Journal articles on the topic 'Saqqara New Kingdom necropolis'

Saqqara in particular, and the Memphite necropolis in general, constituted the arena for the prolific and significant monumental self-presentations of Prince Khaemwaset, fourth son of King Ramesses II (c. 1279–1213 BCE). The present paper explores the role of the prince in fashioning a persona that addressed past, present and future audiences. This discussion is used to contextualise results of the 2009 Saqqara Geophysical Survey Project, showing the greater-than-expected extent of the New Kingdom necropolis south of the Unas Causeway. It considers responses to the deep palimpsest of the sacred landscape of the Memphite necropolis by—and later commemorations within it of—this notable Ramesside individual.

Three tombs are described, all excavated by the EES–Leiden mission at Saqqâra in 1986. The first was built for Khay, ‘goldwasher of the Lord of the Two Lands’, and his wife, ‘the chantress of Amun’ Tawerethetepti. Most of the scenes are extant. The second, somewhat weather-damaged, is that of his son Pabes, ‘chief of bowmen of the tradesmen’. Both tombs are new architectural types for the Memphite necropolis. The third tomb dates to the end of the Eighteenth Dynasty, and was erected for Ramose, ‘chief of bowmen of the army’. One of the two shafts in the tomb leads, by way of a robbers' breakthrough, into the subterranean part of the tomb of Maya, treasurer of Tutankhamun, and his wife Merit, where a fine decorated chamber was found. The report concludes with details of work carried out on the skeletal material found in the 1985-6 seasons.

The inscriptions recovered from the looted necropolis of Kom el-Khamaseen, located in southwest Saqqara and dated between the end of the Old Kingdom and the beginning of the First Intermediate Period, document a hitherto unknown high priest of Memphis: Imephor Impy Nikauptah. This character must be incorporated into our prosopographical repertoires and placed in his historical and cultural context. This provides a good opportunity to return to the issue of the Memphite pontificate during the third millennium B.C. as a whole. The aim of this article is therefore to offer, on the one hand, a systematic and updated overview of the subject by integrating the new data from Kom el-Khamaseen, drawing upon the complete sources, and critically reviewing the literature on the matter. On the other hand, it is also about providing a new reasoned chronological list and a prosopography of the Memphite high priests of the Old Kingdom and the First Intermediate Period.

This report outlines the results of the 1993 season of the joint EES-Leiden Museum Expedition in the New Kingdom necropolis of Memphis at Saqqara. Excavations were started in the area south of the tomb of Horemheb, where a group of mud-brick tombs of the late Eighteenth and early Nineteenth Dynasty are situated. One of these, the tomb of Iniuia, Overseer of the Cattle of Amun and High Steward in Memphis, was excavated. One of the chapels is decorated with wall-paintings, and is the first of its kind to be found in this part of Saqqara in a reasonably good condition. The main chapel was covered with a mud-brick pyramid, the lower part of which is still in place. A number of reliefs and fragments, partly deriving from this pyramid-chapel and betraying Amarna influence, were found. The substructure of the tomb consists of two burial chambers. Progress was made with the study of pottery and skeletal material excavated during former seasons in the tomb-complex of Maya and Meryt. The tomb of Iniuia was restored and chapels A and B of the tomb of Maya were reconstructed.

The pottery analyzed this season was associated with the Lower Necropolis (areas of Chapel 14 of Ikhi/Mery and Chapel 13) from the late Old Kingdom as well as the Upper Necropolis from the Late through Roman periods, extant in this region. The assemblage from the Lower Necropolis supplemented the little known ceramic repertoire from the Saqqara phase II (Pepi I–Merenre). Of interest is a type of miniature vessel possibly connected with child burials. As for pottery from the Upper Necropolis, the form repertoire indicates that the area currently explored was the site of simple embalming caches.

The paper presents the exploration of the eastern bank of the Dry Moat by a team from the University of Warsaw, extending further south from the section unearthed in 2001. The team also uncovered a previously unknown Old Kingdom funerary complex in the area south of the tomb of Merefnebef. Burials of the Upper Necropolis were found in both sectors. Field conservation, an important part of the program, is discussed in the appendix.

Abstract An extensive Ptolemaic cemetery west of the Step Pyramid in Saqqara (Egypt), excavated since 1987 by a Polish mission headed by Karol Myśliwiec, has inspired the present study. Over 500 burials have been found so far in strata overlying the Old Kingdom necropolis. The aim of the paper is to present the plant remains discovered in burial contexts in 1987-2012 in the so-called Upper Necropolis. It emphasizes the results of their archaeobotanical analyses. The effects of research on plant remains from the Lower Necropolis are presented here to be used as a 2000 years older comparative material.

Saqqara, the necropolis of the first capital city of a unified Egypt, is best known today for the Step Pyramid of Pharaoh Djoser (2667–2648 B.C.). However, the Step Pyramid is only the most visible feature of this great burial site, and the tombs of many thousands of individuals are hidden beneath the sands, some excavated, others not. These human burials are only a part of Saqqara’s funerary history. This paper examines the catacombs of the numerous animals revered by the Egyptians at Saqqara and whose burial places have come to be known collectively as ‘The Sacred Animal Necropolis’ (SAN). First amongst these, both in importance and inception, was the Apis bull, the living image (ba) of Ptah, creator god of Memphis. However, it was the work conducted by Professor W.B. Emery (1903–1971) which brought to light the burial place of the Mother of the Apis as well as those for ibises, falcons, and baboons and which has provided much of what we know of the Sacred Animal Necropolis at North Saqqara. More recent work has built upon the discoveries made by Emery and others and taken a new approach to these subterranean catacombs for sacred animals.

The National Museums of Scotland is engaged in producing an up-to-date archaeological and sub-surface geophysical map of an interesting and little explored area of the necropolis of Memphis at Saqqara. The area concerned comprises the Gisr el-Mudir (also known as the ‘Great Enclosure’) at the southern boundary, the open valley between the Sekhemkhet complex and the Gisr el-Mudir stretching north to the Serapeum and containing the L-shaped enclosure at the Old Kingdom tombs around the mastaba of Ptahhotep, the area of the Serapeum and its dependencies and the valley to the north-west of the Sacred Animal complex down to the edge of the remnant lake at Abusir in the north. Structural details, ceramics, archaeological contexts, human and animal skeletal remains from sondage trenches excavated to confirm geophysical anomalies are described and discussed.

In this article, we take a closer look at the process and contents of caching in the Sacred Animal Necropolis at North Saqqara. Most of the contents of the approximately 68 caches are unpublished, but we are using the information preserved in the excavation archive held at the Egypt Exploration Society in London. This study has three parts. First, we take a closer look at the conceptual categorization of caches, followed by a review of a particular deposition practice, that of foundation deposits. Then we consider in detail four caches of bronzes found during British excavations at the North Saqqara Sacred Animal Necropolis. Finally, we argue that these caches point towards a conceptual blending of foundation deposits with other categorizations of caches in the Late and Ptolemaic periods, opening up the possibility that new types of foundation deposits, otherwise unrecognized, may be added to the known corpus.

