Journal articles on the topic 'Santiago (Chile) – History – 17th century'

Accominotti, O. y Flandreau, M. (2008). Bilateral treaties and the most-favored-nation clause: the myth of trade liberalization in the nineteenth century. World Politics, 60(2), 147-188. doi: 10.1353/wp.0.0010 Anguita, R. (1913). Leyes promulgadas en Chile desde 1810 hasta el 1 de junio de 1913. Santiago de Chile: Imprenta, Litografía i Encuadernación Barcelona. Bairoch, P. (1989). European trade policy, 1815-1914. En P. Mathias y S. Pollard (eds.), The cambridge economic history of europe from the decline of the roman empire: vol. 8. The industrial economies: the development of economic and social policies (pp. 1-160). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Baldwin, R. (2016). The great convergence: information technology and the new globalization. Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Bértola, L., y J. Williamson (2006). Globalization in Latin America Before 1940. En V. Bulmer-Thomas, J. Coatsworth y R. Cortés Conde (eds.), The Cambridge Economic History of Latin America. Vol. 2: The Long Twentieth Century (pp. 11–56). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bulmer-Thomas, V. (1998). British trade with Latin America in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Institute of Latin American Studies Occasional Papers, 19, 1-26. Bulmer-Thomas, V. (2014). The economic history of Latin America since independence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cariola, C. y Sunkel, O. (1982). La historia económica de Chile 1830 y 1930: dos ensayos y una bibliografía. Madrid: Instituto de Cooperación Iberoamericana. Centeno, M. (1997). Blood and debt: war and taxation in nineteenth‐century Latin America. American Journal of Sociology, 102(6), 1565-1605. doi: 10.1086/231127 Coatsworth, J. y Williamson, J. (2004). Always protectionist? Latin American tariffs from independence to great depression. Journal of Latin American Studies, 36(2), 205-232. doi: 10.1017/S0022216X04007412 Cortés, H., Butelmann, A. y Videla, P. (1981). Proteccionismo en Chile: una visión retrospectiva. Cuadernos de Economía, 18(54-55), 141-194. Courcelle-Seneuil, J. G. (1856). Examen comparativo de la tarifa i lejislacion aduanera de Chile con las de Francia, Gran Bretaña i Estados-Unidos. Santiago: Imprenta Nacional. Couyoumdjian, J. Pablo. (2015). Importando modernidad. La evolución del pensamiento económico en Chile en el siglo xix. Historia, 1(48), 43-75. Díaz, J., Lüders. R. y Wagner, G. (2016). Chile 1810-2010. La República en cifras. Historical statistics. Santiago: Ediciones Universidad Católica de Chile. Díaz, J. y Wagner, G. (2004). Política comercial: instrumentos y antecedentes. Chile en los siglos xix y xx (Documento de trabajo núm. 23; pp. 1-158). Santiago: Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile. Encina, F. A. (1912). Nuestra inferioridad económica. Sus causas, sus consecuencias. Santiago de Chile: Universitaria. Evenett, S. y Fritz, J. (2020). The global trade alert database handbook. Manuscrito, 14 de julio de 2020. Grossman, G. M. (2016). The purpose of trade agreements. En Handbook of commercial policy (vol. 1, pp. 379-434). Ámsterdam: Elsevier. doi: 10.1016/bs.hescop.2016.04.016 Helleiner, G. (1972). Comercio internacional y desarrollo económico. Madrid: Alianza. Humud, C. (1974). Política económica chilena desde 1830 a 1930. Estudios de Economía, 1(1), 1-122. Kindleberger, C. (1975). The rise of free trade in Western Europe, 1820-1875. The Journal of Economic History, 35(1), 20-55. doi: 10.1017/S0022050700094298 Lira, J. (1880). La lejislacion chilena no codificada. Coleccion de leyes i decretos vijentes i de interes jeneral. Santiago de Chile: El Correo. Llorca-Jaña, M. y Navarrete-Montalvo, J. (2017). The Chilean economy during the 1810-1830s and its entry into the world economy. Bulletin of Latin American Research, 36(3), 354-369. doi: https://doi.org/10.1111/blar.12482 López, E. (2014). El proceso de construcción estatal en Chile: Hacienda pública y burocracia (1817-1860). Santiago de Chile: dibam. Loveman, B. (2001). Chile: the legacy of Hispanic capitalism. Nueva York: Oxford University Press. Martner, D. (1923). Estudio de la política comercial e historia económica nacional (vol. 1). Santiago, Chile: Universitaria. Ortega, L. (2018). Chile en ruta al capitalismo: cambio, euforia y depresión, 1850-1880. Santiago: lom Ediciones. Pahre, R. (2007). Politics and trade cooperation in the nineteenth century the agreeable customs of 1815-1914. Nueva York: Cambridge University Press. Pinedo, J. (2005). El pensamiento de los ensayistas y cientistas sociales en los largos años 60 en Chile (1958-1973): los herederos de Francisco A. Encina. Atenea, 492, 69-120. Pinto, J. y Salazar, G. (2002). Historia contemporánea de Chile. Santiago: lom Ediciones. Prados de la Escosura, L. (2009). Lost decades? Economic performance in post-independence Latin America. Journal of Latin American Studies, 41(2), 279-307. doi: 10.1017/S0022216X09005574 Rayes, A., Castro, R. e Ibarra, F. (2020). Números oscuros. La valoración de las importaciones argentinas, c. 1870-1913. Revista Uruguaya de Historia Económica, 10(17), 25-48. doi: 10.47003/RUHE/10.17.02 Rodríguez, M. (1892). Lejislación aduanera: Compilación de leyes i disposiciones vijentes i de interes jeneral, relativas al rejimen de las Aduanas de la República. Santiago de Chile: Gutenberg. Rodríguez, Z. (1886). De nuestra inferioridad económica. Causas. Revista Económica. Rodríguez, Z. (1887). De nuestra inferioridad económica. Remedios. Revista Económica. Rogowski, R. (1989). Commerce and coalitions: how trade affects domestic political alignments. Nueva Jersey: Princeton University Press. Salazar, G. (2009). Mercaderes, empresarios y capitalistas: (Chile, siglo xix). Santiago de Chile: Sudamericana. Sater, W. (1991). Nacionalismo económico y reforma tributaria a fines del siglo xix en Chile. Estudios de Economía, 18(2), 216-244. Semmel, B. (2004). The rise of free trade imperialism classical political economy, the empire of free trade and imperialism, 1750-1850. Nueva York: Cambridge University Press. Tena-Junguito, A., Lampe, M. y Fernandes, F. (2012). How much trade liberalization was there in the world before and after Cobden-Chevalier? The Journal of Economic History, 72(3), 708-740. Veliz, C. (1963). La mesa de tres patas. Desarrollo Económico, 3(1-2), 231-247. Villalobos, S. y Sagredo, R. (2004). Los estancos en Chile. Santiago: Fiscalía Nacional Económica.

