleviate poverty, the social assistance related to poverty was not efficiently distributed in Sarawak's rural areas. This study also revealed that a lack of social infrastructures, such as road accessibility, has significantly influenced social assistance's efficiency distribution in rural areas.
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Najwa, Mohammad. "EKONOMI POLITIK INSTITUSI ZAKAT: SATU PENELITIAN TERHADAP INSTITUSI ZAKAT DI PULAU PINANG." JURNAL SYARIKAH : JURNAL EKONOMI ISLAM 3, no. 1 (June 21, 2017): 330. http://dx.doi.org/10.30997/jsei.v3i1.714.

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Institutional charity is a charity trustee body appointed by the Islamic government for a state or country aimed at governing the collection and distribution of zakat and all related recipients. In Malaysia, zakat management is under the responsibility of His Royal Highness (HRH) Sultan or King. However, for those states that do not have the monarch as Melaka, Sabah, Sarawak and Penang, zakat management is under the responsibility of His Majesty the Yang Di-Pertuan Agong (SPBA). In most states, the management and administration of charity performed by the State Islamic Religious Council (MAIN) and the state government as a representative of each of the sultan or king. Even so, the state of Malacca, Kuala Lumpur, Pahang, Negeri Sembilan, Selangor and Penang, management and administration is carried out by the institution's corporate charity. Out of the total of the country, the management and administration of the zakat institution in Penang is unique because the Penang State Government administration headed by a non-Muslim. The question is, how is the political economy of charity institutions in Penang under the administration of the state government led by the non-Muslim? Are the Penang state government plays a role in determining the direction of zakat institutions governance in Penang? Based on these issues, the study was conducted to identify and analyze the political economy of charity institutions in Penang. This study was performed using two methods of data collection, namely the first, methods study the document; and second, the interview method. The data collected is then analyzed using content analysis. The results of the analysis, it can be concluded three things. First, the establishment of Zakat Pulau Pinang (ZPP) is a strategy Majlis Agama Islam Negeri Pulau Pinang (MAINPP) to strengthen the political economy of charity institutions in Penang. Second, the economy and politics mutually need each other in charity governance institutions in Penang. Third, the political economy of charity institutions in Penang has made zakat governance in Penang more systematic and professional and have a positive impact on the improvement of collection and distribution of zakat in Penang.Keywords: Political Economy, Political Economy Institutions Zakat, Zakat Institution in Penang
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Fam, Shun Deng. "China Came, China Built, China Left?: The Sarawakian Experience with Chinese Dam Building." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 46, no. 3 (December 2017): 119–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261704600305.

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This paper uses a political ecology approach to unpack the experience of local governments and displaced communities in Sarawak, Malaysia, with Chinese dam construction at the Bakun Hydroelectric Dam. Data for the study was collected over 32 months from 2014 to 2016. The field site offered a unique insight into how recipient countries of aid are also often at the receiving end of domestic politics of donor countries. The paper finds that Chinese and Australian enterprises involved in the dam construction and resettlement of indigenous communities displayed different understandings with regards to social and environmental safeguards, resulting in a dysfunctional handover of the project from Australian to Chinese leadership. Consequently, indigenous communities were dispossessed from their land, affecting their ability to successfully reconstruct their livelihoods, with their attempts to do so causing further damage to the environment around the reservoir of the dam.
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Gin, Ooi Keat. "For Want of Rice: Sarawak's Attempts at Rice Self-Sufficiency During the Period of Brooke Rule, 1841-1941." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 29, no. 1 (March 1998): 8–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400021457.

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In Sarawak under the Brooke regime, efforts to promote rice cultivation were consistently overshadowed by the channelling of capital and labour to other more profitable economic pursuits. Measures to increase domestic rice output produced few results, and the failure of Brooke rice policy was amply demonstrated when the country faced a severe rice crisis in 1919-21. However, the lessons learnt during the crisis were soon forgotten, and despite government policies designed to reduce Sarawak's dependence on imported rice, little was accomplished during the next two decades.
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Glensor, Peter. "New Zealand primary health care policy and the role of a non-government organisation." Australian Journal of Primary Health 10, no. 3 (2004): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/py04050.