After having finished the excavation in a zone located west of the Step Pyramid and spanning the area between the pyramid enclosure wall and the eastern border of the Dry Moat, the Polish–Egyptian mission started a new project aiming at a complex investigation of the Dry Moat. A geophysical survey of the area and excavations during these two campaigns focused on the east and west rock-hewn walls of the Moat, thus completing earlier research done in this part of the excavation field. A further part of the Upper Necropolis, containing simple burials from the Ptolemaic period, was unearthed and the exploration of the tomb inscribed for Ikhi/Mery and his namesake son was continued. Clearing the facade of the latter led to the discovery of another funerary structure cut in the rock below the general’s tomb. The floor of the upper tomb turned out to be the ceiling of the lower one. Preparations for the exploration of the new structure were made in 2014.

The National Museums of Scotland are engaged in producing an up-to-date archaeological and subsurface geophysical map of an interesting and little explored area of the necropolis of Memphis at Saqqara. The area comprises the Gisr el-Mudir (also known as the ‘Great Enclosure’) at the southern boundary, the open valley between the Sekhemkhet complex and the Gisr el-Mudir stretching north to the Serapeum and containing the L-shaped enclosure at the Old Kingdom tombs around the mastaba of Ptahhotep, the area of the Serapeum and its dependencies, and the valley to the north-west of the Sacred Animal complex down to the edge of the remnant lake at Abusir in the north. The geology, topography, structural details, techniques and instruments for geophysical prospection, methods of interpretation and results of our research are described and discussed. The conclusions draw on the significance of our work using geophysical prospection methods and sondage trenches to find the best solution for archaeological work in desert conditions.

Outline of the work undertaken at the Sacred Animal Necropolis at North Saqqara in 1992. The purpose of the project was to supplement information recorded by previous EES missions to the site and to apply recently developed analytical methods, particularly metrical analyses. Although the work represents a new study, it is also intended to facilitate the publication of the site currently being undertaken by H. S. Smith.

The recent works in the 2017 season at the North Asasif Necropolis have led to the discovery of Middle Kingdom burial assemblages, as well as funerary equipment dated to the Third Intermediate Period. Besides the cleaning work conducted in the funerary complex of Meru revealed more materials from the Late Roman Era, which proves the existence of the coptic hermitage inside the tomb. This new archaeological evidence provides an important insight into the development of the North Asasif Necropolis during the Pharaonic era and in later periods. The fourth season of the archaeological fieldwork at the site focused on seven Middle Kingdom funerary complexes: tomb of Khety (TT 311), MMA 509, MMA 511, MMA 512, MMA 514, MMA 515 and tomb of Meru (TT 240).

This paper attempts to introduce a research tool essential for the study of production and trade and the way they were organized in ancient Egypt by examining marl clay pottery fabrics from the New Kingdom. Marl clay was the preferred raw material for the containers used in the transport of food within the Nile Valley and beyond. Sample sherds from Memphis, Saqqara and Amarna are described and illustrated macroscopically (20 × magnification) and microscopically (from thin sections). The results are used to create a concordance between the fabric classifications used at these sites, and with that used at Qantir and with the Vienna System. The data given will allow other archaeologists to link their own material to that described and so have access to the evidence this pottery provides on chronology and commodity exchange.

Continued archaeological surveys at two sites in the Gebelein area, the Northern Necropolis and the temple complex, have contributed new data for a better understanding of the ancient remains. Geophysical anomalies detected in 2015 in the western part of the Northern Necropolis should now be interpreted most probably as tombs with mud-brick walls. Mounds of earth in the central part of the necropolis yielded numerous artifacts dating from between the Naqada I and the early Old Kingdom periods; they are likely to have been dumped from a nearby settlement site, probably the ancient town of Sumenu. Work in the temple complex was aimed at protecting the structure made of inscribed mud-bricks dating from the Twenty-first Dynasty.

Ancient archaeological sites contain numerous pottery objects that suffered from different deterioration factors. This study aims to use different analytical methods to study the chemical and mineralogical composition and identification of deterioration aspects of some ancient Egyptian pottery jars from Saqqara excavation. Thus, to explain the deterioration factors' mechanisms and apply the proper conservation methods to the deteriorated pottery jars. AutoCAD, digital microscope, scanning electron microscope (SEM-EDX), and x-ray diffraction (XRD) were used to clarify the preservation states of pottery jars. The results of the investigation revealed that the selected jars suffered from different cracks, salts crystallization, some surface black spots, separation of the slip layer, and heterogeneity in the grains size. XRD analysis revealed that quartz, diopside, illite, muscovite, orthoclase, anorthite, and hematite are the main components of the jars. SEM-EDX analysis showed high concentrations of chlorides and sulfate salts, besides the presence of manganese oxide. Different treatments were performed for the pottery jars include mechanical and chemical cleaning. Additionally, the completion process was done by using a mixture of dental gypsum with grog. Moreover, the consolidation process was achieved by using paraloid B-72.

Publication of a tomb-chapel of the reign of Ramesses IV excavated in the mid-1920s and recorded by Gunn (stela in Neuchâtel, Musée d'Ethnographie, Eg.428). Discussion of the plans of offering-rooms in Memphite New-Kingdom chapels, stelae found in such chapels, stelae set up for their masters by servants/retainers, the Royal Butler Hori, royal butlers in general (particularly those temp. Ramesses IV), Saqqara tomb-chapels of royal butlers, a characteristically Ramesside man-determinative.

The North Asasif Necropolis, adjacent to the New Kingdom temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el Bahari, has been the subject of several excavations over the past century, first by H.E. Winlock in the early 20th century, and since 2013 by the Asasif Project. Most of the tombs in the necropolis are rock-cut tombs of honored officials dating to the Middle Kingdom. One of these officials, named Khety, was buried in a tomb designated by Winlock as MMA 508 (also known as Theban Tomb 311), though the tomb was subsequently reused for another burial (or burials) during the Third Intermediate Period. Though Winlock excavated this tomb in the early 20th century, he left much archaeological material behind, and systematic documentation of this excavation debris by the Asasif Project has yielded a wealth of information. This study focuses specifically on the human remains recovered from MMA 508 during the 2019 season. Despite the commingled nature of the MMA 508 assemblage, much information has been gleaned from the human remains. The remains of at least twenty individuals, including infants and children as well as adults, were recovered from the tomb debris. Evidence for systemic physiological stress and infection was observed in some of the remains, and both male and female individuals were identified. Various aspects of body treatment testify to the elite status of the individuals interred in this tomb. The relatively high percentage of sub-adult remains may support theories that the tombs in this part of the necropolis were sometimes used as multi-generational family tombs. Further study of the human remains from MMA 508 may shed light on burial practices from the Middle Kingdom and Third Intermediate Period.

Muu dancers are one of the most common elements in the funerary processions represented in the private Theban tombs of the New Kingdom, especially in the 18th dynasty. This paper aims to analyse the main characteristics of the representation of these male individuals that appear only on private tombs located in different necropolises. It will also try to understand the ritual meaning of these dancers through the attested images, an enigmatic procedure that has been interpreted in different ways by several authors. In addition, the distribution of these scenes both inside and outside the Theban necropolis will be analysed to understand the diffusion of this type of representations during the Egyptian New Kingdom. Thus, firstly I will make a description of the funerary processions painted or engraved on the walls of the private tombs. Secondly, I will describe the muu dancers following Brunner-Traut’s classification and include the representations attested, comparing them to analyse the common features of these male dancers.