El hallazgo de dos series de grabados flamencos del siglo XVII sobre el tema El Credo, de los artistas Adrian Collaert (1560-1618) y Johan Sadeler (1550-1600), permiten confirmar la importante presencia de los grabados europeos en los talleres de pintura de la América Hispana y su influencia decisiva en la formación de nuestros artistas. Se analizan entonces bajo esta perspectiva, las once pinturas al óleo que conforman la Serie de los Artículos de El Credo, obra del pintor quiteño Miguel de Santiago (1603-1706) que se encuentran en la Catedral Primada de Bogotá desde la época colonial.Palabras clave: Grabados europeos, pintores coloniales, Miguel de Santiago, Quito, Santafé de Bogotá. From European Engraving to American Painting. El Credo Series From The Painter From Quito Miguel de Santiago AbstractThe discovery of two engraving Flemish series from 17th century about El Credo, from the artists Adrian Collaert (1560-1618) and Johan Sadeler (1550-1600), allows proving the presence of European engravings within the painting works in the Hispanic America and the great influence on our artists’ formation. Thus based on this, are analyzed the eleven oil paintings that constitute the Series of Goods from El Credo, from the painter from Quito Miguel de Santiago (1603-1706) that are from the colonial time in the Catedral Primada de Bogotá.KeywordsEuropean engravings, colonial painters, Miguel de Santiago, Quito, Santafé de Bogotá