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I was asked to make the presentation this paper is based on1 following the collaboration between La Trobe University and Health Care Aotearoa over several years. La Trobe is the home of the Quality Improvement Council, of which Health Care Aotearoa is a member. That Council has been one of the international partners who have given validation and inspiration for us in Aotearoa/New Zealand in the field of community-based primary health care. My own background, as a Methodist minister for 20 years, followed a life-transforming year as an 18-year-old volunteer in Sarawak in 1969, and exposure internationally to struggles for social justice. In recent years I have become more directly involved in political engagement, at both the local body and national level, as an expression of my understanding of community development and health. I am Chairman of one of New Zealand?s 21 District Health Boards and am relishing the opportunity to lead a regional health organisation as it builds intersectoral linkages, embraces excellence in the delivery of health services, and addresses issues of disparities in health outcomes. I continue to be involved in national leadership of a number of non-government organisations (NGOs), and am taking a leading role in building a new national entity that can encompass the whole non-government organisation sector in New Zealand. All this work arises directly from the experiences and insights described in this paper.
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Harding, Andrew. "‘A Measure of Autonomy’: Federalism as Protection for Malaysia's Indigenous Peoples." Federal Law Review 46, no. 4 (December 2018): 557–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x1804600405.

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This article is a case study of federalism in Malaysia as applied to the East Malaysian states of Sabah and Sarawak, which joined the federation in 1963. It is only in the case of these two states, in the context of Malaysia, that federalism is designed to deal with ethnic issues, the majority in both states being Indigenous people. Protection of these states’ Indigenous people was a priority in 1963 and special status was given to these states in order to provide such protection. The study finds, nonetheless, that this special status has been eroded over the last 55 years by political interference by the federal government, and that the special status of these two states has proved ineffective, and indeed largely unacknowledged at the federal level. Accordingly, this study finds that federalism as protection for Indigenous people has been ineffective and the situation of the Indigenous people has as a result deteriorated over time. The solution, it is suggested, is through democratic empowerment at the state level and for federalism to provide deeper forms of constitutional protection.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Sarawak Politics and government"

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Mersat, Neilson Ilan. "Politics and business in Sarawak (1963-2004)." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/146562.

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Aeria, Andrew Charles Bernard. "Politics, business, the state and development in Sarawak 1970-2000." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.247638.

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Tucker, Penelope. "Government and politics : London 1461-1483." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297286.

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This thesis discusses the nature of London's governmental and political system and the part played by the city in the political, commercial and legal life of the nation in the late fifteenth century. The first three chapters examine the city's electoral processes, the backgrounds of its most senior governors, and the relationships between its governing bodies and other civic organisations, such as the city companies. From this, it emerges that Edwardian London's political system was hierarchical rather than oligarchic, even though its governors were able to secure election to high office without following a lengthy civic cursus honorum. However, change was already under way, as the aldermen came to rely less on the wards and more on the companies for political support and legitimisation. The more oligarchical style of government clearly visible in the sixteenth century can be shown to have had its roots in the late fifteenth century. Chapters Four and Five examine the effectiveness of the city's financial organisations and system of law courts. In raising revenue for both civic and royal purposes, the city was relatively efficient, though its methods were ponderous and their effectiveness was heavily dependent on individual financial officers. The city's law courts remained busy and responsive to the needs of litigants, contributing to the effectiveness and prestige of civic government by their activities. In the final chapter, London's place in national and international political events is considered. The governors' normal aim was, above all, to protect the city's interests. Although London played an important role in the wider political scene, it had that role largely thrust upon it by others. This stance helped to prevent the city from mirroring the national tumults of the late fifteenth century.
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Dorado, Maria-Cristina. "Local government politics in Pereira, Colombia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670328.

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Alketbi, Hamad. "An evaluation of e-government effectiveness in Dubai smart government departments." Thesis, Southampton Solent University, 2018. http://ssudl.solent.ac.uk/3809/.