We describe the molecular identification of human tuberculosis (TB) from vertebral bone tissue samples from three different populations of ancient Egypt. The specimens were obtained from the predynastic to early dynastic necropolis of Abydos (7 individuals, c. 3500–2650 B.C.), from a Middle Kingdom to Second Intermediate Period tomb of the necropolis of Thebes-West (37, c. 2100–1550 B.C.) and from five further Theban tombs used in the New Kingdom and the Late Period (39, c. 1450–500 B.C.). A total of 18 cases tested positive for the presence of ancient DNA (aDNA) of the M. tuberculosis complex. Out of the 9 cases with typical macromorphological signs of tuberculous spondylitis, 6 were positive for mycobacterial aDNA (66·7%). Of 24 cases with non-specific pathological alterations, 5 provided a positive result (20·8%). In 50 cases of normally appearing vertebral bones 7 tested positive (14·0%). There were only minor differences in the frequencies between the three populations. These data strongly support the notion that tuberculosis was present and prevalent in ancient Egypt since very early periods of this civilization. The unexpectedly high rate of mycobacterial aDNA in normal bone samples is presumably due to a pre- to perimortal systemic spread of the bacteria and indicates a generalized infection by M. tuberculosis.

An important set of false door stelae with polychrome and hieroglyphic inscriptions have been found, throughout several excavation campaigns, in the necropolis of the First Intermediate Period/Early Middle Kingdom at Herakleopolis Magna. A part of this set is preserved in the National Archaeological Museum (Madrid), while other stelae are stored in the Cairo Museum and in the warehouses of the Ministry of Antiquities located at Ehnasya el-Medina. The conservation and restoration of these objects was undertaken following the criteria recommended by national and international regulations and institutions. The works have been carried out in the National Archaeological Museum and the workshop of the Spanish Archaeological Mission in Ehnasya el-Medina. The stelae presented a heterogeneous and different state of conservation; while some were complete, others were in a fragmentary state. With the purpose of returning the stelae to their original morphology and identity, the treatments applied have essentially consisted of: cleaning, consolidation, material reintegration and volumetric recovery. After restoration, new interesting aspects about the necropolis and the people buried there have come to light.

The ancient Egyptian rock-cut tomb of Nesemnau in the north-eastern part of the Giza Necropolis was explored by the Russian Archaeological Mission of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS in 2015–2017 and 2020. Archaeological study of the three tomb shafts revealed repeated violation of the filling layers due to the numerous robberies; as a result, the original burials of the Old Kingdom were destroyed, and later pottery (827 out of 2602 ceramic samples) and artifacts entered these complexes. Pottery analysis dating from the New Kingdom to the beginning of the 20th century allows speculating on the formation of thieves’ debris in the burial shafts of this tomb. Obtained data indicates repeated human intervention into the tomb, occurring apparently in the Late Period (possibly in order to create secondary burials), in Ptolemaic and Byzantine times, in the Middle Ages and in Modern times (during the robbery). Fragments from the same vessels are present in the fillings of all the shafts in Nesemnau’s tomb; therefore, they ended in these burial complexes at the same time as a result of the one and the same group of robbers’ activities. The latest ceramic fragments belonging to the zir-jars of the 19th — early 20th centuries indicate terminus ante quem of plundering. It is probable that the increase of tourism and the beginning of large-scale archaeological excavations in Giza Necropolis at that time intensified the thieves’ activity at the ancient site.

Позднеантичный некрополь столицы Азиатского Боспора преимущественно состоит из погребений второй половиной IV - первой половиной V в. н. э. Что может быть обусловлено раскопками локальных участков кладбища. В этом контексте интересна находка грунтового склепа под курганом Южного некрополя Фанагории, которому и посвящена эта публикация. Однокамерный грунтовый склеп состоял из дромоса и камеры, в которой стоял единственный гроб с погребением пожилого мужчины. С ним найдены: амфора, ремень с железной пряжкой, нож в деревянных ножнах, кремень и статер боспорского царя Фофорса 303/304 гг. н. э. Монета могла быть использована в качестве «обола Харона». Гробница появилась в начале IV в. - после 303 г. н. э. Она относится к редкой группе склепов, построенных для погребения одного мужчины, в то время как подавляющее большинство подобных гробниц являются семейными усыпальницами. Традиция индивидуальных погребений в склепах существовала у жителей Фанагории на протяжении всей позднеантичной эпохи. Не исключено, что так хоронили некоторых заслуженных граждан, возможно воинов. Нельзя исключать связи этой традиции с утверждением новой христианской погребальной обрядности на Боспоре Киммерийском. The late Antiquity necropolis in the capital of the Asian Bosporan Kingdom predominantly consists of graves from the second half of 4th - first half of the 5 centuries AD, which may be explained by the excavations of the cemetery local sections. In this context, of interest is the discovery of an in-ground vault under the kurgan of the Southern Necropolis in Phanagoria which is described in this paper. The one-chamber in-ground vault consisted of a dromos and a burial chamber that contained only one coffin with a buried elderly male. Other finds include an amphora, a belt with an iron buckle, a knife in a wooden scabbard, a firestone and a stater of Fophors, king of the Bosporan Kingdom, dating 303/304. The coin was probably used as the Charon's obol. The tomb was made early in the 4th century, i. e. after 303. It is referred to a rare group of vaults built to bury only one male whereas most similar tombs are family vaults. It is quite possible that some distinguished citizens, maybe, warriors were buried individually like this. We cannot exclude a link between this tradition and development of a new Christian funerary rite in Cimmerian Bosporus.

The article presents a particular group of objects – stone offering tables – uncovered in the mastaba AS 54 at Abusir South (Egypt) during the excavations of the Czech Institute of Egyptology, and on the basis of their classification reconsiders the so far published material of the same kind. Among the group of stone tables which represent common types that are to be found in publications of previous excavations, a peculiar piece was reconstructed from the fragments that were brought to light in the Spring season, 2010. The unusual features clearly visible on the lower part can be regarded as a kind of support for a stand that has not been considered for stone tables so far. Such a hypothesis was supported by another piece of a stone table that was documented a year later and bore the same feature. Moreover, another piece of an offering table found at the royal necropolis of Abusir seems to bear traces of a similar depression. Based on the new material, the author presents the available types of stone offering tables, interprets their construction possibilities and further historical development implications. The results of the analysis point to a well organized system of stone table production and general knowledge of the craftsmen who created them.