<p>In 1678, the painter Antonio Ramírez elaborated a picture explaining the condition of the works of the cathedral of Santiago de Guatemala (now la Antigua Guatemala), a picture that allows us to establish the evolution undergone by the cathedral from the second half of the XVII century to its current state. Throughout this evolution, we want to highlight those construction elements that have been able to withstand not only the course of time, but above all, the force of the numerous earthquakes that have affected Guatemala since 1678 until today. In addition, Ramirez's work offers a series of brief but very illustrative brushstrokes on the organization of a construction in the second half of the XVII century, data that enriches the history of Guatemalan colonial architecture.</p>

Founded by European colonists in 17th century New England, Harvard University has historic international roots. By the mid 1900’s it had become an international powerhouse attracting top students, academics and scientists from around the world. Yet, the University is international almost by default as it has reacted to world affairs. Looking toward the future, President Drew Faust has outlined a strategy to become “intentionally global”. One model, begun ten years ago, serves as an example for the future. In 2002 the University established its first overseas office designed to represent the entire institution. The theory was that a modest local infrastructure would encourage students and faculty to expand international collaborations and make a difference in the region benefiting from this presence. The results have been highly successful. The Regional Office in Santiago Chile, representing Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Peru, and Uruguay, has catalyzed engagement of over 3000 faculty and students in the last ten years. Over 50 significant collaborative research programs have benefitted thousands of preschool children, pioneered new approaches to disaster relief, improved health care, revolutionized public housing, and led to scientific breakthroughs. This model of a small physical footprint exerting large academic influence will be one of the central strategies as Harvard looks toward the future.

AbstractThe Coloniaje Exhibition, held in September 1873 in Santiago, Chile, represents a milestone in the history of Chilean museums. As the first retrospective display of the history of the Chilean nation, it was an important precedent for the collections that led to the construction of the National Historical Museum in 1911. By examining the ideas associated with the history of the colonial era and the museography related to the exhibition, this article analyses the ambiguous ways in which the Coloniaje Exhibition mobilised the colonial past in the context of the ascendancy of liberalism and the transformation of Santiago's urban social life. Situated between alienation and identification – between critiquing the colonial system and celebrating its imprint on Chilean society – the Coloniaje Exhibition is important for the understanding of postcolonial societies in Latin America.

Abstract In October 2019, Santiago de Chile became the epicenter of a violent and massive protest against social inequality. Known as the Estallido Social (the Social Unrest), Chileans took to the streets seeking to dismantle the pervasive social and economic system inherited from Augusto Pinochet’s regime established half a century ago. Drawing from participant observations and interviews conducted during the protest, this essay examines the multiple efforts developed by scholars to document the vast repertoire of material generated during Santiago’s demonstrations (e.g., graffiti, signs, flags, testimonies, and merchandise). In doing so, I aim to situate the Estallido Social within the recent efforts deployed by museums, archives, and libraries to capture the changing nature and manifestations of global protests in the past few years.

Appreciated among Latin Americanists in the United States and highly regarded in Chile, Arnold (“Arnie”) Bauer taught history at the University of California at Davis from 1970 to 2005, and was director of the University of California's Education Abroad Program in Santiago, Chile, for five years between 1994 and 2005. Well-known for his engaging writing style, Bauer reflects broad interests in his publications: agrarian history (Chilean Rural Society: From the Spanish Conquest to 1930 [1975]), the Catholic Church and society (as editor, La iglesia en la economía de América Latina, siglos XIX-XIX [1986]), and material culture (Goods, Power, History: Latin America's Material Culture [2001]). He has also written an academic mystery regarding a sixteenth-century Mexican codex, The Search for the Codex Cardona (2009). His coming-of-age memoir (Time's Shadow: Remembering a Family Farm in Kansas [2012]) describes his childhood and was recently named one of the top five books of 2012 by The Atlantic. He has also written some 50 articles and book chapters and more than 60 book reviews.