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This PhD thesis examines the E-government implementation in Dubai and examines the critical success factors and barriers to a successful E-government implementation. The study is based on primary research conducted on the subject of E-government in the United Arab Emirates. The thesis critically reviewed extant literature on E-government implementation. The methodology used for this research is a mixed-methodological design comprising of quantitative survey of 450 employees of the Dubai Smart Government Department. A survey questionnaire was designed to assess the impact of various independent and dependent variables on the effectiveness of E-government implementation. To complement the shortcomings of the high level of abstraction often associated with quantitative methodology, a qualitative methodology was used which involved in-depth interviews with 25 middle and high ranking officials in the Dubai Smart Government Department. The results of these questionnaires and interviews helped provide a theoretical framework for the postulation of standard operating procedures, which could ensure the success of E-government implementation, in Dubai. The research analyses and discusses the primary data (questionnaire and interviews) to generate insights regarding the success of E-government implementation in Dubai. The analysis also examines the various factors which limit and hinder successful E-government implementations and offers recommendations for improvement. The study finds that some of the major barriers to E-government in Dubai include: technology, security, legal, monetary and strategic. Employees surveyed also generally expressed fear of complexity, system integration, data security, and job losses. Researchers have repeatedly shown that there is need for empirical based studies to understand contextually relevant aspects of E-government implementation in non-western contexts. This PhD thesis contributes to this debate with fresh empirical data sets from Dubai on E-government implementation including the identification of critical successes factors and barriers of a successful E-government implementation. This study also contributes theoretically by challenging the popular normative stage models with a more robust theoretical framework encompassing both human centeredness and context relevance. In so doing, the study came up with a tripartite approach comprising management support, cultural change, and system design. The study concludes that dynamic interplay between internal and external forces; socio-economic and technological factors (including maturity of ICT capabilities) are all relevant for a successful implementation of E-government in Dubai. This study’s key significance lies in its contribution to improve the implementation of a successful E-government in the UAE context, thereby leading to a development of a road map for facilitating practical implementation of strategies and reversing the declining trend of E-government participation in Dubai. In addition, the study’s emphasis on the public sector, could lead to strengthening of the role of E-government for administrative and institutional reform and inclusion in the public sector. The study could provide a useful guide both for the Dubai Smart Government Department and other E-government agencies in Arab regions and for internal stakeholders in the field who wish to gain insight into the process of E-government globally.
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Lee, Ronald Arthur. "Government and politics in Scotland, 1661-1681." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295339.

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Lorman, Thomas Anselm. "The domestic politics of the Bethlen government." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.269979.

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RIBEIRO, BERNARDO BARBOZA. "POLITICS OF GOVERNMENT ADVERTISING: EVIDENCE FROM BRAZIL." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2017. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=31792@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Usando uma base de dados inédita com informações sobre o gasto do governo federal brasileira com propaganda, nós lançamos luz sobre o comportamento de anunciantes do setor público a relação entre propaganda governamental e voto. Em particular, nós investigamos possíveis motivações políticas por trás da alocação do orçamento dedicado à propaganda governamental e seu impacto sobre voto. No espírito da literatura de distributive politics, primeiro nós calculamos a correlação entre gasto com anúncios por entes públicos e votos no partido do governo no nível local. Em seguida, nós exploramos a variação exógena gerada pela cobertura de sinais de rádio para testar a hipótese de que o gasto com propaganda aumenta os votos recebidos pelo partido do governo. Nossos resultados sugerem que, ainda que resultados de eleições passadas prevêem onde no território o governo anuncia, os eleitores não parecem ser persuadidos pelos anúncios a votar em favor do partido no poder.
Using a unique data set of central government expenditure on advertising in Brazil, we shed light on the behavior of public advertisers and the relation between government ads and voting. In particular, we investigate political motivations behind the allocation of the advertisement budget by the federal government and its impacts on voting. Borrowing insights from the literature of distributive politics, we first correlate ad money and votes for the government s party on the local level. Next, we exploit plausible exogenous variation on radio signal coverage to test if money spent on ads turn into votes for the government s party. Our findings show that although past presidential election outcomes predict where in the territory the government places ads, voters do not seem to be persuaded by those ads to favor the party in power.
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Hoyland, Bjorn Kare. "Government and opposition in EU legislative politics." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2902/.