The Thebes Limestone Formation of Lower Eocene age is one of the most extensive rock units in Egypt. It is of importance to the apogee of the ancient Egyptian civilization, particularly in Luxor (South-Central Egypt), where the rock formation hosts the Theban Necropolis, a group of funerary chambers and temples from the New Kingdom Egyptian era (3500–3000 BP). In this work, we investigated the petrophysical and rock mechanical properties (e.g., rock strength, critical crack stress thresholds) through laboratory tests on eleven rock blocks collected from one area within the Theban Necropolis known as the Valley of the Kings (KV). The blocks belong to Member I of the Thebes Limestone Formation, including six blocks of marly limestone, three blocks of micritic limestone, one block of argillaceous limestone from the Upper Esna Shale Formation, and one block of silicified limestone of unknown origin. Special attention was given to the orientation of bedding planes in the samples: tests were conducted in parallel (PA) and perpendicular (PE) configurations with respect to bedding planes. We found that the marly limestone had an average unconfined compressive strength (UCS) of 30 MPa and 39 MPa for the PA and PE tests, respectively. Similarly, the micritic limestone tests showed an average UCS of 24 MPa for the PA orientation and 58 MPa for the PE orientation. The critical crack thresholds were the first ever reported for Member I, as measured with strain gauge readings. The average crack initiation (CI) stress thresholds for the marly limestone (PA: 14 MPa) and the micritic limestone (PA: 11 MPa; PE: 24 MPa) fall within the typical ratio of CI to UCS (0.36–0.52). The micritic limestone had an average Young’s modulus (E) of 19.5 GPa and 10.3 GPa for PA and PE, respectively. The Poisson’s ratios were 0.2 for PA and 0.1 for PE on average. Both marly and micritic limestone can be characterised by a transverse isotropic strength behaviour with respect to bedding planes. The failure strength for intact anisotropic rocks depends on the orientation of the applied force, which must be considered when assessing the stability of tombs and cliffs in the KV and will be used to understand and improve the preservation of this UNESCO World Heritage site.