Summary Rodolfo Lenz (1863–1938) left Germany late in the 19th century to settle in Santiago de Chile, where both taught linguistics and philplogy. The influence he exerted was very important, as he was largely responsible for the spreading the teachings of the German school of Philology in South America. Both historical linguistics and synchronic and dialectological studies advanced during this period, in Chile as well as in the rest of Latin America, as a result of his work. This paper analyzes Lenz’s grammatical and lexical contribution to Spanish, particularly through his seminal works La oration y sus partes (1920) and the Diccionario etimológico de las voces chilenas derivadas de lenguas indigenas americanas (1905–1910). Thus the origins and development of Lenz’s main grammatical ideas are treated in connection with the first work, but his lexicographical work is also described and analyzed in order to discuss the main problems he faced in its compilation, problems that Lenz himself addressed in the Introduction he wrote to this work.

Appreciated among Latin Americanists in the United States and highly regarded in Chile, Arnold (“Arnie”) Bauer taught history at the University of California at Davis from 1970 to 2005, and was director of the University of California's Education Abroad Program in Santiago, Chile, for five years between 1994 and 2005. Well-known for his engaging writing style, Bauer reflects broad interests in his publications: agrarian history (Chilean Rural Society: From the Spanish Conquest to 1930 [1975]), the Catholic Church and society (as editor, La iglesia en la economía de América Latina, siglos XIX-XIX [1986]), and material culture (Goods, Power, History: Latin America's Material Culture [2001]). He has also written an academic mystery regarding a sixteenth-century Mexican codex, The Search for the Codex Cardona (2009). His coming-of-age memoir (Time's Shadow: Remembering a Family Farm in Kansas [2012]) describes his childhood and was recently named one of the top five books of 2012 by The Atlantic. He has also written some 50 articles and book chapters and more than 60 book reviews.

University mission: The fight for reform at the Catholic University in ChileThe author asks about the mission of the university understood as an axiologically defined way of life. She follows the history of the university reform in Chile in the 20th century, its two key moments from the point of view of university reflection: the strike in 1949 and in 1967. She notes that the strike phenomenon, although contrary to the idea of the university, is a tool for the disclosure of the university community. Both strikes were organized by architecture students at private Catholic universities in Santiago and Valparaíso, respectively, hence the demands for total reorganization, research autonomy, modernization and democratization can be regarded as radical. The author describes the research and teaching practice of the so-called School of Valparaíso, which can be considered the most important source and largest beneficiary having been granted the Open City area of the university reform in Chile. The ideas of architect Alberto Cruz Covarrubias and poet Godofredo Iommi Marini are also a good case for analyzing the problem of university autonomy the issue of apoliticality and questions about when the university fails in its mission.

In October 2004, I edited Theatre Journal's special issue on Latin American theatre. In addition to five essays on subjects ranging from sixteenth-century Amerindian performance to a twenty-first-century Mexican adaptation of an Irish play, that issue included a forum on the state of Latin American theatre and performance studies in the United States today. Even though the thirteen respondents resided, independently or as affiliates, in different disciplinary homes (theatre, performance, languages, and literature) and took multiple points of departure, a common thread ran throughout their comments: the need for the U.S. academy to study and teach the diversity that is known as Latin America.1 Tamara Underiner succinctly notes that “Latin America has never answered easily as an object of inquiry for theatre studies.”2 Indeed, studying Latin American theatre and performance poses very specific challenges: the region encompasses some twenty countries whose national borders obscure larger geographical, cultural, religious, political, and socioeconomic networks; a multiplicity of languages—European, dialectal, and indigenous to the hemisphere—are still spoken, written, and performed; and numerous intersecting histories extend back far beyond the five hundred years since the Europeans arrived and precipitated what today we euphemistically refer to as “contact.” Latin America does not terminate at the U.S.–Mexican border; thus although I'm cognizant of the attendant complications when including the U.S. latino/a communities in a discussion of Latin American theatre, the cultural network is such that I consider any arbitrary separation counter to the purposes of this reflection. Otherwise, how can we take into account the larger networks navigated by such U.S.-based playwrights as Guillermo Reyes (born in Chile but raised in the United States and the author of plays about Chilean history as well as specifically U.S. identities) or Ariel Dorfman (born in Argentina, raised in New York City and Santiago, Chile, now a professor at Duke, and author of English-language plays whose subject matter is frequently authoritarian Latin America)?