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This thesis presents a model of EU legislative politics. The model sees national political parties as actors, rather than institutions, countries or trans-national party groups. The empirical focus is on the Codecision procedure after the Amsterdam reform came into effect in 1999. In essence, the thesis argues that governing parties dominate EU legislative politics. The governing parties' advantage stems from two factors. First, they are represented in the Upper House, the Council of Ministers, while opposition parties are not. Second, the shifting majority requirements in the European Parliament (EP) mean that a qualified majority in the Council can impose its preferences on the EP if the Council has the support from a blocking minority in the EP. Nevertheless, the qualified majority requirement in the Council also means that most governing parties would like to see a larger change in policy than what the Council can agree to in their common position. This has implications for the legislative strategy of both governing and opposition parties. Three hypotheses are tested. Hypothesis 1: Governing parties are more active as Codecision agenda- setters (rapporteurs) than opposition parties. Hypothesis 2: Rapporteurs from governing parties are more likely to see their initial legislative proposal being accepted by the Council of Ministers in the first reading. Hypothesis 3: The majority of governing parties and ideologically close opposition parties are more likely to support second reading amendments than other parties. The empirical evidence supports the hypotheses. Thus, there are empirical grounds for arguing that government and opposition exist in EU legislative politics. The governing coalition is the qualified majority of the governing parties and its ideologically close parties in the EP. The opposition is the losing minority in the Council and its ideologically close parties in the EP. The opposition also includes those parties that are neither ideologically close to the minority nor close to the majority of the governing parties. The evidence shows that behaviour differences are more evident between governing and opposition parties from adversarial member states. In non-adversarial states, which often have minority or oversized coalition government, the difference between governing and opposition parties is smaller.
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Durazo, Herrmann Julián. "Subnational politics and regime change in Mexico." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102799.

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What happens to subnational states when the parent federation undergoes a regime change process? This is a crucial question in understanding political processes in federal countries. The visible political differentiation amongst subnational states belonging to the same federation underscores the fact that some processes are at work that are being ignored by the literature's current focus on national developments. To fill this lacuna, I develop an analytical model that seeks to explain regional differentiation during federal regime change by focusing directly on subnational politics and institutions in comparative fashion, while accounting for the inescapable influence of broader federal actors and processes. In constructing this model, I draw extensively from the theories of federalism, regime change and political parties. I argue that the decision to initiate a transition in an authoritarian setting belongs to the federation. However, regional political actors mediate federal processes in their territory and give them a profoundly subnational logic. Regionally specific institutions, interests and histories thus become intangible frontiers between subnational politics and external processes. The constant repetition of this mechanism throughout the transition creates distinct subnational polities. To test my hypothesis, I study three cases in central-northern Mexico: Guanajuato, San Luis Potosi and Zacatecas.
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Books on the topic "Sarawak Politics and government"

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Hazis, Mohd Faisal Syam Abdol. Politics and local government in Sarawak. Kota Samarahan: Universiti Malaysia Sarawak, 2013.

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Ritchie, James. Sarawak: Kemenangan bermaruah. Petaling Java, Selangor, Malaysia: Pelanduk Publications, 1987.

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T, King Victor, ed. Ethnicity & electoral politics in Sarawak. Bangi: Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 2004.

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Pakatan dalam politik Sarawak. Bangi: Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 2006.

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Sarawak: The real deal. Kuching?]: Lina Soo, 2013.

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Amir, Jeniri. Politik Sarawak: Perspektif penganalisis. Kota Samarahan, Sarawak, Malaysia: Universiti Malaysia Sarawak, 2013.

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Jawan, Jayum A. The Iban factor in Sarawak politics. Serdang, Malaysia: Penerbit Universiti Pertanian Malaysia, 1993.

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Jitab, Kris. Sarawak awakens: Taib Mahmud's politics of development. Petaling Jaya, Selangor Darul Ehsan, Malaysia: Pelanduk Publications, 1992.

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G, Siva Kumar. Taib, a vision for Sarawak. Kuching, Sarawak, Malaysia: Jacamar, 1991.

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Ung-Ho, Chin. Chinese politics in Sarawak: A study of the Sarawak United People's Party. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Oxford University Press, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Sarawak Politics and government"

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Pettitt, Robin T. "Government." In Contemporary Party Politics, 162–77. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-41264-5_9.

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Diaz-Guerrero, Rogelio, and Lorand B. Szalay. "Government, Politics." In Understanding Mexicans and Americans, 175–90. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-0733-2_12.

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Jones, Bill. "Local government." In British politics, 342–58. Second edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: The basics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429199509-27.

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Game, Chris. "Local government." In Politics UK, 528–59. 10th ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003028574-32.

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Forman, F. N. "Local government." In Mastering British politics, 247–67. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11203-6_16.

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Forman, F. N., and N. D. J. Baldwin. "Local Government." In Mastering British Politics, 369–92. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-02159-5_17.

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Forman, F. N., and N. D. J. Baldwin. "Local Government." In Mastering British Politics, 338–65. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13493-9_16.

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Forman, F. N. "Local Government." In Mastering British Politics, 269–91. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17778-3_17.

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Coxall, Bill. "Quasi-government." In Contemporary British Politics, 160–78. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19867-2_8.