Almost four decades after its discovery was initially announced, the Celtic necropolis in Karaburma, a suburb of Belgrade, is still one of the most important archaeological sites for the interpretation of the historical, economic, and cultural processes taking place in the central Balkans from the 4th to the end of the 1st centuries B.C. Most of all, it represents a wide-ranging source for explaining the chronology of the oldest Celtic presence in this area, also illustrating cultural exchanges in the network in which they were included. In this necropolis, belonging to the regional military elite, there are several graves in which, in addition to standard offerings relating to the regional material culture, items originating from a wider cultural area were found. Amongst these, grave number 22, the subject of our research, is especially important. In this grave were found objects mainly made of bronze and iron, with a smaller fragment of pottery. The iron items represent the attire of the deceased and his offensive weapons, while bronze items are characteristically imported vessels and a smaller bronze ring (figs. 1, 2). The imported vessels are represented by the well-known situla and cup. According to the basic typological scheme, we can classify the situla within the large group of ovoid situlae with the leaf-shaped or the so-called heart-shaped ornament under the attachment (figs. 1, 9; 2; 3, 7). According to the typological scheme here suggested, the situla found in Karaburma belongs to the first group, namely to its variant b (Ib), which is characterized by situlae with a leaf-shaped ornament on the attachment, separately cast and then pinned down or soldered to the body of the vessel (fig. 3, 7). Also belonging to this group are situlae from Skillountia, Goce Delcev (fig. 3, 8), V?rbica (fig. 3, 9) and from Chirnogi (fig. 3, 10). Situlae from Budva (fig. 3, 11) and Belgrade (fig. 3, 12) should also be included here, probably the one from Bitola as well. According to the analysis here presented, we have attributed the situla to the work of Macedonian workshops of the 4th century, to which other situlae, initially recorded in the contexts of Celtic provenance, have finally been included, and which ended up in the graves of Celtic dignitaries as exclusive imports of particular social conditions and ideological features. The other bronze vessel, considering its size, metric relations, technical and stylistic execution, we interpret as a cup, or at least as some kind of transitional form, since it is somewhat more shallow when compared to actual cups, and significantly taller compared to phiale (figs. 1, 10; 2). The context in which it was found indicates that it must have been used as a drinking cup in a set, together with the ovoid situla. Similar phiale were a very popular form in Thrace in the 4th century (fig. 7, 2-3), but the greatest resemblance can be seen in the phiale from Peretu, from the Thraco-Getian area to the north (fig. 7, 1). Characteristics of the form and style of the cup from Karaburma enabled its classification among the later variants or transitional forms of cups, seen in the context of the bronze production of Northern Greece, i.e. Macedonia. It is important for the period of the midto late 4th century, in other words, it completely matches with the chronological background and location of the ovoid situla with the leaf-shaped ornament under the attachment. In the analysis of weapons belonging to a Celtic warrior buried in grave 22, an iron sword with preserved fragments of a scabbard made of iron sheet (fig. 1, 1-2) stands out. Comparative analysis has characterized the sword as an exceptionally late form of the group Kosd D, attributed to the phase Lt B2. However, the slightly accentuated biconical shape of the scabbard?s end also points to certain elements of the group Kosd C. In the Carpathian basin the group Kosd C represents a rather rare form, which as a cultural innovation spread westwards, thus the Karaburma necropolis in Belgrade represents their southeastern, furthest point of expansion. To this same time frame also belongs the sword belt chain set (fig. 1, 5-6). Typological and spatial analysis has shown that chain belts with single figure-ofeight links, exactly the same as the ones found in grave 22, are relatively rare in that region. Asimilar sword belt set was found in the Benacci necropolis in Bologna, also containing a sword inside a scabbard decorated with a pair of dragons of the II type according to Jose-Maria De Navarro. Alongside it was also found a spear-butt with a spike which by its workmanship, closely resembles precisely the spear-butt with a long spike and the massive conical lower part from grave 22 (fig. 1, 4). Unlike the complete sword belt chain set and the sword, the spear-butt was isolated, but perhaps we can connect the bronze ring with it (fig. 1, 3). Given its size, it was probably the grip which was strengthening the spot at which the spear-butt was inserted into it. Aspecial feature of grave 22 are two highly fragmented remains of fibulae (fig. 1, 7-8). The spring of the larger fibula stands out, with two winders on each side, and with an external arch (fig. 1, 7), which dates from the late Lt B2 phase and the transitional horizon B2/C1. It has long been accepted as fact that the Celts inhabited the area between the rivers Sava and Danube from as early as the second half and towards the end of the 4th century, while the Scordisci, as such, formed only after the defeat at Delphi. However, the process of the Celtic expansion was already happening at the beginning of the 4th century, and it spread along the main communication routes, the rivers, with strategic points first to be settled. Only after several decades of consolidation, or only upon the return from the military expedition to the south of the Balkan peninsula, was the whole area inhabited by the Celts by the end of the 4th century. This historically suggested claim always necessarily led to the question of chronological positioning and the distance between phases Lt B2 and Lt C2. Most authors dealing with this matter have held that phase Lt B2 was supposed to have finished after the Celtic invasion of the southern Balkans, i.e. some time in the 3rd century. However, this assessment does not seem entirely correct, since most objects of La T?ne cultural provenance found in the Aegean region and Asia Minor stem from the initial Lt C horizon, which means that the expedition to Delphi cannot represent an absolute chronological border between the Lt B2 and C1. The absence of indicative elements of the material culture of the Lt B horizon in the Aegean area and Anatolia indicates that they already had to be completely out of fashion by the time of the expedition. In brief - after the dissolution of Lisimachus? kingdom and the murder of Seleucus I in 281 B.C., there was a military and political power vacuum in the region of Macedonia and Thrace. The opportunity was seized by Celts from the region of the lower Danube, who set out towards ?the South?. In 279 B.C. one of the three groups, led by Bolgios (i.e. Belgius), defeated the Macedonian royal army, and Ptolemy Ceraunus himself got killed. In the summer of the same year, Brennus reached central Greece, i.e. Delphi; having suffered a defeat, the larger portion of the army was stationed in the region of Thrace, after a logical retreat. There they received an offer from Nicomedus I of Bythinia who hired 20,000 of them as mercenaries, hence their penetration into Asia Minor in 278 and 277 B.C. On the other hand, the archaeological findings from the mentioned area, connected with these events, indicate that it can and must be classified within the Lt C1 phase. An additional argument in favour of an earlier dating is also offered by a pair of two-part anklets, with eight hollow semispherical bosses with no ornaments, found in the Spanos well in the vicinity of Poseidon?s sanctuary in Isthmia. Previously, Rupert Gebhard had held that these findings should be brought into connection with the incursion of 279 B.C., dating from his horizon 5, i.e. between c. 290 and 260 B.C. However, Isabelle Raubitschek demonstrated the opposite, pointing to several details: firstly, since the remnants of the Celtic army after their defeat withdrew through the Thermopylae, it is unlikely that on the way back anyone would pass through Isthmia; secondly, similar anklets were also found in the Heraion of Perachora, and finally and most importantly, that they were found in an enclosed context, together with the kylix-krater, meaning that they must date from the third quarter of the 4th century. To her conclusions we can now add two other possible perspectives: 1. - regarding the chronology, the most important fact is that the pair of two-part anklets is evidently much older than previously thought. From the historical perspective, the information on the enclosed context, i.e. that similar findings were also found in the complexes of Greek sanctuaries, is of great importance. 2. - dating clearly shows that these anklets cannot be connected with war or looting, i.e. cannot be seen as spoil from the expedition to Delphi to be sacrificed by the victors. In fact, that context points to a small, but recognizable segment from the range of diplomatic gifts which circulated between the Greek world and the Celtic aristocrats from the region of the middle course of Danube. On the other hand, among the graves of the La T?ne cultural provenance containing findings which originated from Greek, i.e. Macedonian workshops, and which predate the time of the military expedition to the south of the Balkan peninsula, apart from the finding of a bronze cup from the end of the 4th century found in Szabolc in Hungary, only Karaburma grave 22 stands out. Both findings were included by Miklos Szab? among those which preceded the expedition to Delphi, although it is possible that they reached the Celtic world after that event. He also mentioned that it was becoming increasingly evident that this was more than just a case of military spoil or loot, which he concluded on the basis of the presence of less valuable items. This claim led M. Szab? into a trap: if the items, mostly from the 4th century, presupposed contacts of the Celtic inhabitants with the Aegean world, it would be necessary to date their settlement, i.e. the phase Lt B2, in the 4th century, and thus in the period significantly earlier than the expedition to Delphi. Furthermore, a bronze lekythos was found in a slightly younger grave 18/64 on the Hurbanovo site, in the same cultural and historical context. This is a lekythos of the Talcot type, frequently found in Greece, Thrace and Macedonia, dating back to the end of the 4th and the first half of the 3rd century. On the mentioned site it was chronologically classified in the transitional horizon Lt B2/C1, which according to Jozef Bujna was the period after the military expedition to the Balkans. The same researcher held that the grave 22 from Karaburma should also be included in that time frame. However, what if J. Bujna was wrong on this matter, given that he opted for a conservative dating of the set of vessels? Based on the above, we might actually consider placing the absolute dating of the Lt C1 phase in the 4th century - the century during which the production of such lekythoi flourished, as did their laying in Macedonian graves. Implicitly, such dating is also confirmed by the items of the La T?ne provenance, found in the region of the southern Balkans, i.e. the Aegean area. They all exhibit formal characteristics typical of the Lt C. Consequently, it can be concluded that the beginning of the Lt C horizon must be sought in the period immediately preceding the expedition to ?the South?. In connection with that, it was precisely J. Bujna who demonstrated that certain graves in the necropolises of the Lt C were found on the periphery, which he interpreted as a possible clue for recognizing the newcomers, i.e. those who returned from the Balkan expedition. Aurel Rustoiu also came to a similar conclusion, having systematically analyzed the equipment of the warrior elites, the socalled mercenaries from the Aegean world. The declining number of male graves in the period between Lt B1 and Lt C1, among other things, also led Peter Ramsl to hypothesize that numerous warriors hired as mercenaries never returned to their homes. Related to this, significant data in the analysis of the share of warrior graves in the necropolises of the Carpathian basin was provided by A. Rustoiu. He showed that the share of warrior graves, i.e. graves with weapons in Lt B2 phase, is higher than of those in the Lt C1. However, the Karaburma necropolis is an exception also in this respect, since the share of the warrior graves is significantly higher than in the other necropolises belonging to both phases. Thus in the Lt C1 it is 48%, while in the Lt B2 it is as high as 70%. On the basis of the collected data, he hypothesized that there were two types of societies in the Carpathian basin: agricultural communities with reduced military elites, and military communities which represented social aristocracy and which formed the core for military and war expeditions, and also constituted the basis for the recruitment of mercenaries. The latter transcended ethnic bounds, given that they were selected on an individual basis, which is clearly reflected in the changeability and different origin of the equipment of warriors. Findings of bronze vessels tie in with this neatly, if we interpret them as a result of contacts and a substitute for the traditional late La T?ne pottery set, consisting of a ceramic bowl (phiale), and a vessel for liquids (situla-like pot or lenticular bottle). Both situla and phiale are standard items, frequent, widespread, and the most indicative parts of solemn ritual banquets and feasts, as shown by numerous and explicit findings from the rich graves of Thracia and Anatolia. However, they were still an essential part of the Greek culture, commonly used in religious, mystical ceremonies. Although we frequently encounter them in hoards and, of course, temples, with rare exceptions mostly due to insufficient knowledge on the item?s context of finding, those situlae and phiale were, almost as a rule, part of luxury sets, indicating rich graves of those belonging to the highest social and political strata of the society. This is the reason why they were often interpreted as burial insignia, used to sanctify the burial space and to encourage eternal deification, divine vitality and the rebirth of a deceased dignitary; in other words, it is thought that they exhibited power and authority in both Thracian and Getian graves. However, the Celts could also have used these vessels at funeral feasts and banquets, just as they were used in their country of origin, since we know that in the graves of the Celtic dignitaries everything was laid that they possessed in their lifetime, especially sets of dishes, for the purpose of ensuring an unbroken cycle of rebirth. It has been further suggested that the bronze vessels were used for the ceremonies of libation, but also for trade and exchange, while the silver drinking cups and luxury sets made of precious metals were used for burial feasts and diplomatic banquets during negotiations and/or when concluding agreements, simply as keimelia or as a ritual device for expressing deeply held and widely accepted eschatological practices and new trends. However, both could have been quite practically used for bribing - both people and gods! Finally, the imported vessels from Karaburma, classified as Macedonian products from the 4th century, should now be viewed as the northernmost findings of a complete symposiastic set, but also in the context of other vessels imported from Macedonia found in the graves with the features of the La T?ne culture. It is unlikely that they represent war spoils from Greece or other parts. The idea that the situla and phiale from the grave 22 of the Karaburma necropolis inaugurated direct contact between the Celts and Macedonians seems more likely. The items could have reached the 4th century Celtic dignitaries of the Danube region as keimelia - diplomatic gifts, or could have simply arrived by a trade route from the northern parts of Macedonia. In that sense, we should also remember those modest, but for this case invaluable records found in the historical sources connected with this period. It has been thought that the Celtic presence dates back to as early as the time of the defeat and expulsion of the Ardiaei in 359/358 B.C., as recorded by Theopompus. However, there are reliable records of their embassy to Alexander the Great while he was engaged with the Tribali in 335 B.C., as reported by Arrian. Precisely those could have been the points of direct contact between the highest ranking military and political dignitaries of the Celts and the aristocrats and diplomats of the Macedonian state. From all this it can be concluded that the Karaburma necropolis is truly an exception, representing the southernmost point of Celtic militarized expansion, where the military social aristocracy was stationed. The region where the Sava and Danube meet thus became an area where technological innovations concentrated and developed, and also the space where the political, military and economic contacts filtered. All this is vividly illustrated by grave 22 in the necropolis, chosen precisely because of those features. Weapons, i.e. the sword of the Celtic dignitary who was buried there, indicate the technological tradition of the early La T?ne. In the same tradition were fashioned the fibulae which, in an unchanged form, remain in the repertoire of accessories at the beginning of the middle La T?ne period, just as, on the other hand, the sword and the shape of its scabbard indicate the beginning of re-fashioning of that same conservative tradition. The sword belt chain set and the spear-butt with its spike indicate the innovations which were yet to become the characteristic features of the middle La T?ne soldiers? equipment. Furthermore, the intertwining of traditions and innovations is also evident from the symbolic and semantic processes which were connected with the ritual of this burial. At the time when the cremation became the predominant type of burial in the Celtic world, the ritual of laying gifts in graves also changed. Instead of the complete equipment which the deceased used during life, only select items are found to represent the totality, which in our example can be seen in the deposited spear-butt. Thus the suum cuique principle was replaced by the pars pro toto principle. Based on the above, the famous warrior from the Karaburma grave 22 both in an abstract and also direct sense, confirms the intertwining of traditions and the circulation of cultural elements, and thus shows that he himself was one of the carriers of the avant-garde of the time, the forerunner of a new period in political and economic relations in the central Balkans of the third quarter of the 4th century.