ResumenDesde el primer asentamiento mapuche en la capital de Chile, hacia los años30 y 40 del siglo XX, se tienen registros y testimonios de las experienciasde asociatividad mapuche con fines políticos, sea en partidos políticos,sindicatos y organizaciones populares. Con la dictadura toda forma deorganización oficial es prohibida y hacia finales de los 80 y principios de los90 surgen, en Santiago de Chile, organizaciones autónomas e independientesdel Estado, que tienen como consigna la autonomía y la autodeterminaciónmapuche. De ahí en adelante surgen variadas experiencias de asociatividadmapuche en la ciudad y muchas de estas experiencias reivindican lahistoricidad de migración forzada como configuración de un actor político,y la posibilidad de nuevas identidades mapuche en la ciudad como unaposición política. Las nuevas generaciones de mapuche nacidos y criados enSantiago aprehenden y asumen su historia como un quiebre epistemológicoen sus vidas, provocando un fenómeno de mapuchización, que refiere a laaprehensión política de su identidad e historia familiar, expresada en lasmúltiples prácticas individuales y colectivas a las que se les atribuye unsentido estrictamente político.Palabras clave: diáspora mapuche, mapuchización, jóvenes mapuche,mapuchismo.Political practices of young mapuche in Santiagobetween 1998 and 2011AbstractSince the first Mapuche settlement in the Chilean capital, by the years 30sand 40s of the Twentieth Century, there are records and testimonies ofexperiences of Mapuche partnerships for political purposes, whether inpolitical parties, trade unions or popular organizations. The dictatorshipprohibited any form of official organization and in the late 80s and early90s, autonomous and independent state organizations emerge in Santiago,advancing Mapuche autonomy and self-determination. Thereafter, varied experiences of Mapuche partnerships emerged in the city; many of themdefend the historicity of forced migration as a political actor, and thepossibility of new Mapuche identities as a political position in the city. Thenew generations of Mapuche – born and raised in Santiago – apprehend andassume their history as an epistemological break in their lives, causing aphenomenon called mapuchizacion, which refers to the political apprehensionof their identity and family history, expressed in the many individual andcollective practices with a strictly political sense.Keywords: Mapuche diaspora, mapuchización, young Mapuche,mapuchismo.As práticas políticas dos jovens mapuche emSantiago entre 1998 e 2011ResumoA partir do primeiro assentamento Mapuche na capital do Chile, entre osanos 30 e 40 anos do século XX, há registros e testemunhos das experiênciasde associatividade Mapuche para fins políticos, seja nos partidos políticos,sindicatos e organizações populares. Com a ditadura toda forma deorganização oficial é proibida e no final dos anos 80 e início dos anos 90emergem em Santiago de Chile, organizações autônomas e independentesdo Estado, que tiveram como consigna a autonomia e autodeterminaçãoMapuche. Em diante, surgiram diversas experiências de associatividadeMapuche na cidade e muitas destas experiências reivindicam a historicidadeda migração forçada como configuração de um ator político, e a possibilidadede novas identidades Mapuches na cidade como uma posição política. Asnovas gerações de Mapuches nascidos e criados em Santiago apreendeme assumem sua história como uma ruptura epistemológica em suas vidas,provocando um fenômeno de mapuchización, que se refere à apreensãopolítica da sua identidade e história da família, expressada nas diversaspráticas individuais e coletivas as que possuem um sentido estritamentepolítico.Palavras-chave: diáspora Mapuche, mapuchización, jovem mapuche,mapuchismo