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Coxall, Bill. "Local Government." In Contemporary British Politics, 179–202. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19867-2_9.

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Conference papers on the topic "Sarawak Politics and government"

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Singh, Kuldip. "Relationship bewteen organizational politics, job satisfaction and organizational commitment in UiTM Sarawak." In 2012 IEEE Business Engineering and Industrial Applications Colloquium (BEIAC). IEEE, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/beiac.2012.6226087.

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Kelmendi, Jeton. "GOVERNMENT�S POLITICS FOR HIGH EDUCATION IN KOSOVO." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b12/s3.060.

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Li, Boyi, and Kyung Ryul Park. "Session details: Open Government Data Policies and Politics." In dg.o '17: 18th Annual International Conference on Digital Government Research. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3247602.

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Ronzhyn, Alexander. "Social Media Activism in Post-Euromaidan Ukrainian Politics and Civil Society." In 2016 Conference for E-Democracy and Open Government (CeDEM). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/cedem.2016.17.

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Zhang, Xuefeng. "Is High Housing Price the Responsibility of the Government?" In 2017 2nd International Conference on Politics, Economics and Law (ICPEL 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icpel-17.2017.6.

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"The Status Quo, Opportunities and Challenges of Local Government Financing Platform Transformation." In 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.02.

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"Research on the Legal System of Government and Social Capital Cooperation (PPP) Model." In 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.49.

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Nojoumian, Mehrdad, and Thomas Tran. "Computational Politics and Economy for the Establishment of an Integrated Intelligent Government." In 2006 Canadian Conference on Electrical and Computer Engineering. IEEE, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ccece.2006.277732.

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Huang, Yanxia. "Study on the Chinese Grass-roots Government on Administrative and Personnel Management." In 2017 2nd International Conference on Politics, Economics and Law (ICPEL 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icpel-17.2017.57.

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Chukwuere, Joshua Ebere, and Chijioke Francis Onyebukwa. "NEW MEDIA AND POLITICS: AN ASSESSMENT OF 2016 SOUTH AFRICAN LOCAL GOVERNMENT ELECTIONS." In 31st International Academic Conference, London. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/iac.2017.031.018.

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Reports on the topic "Sarawak Politics and government"

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Bassetto, Marco, and Thomas Sargent. Politics and Efficiency of Separating Capital and Ordinary Government Budgets. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, January 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w11030.

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Persson, Torsten, and Guido Tabellini. The Size and Scope of Government: Comparative Politics with Rational Politicians. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6848.

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Menes, Rebecca. The Effect of Patronage Politics on City Government in American Cities, 1900-1910. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6975.

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de Figueiredo, John, and Brian Silverman. How Does the Government (Want to) Fund Science? Politics, Lobbying and Academic Earmarks. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13459.

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Harvey, Paul, and Habiba Mohamed. The Politics of Donor and Government Approaches to Social Protection and Humanitarian Policies for Assistance During Crises. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/basic.2022.010.

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This paper examines social protection policy processes in fragile and conflict-affected settings (FCAS). It explores what the policies of donor governments, aid agencies, and crisis-affected governments reveal about the politics of assistance during crises, and how aid agencies are navigating tensions between humanitarian and development approaches to social assistance. It finds that social protection policies are prone to conflict blindness. Commitments to state-building often ignore dilemmas inherent in supporting states that are parties to ongoing conflicts and the political rather than technical challenges involved. Government social protection policies in FCAS often make little mention of the fact that war or conflict are taking place.
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Mitralexis, Sotiris. Deepening Greece’s Divisions: Religion, COVID, Politics, and Science. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp11en.

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Instead of being a time of unity and solidarity, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has proven to be a time of disunity, a time for deepening Greece’s divisions after a decade of crisis — on a spectrum ranging from politics to religion, and more im-portantly on the public discourse on religion. The present article offers a perspective on recent developments — by (a) looking into how the Greek government weapon-ized science in the public square, by (b) examining the stance of the Orthodox Church of Greece, by (c) indicatively surveying ‘COVID-19 and religion’ develop-ments that would not be covered by the latter, and last but not least by (d) discuss-ing the discrepancy between these two areas of inquiry in an attempt to explain it.
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Avis, William. Armed Group Transition from Rebel to Government. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), October 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.125.