As a result of the excavations completed in 2001 it became clear that the barrow X is one of elite barrows of Scythia. The crypt was constructed by Bosporan masters, whereas the mound of the barrow was built in Scythian traditions. Barrow X differs from the barrow of Besh-Oba IV which is located on the same necropolis but Scythian traditions are much more brightly expressed in it (Koltukhov, Senatorov 2019). The period of construction of this barrow can be dated to the second half of the 4th century BC. Possibly, the barrow IV precedes the barrow X and belongs to the moment when the Crimean Scythia and the clan «dynasty» of it’s nomarchs only began to form and natives of Steppe Scythia became its first representatives. Barrow X was built later, at that time when connections of new local dynasty with Bosporan kingdom got stronger, and the building of tombs in traditions of Bosporan funeral architecture became a norm in a funeral ceremony of privileged class of Crimean Scythia. We do not know same analogies of the burial chamber of the crypt of barrow X on European and Asian Bosporu, although in proportions are close to the crypt found in 1837 barrow at the city garden of Kerch which looking like the four-sided overlap. It is dated to the last quarter of the 4th century BC but may belong to the earlier time. The crypt of the second Tarasov kurgan on the Asian Bosporus usually dated to the 3rd c. BC but, most likely, it can be dated to the earlier period. In our case, the dating of the crypt is determined by the dating of the mound itself, and it was built no later than the 4th century BC.

The question of the appropriateness of the use of the term and category of Personality in relation to studies of the model of the world and the model of I in predynastic Egypt is considered. Points of view are given on the scope and application of the concept, both from the point of view of various schools of psychological science, and researchers belonging to a number of humanitarian areas of science who consider the concept of identity in the context of historical development and historical memory. At the same time, it is taken into account that a personality is traditionally defined in psychology as a self-regulating dynamic functional system of continuously interacting properties, relationships and actions that take shape in the process of ontogenesis of a person. A person is considered as a phenomenon of social development, a specific living person with consciousness and self-awareness (capable of self-reflection). It is taken into account that in social sciences a person is considered as a special quality of a person acquired by him in a sociocultural environment in the process of joint activity and communication. The article considers the social role and hierarchy in predynastic Egypt, as well as funeral rituals in the context of individualizing practices or in the context of attributing it to a collective personality. Two of these arguments allow us to talk about the applicability of the concept of Personality to this historical period. The study suggests that in relation to the period under study, the level of formation of self-awareness Personality can be talked about in relation to social leaders (chief / regional kings). The study is based on the study of archaeological sites such as elite necropolis, a ritual center in Hierakonpolis, as well as artifacts originating from the tombs of an elite necropolis in Hierakonpolis, determining the development of a socially hierarchical society with an aristocratic clan to which the social leader (chief) — regional king) belonged. The study of the formation of the category Personality notes the special role of finds of funerary masks, which most likely represent the first ancestors in the developing form of the cult of the ancestors. The leader in the period under study in the history of Egypt is a collective person and he also leaves for the ancestors, who are also the incarnations of a collective person. Thus, for the preliterate period, there is no way to talk about specific personalities (including named personalities). But already at the initial stages of the development of the Early kingdom, when writing occurs, we can talk about the naming of each of the kings, since the name reflects the personality (its qualities that contain the names themselves). Nevertheless, the name of each king was also accompanied by the name of the ancestor — the deified legendary king Horus in Hierokonpolis, and later — in the royal title, his name as a name of the god was added to the names of the ruling pharaohs until the end of the era of ancient Egypt. The work, therefore, is debatable, since in psychological science the emergence of self-consciousness and personality as an entity is usually referred to the New Time. The question of the possibility of using modern psychological concepts (Personality), to a person of antiquity, in particular to representatives of preliterate culture, is investigated. The image of a person for an individual of a given era was reconstructed through the prism of the reflection of a person of a given period over the limitations of social stratification, ritual and death. Specific personality traits are described as an individual who performs various social roles and is buried according to his merit, both in terms of personal ethics and in the hierarchy of society.