ResumenDesde el primer asentamiento mapuche en la capital de Chile, hacia los años30 y 40 del siglo XX, se tienen registros y testimonios de las experienciasde asociatividad mapuche con fines políticos, sea en partidos políticos,sindicatos y organizaciones populares. Con la dictadura toda forma deorganización oficial es prohibida y hacia finales de los 80 y principios de los90 surgen, en Santiago de Chile, organizaciones autónomas e independientesdel Estado, que tienen como consigna la autonomía y la autodeterminaciónmapuche. De ahí en adelante surgen variadas experiencias de asociatividadmapuche en la ciudad y muchas de estas experiencias reivindican lahistoricidad de migración forzada como configuración de un actor político,y la posibilidad de nuevas identidades mapuche en la ciudad como unaposición política. Las nuevas generaciones de mapuche nacidos y criados enSantiago aprehenden y asumen su historia como un quiebre epistemológicoen sus vidas, provocando un fenómeno de mapuchización, que refiere a laaprehensión política de su identidad e historia familiar, expresada en lasmúltiples prácticas individuales y colectivas a las que se les atribuye unsentido estrictamente político.Palabras clave: diáspora mapuche, mapuchización, jóvenes mapuche,mapuchismo.Political practices of young mapuche in Santiagobetween 1998 and 2011AbstractSince the first Mapuche settlement in the Chilean capital, by the years 30sand 40s of the Twentieth Century, there are records and testimonies ofexperiences of Mapuche partnerships for political purposes, whether inpolitical parties, trade unions or popular organizations. The dictatorshipprohibited any form of official organization and in the late 80s and early90s, autonomous and independent state organizations emerge in Santiago,advancing Mapuche autonomy and self-determination. Thereafter, varied experiences of Mapuche partnerships emerged in the city; many of themdefend the historicity of forced migration as a political actor, and thepossibility of new Mapuche identities as a political position in the city. Thenew generations of Mapuche – born and raised in Santiago – apprehend andassume their history as an epistemological break in their lives, causing aphenomenon called mapuchizacion, which refers to the political apprehensionof their identity and family history, expressed in the many individual andcollective practices with a strictly political sense.Keywords: Mapuche diaspora, mapuchización, young Mapuche,mapuchismo.As práticas políticas dos jovens mapuche emSantiago entre 1998 e 2011ResumoA partir do primeiro assentamento Mapuche na capital do Chile, entre osanos 30 e 40 anos do século XX, há registros e testemunhos das experiênciasde associatividade Mapuche para fins políticos, seja nos partidos políticos,sindicatos e organizações populares. Com a ditadura toda forma deorganização oficial é proibida e no final dos anos 80 e início dos anos 90emergem em Santiago de Chile, organizações autônomas e independentesdo Estado, que tiveram como consigna a autonomia e autodeterminaçãoMapuche. Em diante, surgiram diversas experiências de associatividadeMapuche na cidade e muitas destas experiências reivindicam a historicidadeda migração forçada como configuração de um ator político, e a possibilidadede novas identidades Mapuches na cidade como uma posição política. Asnovas gerações de Mapuches nascidos e criados em Santiago apreendeme assumem sua história como uma ruptura epistemológica em suas vidas,provocando um fenômeno de mapuchización, que se refere à apreensãopolítica da sua identidade e história da família, expressada nas diversaspráticas individuais e coletivas as que possuem um sentido estritamentepolítico.Palavras-chave: diáspora Mapuche, mapuchización, jovem mapuche,mapuchismo