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Governments and political parties with an armed history are not unusual, yet how these groups function during and after the transition from conflict has largely been ignored by the existing literature. Many former armed groups have assumed power in a variety of contexts. Whilst this process is often associated with brokered peace agreements that encourage former combatants to transform into political parties, mobilise voters, and ultimately stand for elections, this is not always the case. What is less clearly understood is how war termination by insurgent victory shapes patterns of post-war politics. This rapid literature review collates available evidence of transitions made by armed groups to government. The literature collated presents a mixed picture, with transitions mediated by an array of contextual factors that are location and group specific. Case studies are drawn from a range of contexts where armed groups have assumed some influence over government (these include those via negotiated settlement, victory and in contexts of ongoing protracted conflict). The review provides a series of readings and case studies that are of use in understanding how armed groups may transition in “post-conflict” settings.
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Asgedom, Amare, Shelby Carvalho, and Pauline Rose. Negotiating Equity: Examining Priorities, Ownership, and Politics Shaping Ethiopia’s Large-Scale Education Reforms for Equitable Learning. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), March 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2021/067.

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In 2018, the Government of Ethiopia committed to large-scale, donor-supported reforms aimed at improving equitable learning in the basic education system—the General Education Quality Improvement Program for Equity (GEQIP-E). In this paper, we examine the reform design process in the context of Ethiopia’s political environment as a strong developmental state, assessing the influence of different stakeholder priorities which have led to the focus on equity within the quality reforms. Drawing on qualitative data from 81 key informant interviews with federal and regional government officials and donors, we explore the negotiation and power dynamics which have shaped the design of the reforms. We find that a legacy of moderately successful reforms, and a shared commitment to global goals, paved the way for negotiations of more complex and ambitious reforms between government actors and donors. Within government, we identify that regional governments were only tokenistically included in the reform process. Given that regions are responsible for the implementation of these reforms, their limited involvement in the design could have implications for success.
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Ferguson, Thomas, Paul Jorgensen, and Jie Chen. The Knife Edge Election of 2020: American Politics Between Washington, Kabul, and Weimar. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp169.

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This paper analyzes the 2020 election, focusing on voters, not political money, and emphasizing the importance of economic geography. Drawing extensively on county election returns, it analyzes how spatial factors combined with industrial structures to shape the outcome. It treats COVID 19’s role at length. The paper reviews studies suggesting that COVID 19 did not matter much, but then sets out a new approach indicating it mattered a great deal. The study analyzes the impact on the vote not only of unemployment but differences in income and industry structures, along with demographic factors, including religion, ethnicity, and race. It also studies how the waves of wildcat strikes and social protests that punctuated 2020 affected the vote in specific areas. Trump’s very controversial trade policies and his little discussed farm policies receive detailed attention. The paper concludes with a look at how political money helped make the results of the Congressional election different from the Presidential race. It also highlights the continuing importance of private equity and energy sectors opposed to government action to reverse climate change as conservative forces in (especially) the Republican Party, together with agricultural interests.
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Walsh, Alex. The Contentious Politics of Tunisia’s Natural Resource Management and the Prospects of the Renewable Energy Transition. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.048.

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For many decades in Tunisia, there has been a robust link between natural resource management and contentious national and local politics. These disputes manifest in the form of protests, sit-ins, the disruption of production and distribution and legal suits on the one hand, and corporate and government response using coercive and concessionary measures on the other. Residents of resource-rich areas and their allies protest the inequitable distribution of their local natural wealth and the degradation of their health, land, water, soil and air. They contest a dynamic that tends to bring greater benefit to Tunisia’s coastal metropolitan areas. Natural resource exploitation is also a source of livelihoods and the contentious politics around them have, at times, led to somewhat more equitable relationships. The most important actors in these contentious politics include citizens, activists, local NGOs, local and national government, international commercial interests, international NGOs and multilateral organisations. These politics fit into wider and very longstanding patterns of wealth distribution in Tunisia and were part of the popular alienation that drove the uprising of 2011. In many ways, the dynamic of the contentious politics is fundamentally unchanged since prior to the uprising and protests have taken place within the same month of writing of this paper. Looking onto this scene, commentators use the frame of margins versus centre (‘marginalization’), and also apply the lens of labour versus capital. If this latter lens is applied, not only is there continuity from prior to 2011, there is continuity with the colonial era when natural resource extraction was first industrialised and internationalised. In these ways, the management of Tunisia’s natural wealth is a significant part of the country’s serious political and economic challenges, making it a major factor in the street politics unfolding at the time of writing.
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