Previous examinations of ancient Egyptian graffiti have focused on textual graffiti and developed interpretations specific to this class of evidence. In contrast, relatively few studies have considered the communicative power and meaning of figural graffiti, presumably because of the inherent challenges that this data set presents to academic research. To counterbalance the current emphasis on textual graffiti, this contribution examines graffiti making in the New Kingdom necropolis at Saqqara using an integrated approach taking in both textual and figural material. In accordance with the imagistic principle of Egyptian magic, the authors propose that certain types of figural graffiti may be regarded as pictorial prayers in their own right, intended to ensure the permanent presence of the graffitist in the tomb, or to protect and beatify the deceased in the afterlife. Since literacy is not a prerequisite for drawing a picture, the important question is raised of whether the production of figural graffiti expanded throughout the social scale or, like textual graffiti, was restricted to the elite and sub-elite. ملخص البحث الدراسات السابقة التي تم إجراؤها على الكتابة و النقوش الجدارية المصرية القديمة ركّزت إهتمامها على تفسيرات معينة لهذا النوع من الأدلة. في المقابل تناولت بعض الدراسات القوة التعبيرية والمعنى من وراء النقوش التصويرية، على الأرجح بسبب التحديات التي توفرها مجموعة البيانات هذه إلى البحث الأكاديمي. لإمكانية موازنة الجهود الحالية المبذولة في الكتابات و الرسومات الجدارية، تدرس هذه المقالة صناعة الرسومات الجدارية في مقبرة تعود إلى الدولة الحديثة في سقارة بإستخدام نهج متكامل يتناول كل من المواد النصية والتصويرية. وفقاً للمبدأ التصويري للسحر المصري، يقترح المؤلفون وجود بعض أنواع من النقوش الجدارية يمكن إعتبارها على أنها صلوات مصوّرة في حد ذاتها وهي تهدف إلى ضمان التواجد الدائم للنقوش في المقبرة، أو لحماية المتوفى أو منحه السعادة الأبدية في الحياة الآخرة. بما أن معرفة القراءة والكتابة ليست شرطاً أساسياً لرسم صورة ما، فإن السؤال المهم الذي يطرح نفسه الآن هو ما إذا كان إنتاج الرسومات الجدارية يمتد عبر النطاق الإجتماعي أم أنه يقتصر على النبلاء ومن يحيط بهم فقط على غرار النقوش النصية.

This article presents the Saqqara tomb of Ry, an army official who built his funerary monument in the immediate post-Amarna period (temp. Tutankhamun c. 1319–1310 BCE). The Leiden-Turin Expedition to Saqqara excavated this anonymous mud-brick tomb structure in 2013. Recent research revealed that various decorated limestone revetment blocks held in museum collections around the world derive from this tomb. They were removed by early excavators almost 200 years ago and formed part of the antiquities collections of prominent collectors such as Giuseppe Passalacqua and Henry Abbott. The dispersed tomb elements bearing texts and iconography are here contextualised and the funerary monument is analysed in the framework of the development of the Memphite New Kingdom necropolis. ملخص البحث يقدم هذا المقال مدفن ري في سقارة، مسؤول بالجيش بنى لنفسه المدفن في فترة ما بعد العمارنة مباشرة (فترة توت عنخ أمون، حوالي 1319-1310 قبل الميلاد). قامت بعثات ليدن وتورينو في عام 2013 بتنقيب هذا المدفن المجهول في سقارة، وهو مبني بالطوب الطيني. كشفت الأبحاث الحديثة أن العديد من لوحات الحجر الجيري المزخرفة والمنتشرة في عدة متاحف حول العالم أصلها من هذا المدفن. لقد تم نقلها أثناء الحفريات المبكرة قبل مئتان عام تقريباً وكانت جزءاً من المجموعات الأثرية لهواة جمع الآثار البارزين مثل جوزيبي باسالاكوا وهنري أبوت. العناصر المبعثرة لهذا القبر تحمل نصوصاً وأيقونات مختلفة، في هذا النص تم جمعها ودراستها وتحليل الغرفة الجنائزية في إطار تطور مقابر ممفيس خلال فترة الدولة الحديثة.

During recent excavations in the Dendara necropolis, skeletal evidence for at least eight complete turtle doves (Columbidae) was discovered in the burial chamber of a Dynasty 4 tomb. A large number of disarticulated tiny bird bones was found scattered beneath and around a broken Meydum-bowl, buried deep within piles of rubble. Zooarchaeological analysis indicated that at least eight birds had originally been buried. The fact that they were complete and found in a burial chamber in association with a Meydum-bowl suggested they were part of a funerary offering. The depiction of multiple bird species used as funerary offerings in the Old Kingdom tombs at Saqqara and Giza is well documented, indicating that birds were a significant element of the list of funerary offerings. Often the different species of birds were named in the tomb scenes, and frequently pigeons and doves were included. However, very little skeletal evidence exists in the archaeological record to support the theory that pigeons and doves were regularly used as funerary offerings. Therefore, the skeletal remains of eight complete turtle doves in conjunction with a Meydum-bowl found deep within a burial chamber of a provincial tomb adds impetus to the argument that not only they were a very desired component of Old Kingdom funerary offerings in the tombs of the important Saqqara and Giza necropolises, but also in the tombs of provincial officials.

More than 4000 graffiti are scattered throughout the Theban necropolis. Among them, around 2500 graffiti can be dated to Nineteenth, Twentieth, and Twenty-First Dynasties. These New Kingdom graffiti were made by members of the community of workmen from Deir el-Medina. Only a small group of no more than 120 graffiti consist of depictions of deities and veneration scenes. The interpretation of graffiti with depictions of Amun-Re on rock surfaces in the Valley of the Kings reveals valuable information regarding their locations. This study thus attempts to identify particular locations in the valley where the workmen of Deir el-Medina venerated Amun-Re in different forms. These spots may have been considered to be of religious significance to the workmen of Deir el-Medina.

The article is a study of a seated female statue held in the Museo Egizio in Turin (Cat. 7352), so far mentioned in scholarly literature only in passing. It depicts a woman named Hel, whose involvement in cult activity is emphasized by the menat collar she holds and by references to music-making in one of the two texts inscribed on the pedestal. The sculpture, acquired by the museum in 1824 with the Drovetti collection, dates from the Nineteenth Dynasty and originates in all likelihood from Saqqara. While it belongs squarely within a well-defined tradition of New Kingdom elite sculpture, it displays some apparently unique peculiarities, which raise some questions of interpretation. ملخص البحث تضم المقالة دراسة حول تمثال أنثى جالسة و محفوظ في المتحف المصري في تورينو (Cat. 7352) ، لم يرد ذكره حتى الآن في الدراسات العلمية إلا بشكل عابر. يُصوِّر امرأة تُدعى "هيل"، نعلم أنها كانت تشارك في نشاطات دينية و ذلك من خلال طوق الـ"مينات" الذي تضعه وأيضاً من خلال أحد النصوص المنقوشة على قاعدة التمثال والذي يشير إلى الموسيقى. حصل المتحف على التمثال في عام 1824 مع مجموعة دروفيتي، يعود تاريخه إلى الأسرة التاسعة عشرة ويرجع أصله غالباً إلى سقارة. أغلب الظن أنه ينتمي إلى تقليد محددة في نحت الشخصيات المرموقة لدى عصر الدولة الحديثة، غير أنه يعرض بعض الخصائص الفريدة والتي تثير بعض الأسئلة حول تفسيرها.