The knowledge of Dexiinae and Tachinidae diversity in the Neotropical Region, in contrast to other regions, e.g., the Palaearctic Region, is in a poor condition. The history of these taxa has gradually increased since the 18th Century from the works of European and North American authors such as Johan C. Fabricius, Christian R.W. Wiedemann, Jean B. Robineau-Desvoidy, Pierre J.-M. Macquart, Jacques M.F. Bigot, Francis Walker, Victor von Röeder, Ermanno Giglio-Tos, Friedrich M. Brauer and Julius E. Bergenstamm, Frederik M. van der Wulp, Charles H. Curran, John M. Aldrich, Charles H.T. Townsend, Henry J. Reinhard and William R. Thompson. It was only in the first half of the 20th Century that scientists born or established in South America began to enter tachinidology. Dipterists like Jean Brèthes and Everardo E. Blanchard from Argentina, Rául E. Cortés Peña from Chile and José H. Guimarães from Brazil, are the most memorable names for, not only to Neotropical Dexiinae, but, indeed for the whole family. Herein, a brief chronological review of tachinidology, with emphasis on Dexiinae and based on a literature review, is given. The history is divided into four periods: the pre-Linnaean period of the 16th and 17th Centuries, the 18th Century, the 19th Century and the first half of the 20th Century. After the first half of 20th Century, the emphasis is focused on European and North American dipterists with an overview of their contributions on Dexiinae taxonomy. Later, with presence of the South American dipterists, the emphasis is directed to them. Then a few notes are given on the Czech Dominik Bilimek, a poorly known collector from the 19th Century and Fritz Plaumann, a well-known German immigrant who collected in Brazil during the earlier 20th Century. Finally, some notes and perspectives about the 21st Century dexiinidology from the Neotropics is briefly discussed.

Abstract2017 marked the 130th anniversary of the start of the Carte du Ciel project, an ambitious proposal by the Paris Observatory to map the entire sky using photographiy, which required the joint work of numerous observatories in the world. For this endeavour, an impressive organization was designed that included congresses, commissions and publications, which lasted through many years. The Carte du Ciel finally became one of the immediate antecedents of the International Astronomical Union, which in 2019 celebrates its first century. In Latin America, the observatories of Santiago de Chile, La Plata and Rio de Janeiro, the Argentine National Observatory and the Tacubaya Observatory, in Mexico, were involved in the project. In this presentation, we present part of the history of the failures and successes of one of the most important collaborative astronomical projects on the planet.

In 2015 in Pons, in the former province of Saintonge, an Old Russian pilgrim graffito was found on the wall of the parish church of St. Vivien, a monument of the mid-12th century. It is the second graffito found in France after the one discovered at St. Gilles Abbey. The town of Pons is located on the westernmost route of Santiago de Compostela (via Turonensis) and is noteworthy because of the preserved pilgrim almshouse of the latter half of the 12th century. On the walls of its long archway are horseshoe drawings made by medieval pilgrims, the latest of which, dating from the 16th–17th centuries, bends around a name that is also apparently written in Cyrillic script. The earlier inscription, which appears at the base of the northern end wall of the original façade of the St. Vivien church, is made in the name of one Ivan Zavidovich: “Ivano ps[а]lo Zavi|doviche ida ko | svętomu Ię|kovu” (= ‘Ivan Zavidovich wrote this when going to Saint James’). The most probable palaeographic dating is in the 1160s–1180s. As suggested by birch bark manuscripts, the name of Ivan’s father, Zavid, was popular among Novgorod boyars. Novgorod is also the place with the greatest indirect evidence of the occurrence in Old Russia of the western cult of St. James. This well preserved inscription is an important epigraphic discovery, but its main value lies in the direct evidence of pilgrimages by Russians to the shrine of St. James in Galicia.