AbstractAbusir is the name of an elaborate burial area in Egypt, dotted with 19 pyramids and other temples, stretching on the western side of the Nile from the south of the Giza Plateau to the northern rim of Saqqara. It seems to have been created as the resting site for the Pharaohs dated from 2494 to 2345 BC. The name Abusir, originally spoken as Busiri, means “Temple of Osiris”. Over time, the name has become so popular because more than 60 villages now carry this name, but only one is the archaeological site. This paper focused on one of its most important pyramids from the Abusir archaeological area, Sahure's pyramid, since it is one of Egypt’s little-known but heavily damaged treasures. Field and laboratory studies have been carried out to investigate and understand the durability problems and construction materials of this pyramid, leading to results that confirmed the impact of the geoenvironmental conditions on the pyramid's architectural, structural, and engineering stability. Moreover, the results showed that mineralogical content in the construction materials was an intrinsic problem due to the presence of swellable (expansive) clays, which are considered responsible for pyramid decay and damage. In addition to external factors such as the effect of temperature variations, rain, pollutants, wind, and earthquakes and their interactions with intrinsic building material defects. Finally, this paper revealed a new discovery for basaltic mortar as the first trial for green concrete manufacturing in the Egyptian Old Kingdom, Fifth Dynasty.

e village of Dăbâca/Doboka is situated 30 kms northwest of Cluj-Napoca, by the stream called Lona, which flows into the River Someş 10 km away from this place. One side of the mountain called Nagyhegy, which is situated southwest of the village (529 m above sea level), made the valley of the stream Lona so narrow that it is a vantage point of the pass. e road in the narrow valley, squeezed between two hills, in the middle of the village takes a sharp turn to the left. e old fortress district was in the area curbed this way. e two hills are gradually declining towards northwest.e shape of the fortress is similar to a pie with a sharp angle and an arc at the end, pointing towards north-northeast. Both sides are well defendable, sloping in 25°–45°. e early medieval fortress district was built in this place with a number of villages and churches around it.e necropolis of Fortress Area 4, which belonged to the village in the 11th–13th centuries was found in the south-eastern part of the fortress district.e excavations beginning in the early 60’s in the last century were conducted with preconceptions, as the centre of Chief Gelou was thought to have been discovered before the start of the excavations, which is an impassable way from a scientific point of view.In this brief research history, which in many cases is not so relevant in our research, one can draw two conclusions: 1. Dăbâca perfectly demonstrates the concepts, interpretations and vision of the expert who lived in the various eras in the 20th century; 2. So far the interpretation of Dăbâca has been based on the historical narative and linguistic data. e archaeological data is limited to providing arguments for different historical theories; 3. Scientific-political, political and supposedly personal interests and careerist considerations all played a part or worked as the driving forces behind the start of the excavations in Dăbâca in the 60’s. Unfortunately the past political manipulations have had a great ‘career’ in national-communist Romania, and Dăbâca is a sad symbol of this.Unfortunately, a major scientific problem of the excavated part of the cemetery is that the skeletons have not been preserved. Although we have managed to identify the finds, the lack of bones is an irreparable loss. e remains of the population in Tămaş garden in Dăbâca can only be analysed scientifically after new successful excavations.In spite of the fact that the archaeological analyses so far have informed us about two churches excavated in the garden of Tămaş, the original documentation, which is at our disposal, clearly attests that only one church was excavated. In the south, the walls of a much bigger church were detected but they have remained unexplored. e church may be dated by the nine coins of Ladislaus I (1077–1095), found in sector A in its northern part. e received burial rite in the 11th – 13th centuries was the skeleton burial. e cremation burial rite, known in previous centuries, disappears in the 9th century or at least becomes undetectable by archaeological means. Altogether 95 skeletons have been registered in the 71 graves in the churchyard cemetery excavated in the garden of A. Tămaş and a small ossuary, found west of the skull in Grave 24, which could have contained the remains of several skeletons. is cemetery is characterised by stones of different sizes placed in the graves with a ritual purpose; the same custom characterizes the graves of Fortress Area IV. e finds in a sector of this part of the cemetery are typical 12th century finds (simple hair rings and hair rings with S-shaped ends, coins) (Pl. 9, 11). e coins found in the graves are the so called anonymous denars dating from the first half of the 12th century. Other graves were dug in the area of the demolished church, so these clearly show a later origin; probably they come from the 13th– 14th centuries. erefore the churches and the cemetery belonging to them, which were excavated in the garden of A. Tămaş can be dated to the 12th and 13th–14th centuries and they are encompassed in the horizon of the 12th century Doboka and its surrounding area as a power centre. e fortress, which was rebuilt several times, the settlement and the cemeteries are all parts of this horizon as is analysed in our paper. We held it very important to analyse them separately. e finds clearly show that in Doboka we can see a settlement way back in the 7 – 9th centuries (Pl. 18), that cannot be connected to the fortress. According to the finds from the fortress, the most important ones of which were the 11th century coins Stephen I, Andrew I, Peter Orseolo, Coloman I the Book-lover) and the elements of material culture characteristic of this century. In our opinion, the fortress can’t have been built earlier than the middle of the 11th century and its second enlarged form can be dated to the time of Andrew I. is was destroyed at some time, in our opinion it happened during the reign of King Coloman I the Book-lover, unfortunately, we couldn’t identify this coin in the collection of the Transylvanian National Museum in Cluj. As is well known, the so called anonymous dinars were coined in the minters of the Hungarian Kingdom from the time of King Coloman to the era of Stephen II (Time Period I), it is not obvious that the fortress was burned at the end of the 11th or the beginning of the 12th century. It is also unclear how the stone wall was built at the beginning of the 13th century since no example of it is known in northern Transylvania and only few in the whole territory of the Hungarian Kingdom until the second half of the 13th century when the social-economic transition brought about major changes in the fortress system and the architecture of forts. According to the finds excavated in the fortress area, although we cannot see them as the evidence of the presence of the comes, the head of the county, the various arrow heads, sword cross iron and spurs can be connected to the group of the class of the miles, but some information on the 12th century from the Arad fortress supports that we can count with the mansios, i.e. the servant folks (servi). ese also give an outline of the social classes known from the laws of King Stephen I. e silver beads with granulated ornaments may hint at some long distance commercial contact, which can also be connected to the elite.The culmination point of the fortress, which was built in or after the first half of the 11th century, and the settlement on its territory falls on the 12th century according to the archaeological and numismatic finds. The coins found in the cemetery from Fortress Area 4, the garden of Tămaș and the cemetery of Boldogasszony give an exact map of it. The decline of the fortress centre as a political-military and administrative centre falls on the 13th century. The downfall of the centre in Dăbâca may not be connected concretely to the Mongolian raid; it may also be linked to other administrative and economic reasons. As a working hypothesis we may assume that the loss of its importance as a centre may be connected to the eastward growth of the settlement system of the county, the territory of the count took its final shape in the 12–13th centuries. This observation of ours is supported by the fact that only one 13th century coin is known from the three parts of the cemetery, the last anonym dinar may be connected to the name of Béla III (1172–1196). The settlement phenomena excavated so far can also be dated to the 11th–12thcenturies. Certainly, we would not like to consider these data to have absolute value, but the lack of 13th century numismatic finds (except for a single coin of Béla IV) requires further explanation. However, this can only be proved or refuted by extended and manifold interdisciplinary researches.