The paper focuses on Spanish compound names with the preposition de (e.g. María de la Concepción, Juan de los Santos, Catalina de Santiago, etc.) retrieved from baptismal books in Seville prior to 1600. This research was outlined years ago by Ramón Menéndez Pidal who studied names with Marian dedication, based mostly on the 17th and 18th centuries sources. The paper reprises the theme but in a more elaborate way: the study is based on baptismal registers from the century preceding 1600 when Menéndez Pidal began his research and on the baptismal books of all parishes of Seville, which makes it possible to draw reliable quantitative conclusions. Besides, the study considers all kinds of names with the preposition de. The corpus contain two kinds of such names: compounds with Marian dedications and those containing a saint’s name (e.g. Fernando de San Pedro, Elvira de San Vicente, Juan de Santo Agustín, etc.). In the 16th century such names were relatively rare: only 115 children are found to have been baptised with a compound name containing preposition de, such names being based on the combination of a first name with one of only 30 dedicative elements (de San Pedro, de la Concepción, etc.). Female names with Marian dedications were almost twice as frequent as compounds with a saint’s name. The analysis shows that in the last case, the choice of the name depended on the catholic calendar: in the overwhelming majority of cases, the newborn baby got baptised immediately on the corresponding saint’s day or some days around this date (all deviances from this practice are discussed in the paper). It is also found that prior to 1600 names with de were characteristic of the most disadvantaged social groups, especially slaves and abandoned children, where the dedicative element that followed the preposition served as a substitute of a missing second name.

Este trabajo examina los lazos entre la Caja Nacional de Ahorros y otros bancos estatales como la Caja de Crédito Hipotecario y la Caja de Crédito Agrario entre fines del siglo XIX y la primera mitad del siglo XX. Los permanentes vínculos financieros, la cooperación operativa y el Consejo Directivo compartido entre las ‘cajas’, explican el éxito y la permanencia en el mercado de las tres firmas estatales. En adición, este trabajo evidencia la relevancia de la Caja Nacional de Ahorros en el mercado del ahorro chileno: en el año 1922 más del 50% de las personas en Santiago y más del 25% de la población del país tenía una libreta de ahorro de la ‘caja de ahorros’, es decir, prácticamente todas las familias del país tenían una cuenta de ahorro en esta institución. La amplia presencia de oficinas de la Caja Nacional de Ahorros en ciudades y localidades donde ningún banco privado tenía sucursales y su sistema de visitas en terreno le permitieron capturar a una gran cantidad de clientes, sobre todo de la clase obrera, la cual estaba dispuesta a ahorrar en el sistema financiero formal. Por último, la trayectoria de estrechas relaciones entre estas empresas es uno de los principales factores que explican por qué estas instituciones fueron fusionadas en 1953 para formar el Banco del Estado de Chile. This work examines the links among the Caja Nacional de Ahorros (National Savings Bank) and other state-owned banks such as the Caja de Crédito Hipotecario (National Mortgage Bank) and the Caja de Crédito Agrario (Agricultural Credit Bank) from the end of the nineteenth-century to the first half of the twentieth-century. The permanent financial links, the operative cooperation, and the shared Board of Directors among the “cajas” explain the success and permanence in the market of the three state-owned firms. In addition, this work shows the relevance of the Caja Nacional de Ahorros in the Chilean savings market: in 1922 more than 50 percent of the people in Santiago and more than 25 percent of the country’s population had a savings account of the ‘National Savings Bank‘ , that is, practically all the families in the country had a savings account in this institution. The wide presence of offices of the Caja Nacional de Ahorros in cities and towns where no private bank had branches and its system of field visits allowed it to capture many customers, especially the working class, who were willing to save in the formal financial system. Finally, the history of close relationships among these companies is one of the main factors that explain why these institutions were merged in 1953 to form the Banco del Estado de Chile.

This volume of Frontiers signals a further maturation in the short history of this journal. Frontiers is now cosponsored by ten colleges and universities, and their support reflects the academic nature and purpose of this journal. In addition, our new Editorial Board members bring with them expertise in a variety of academic fields that relate to study abroad. The journal's expanded Board and its sponsors will assist Frontiers in fulfilling its mission of providing the profession of study abroad with a broad, provocative, and stimulating approach to topics within the field. The articles in this volume offer excellent examples of this purpose. Skye Stephenson's lead article, "Study Abroad as a Transformational Experience and Its Effect upon Study Abroad Students and Host Nationals in Santiago, Chile" provides insights into the views of the "other" in study abroad and how students affect a local culture and are in turn affected by it. Stephenson's research helps us to understand the myriad ways in which student, professor, and host family effect one another. John and Lilli Engle's article, "Program Intervention in the Process of Cultural Integration: The Example of French Practicum" describes the French Practicum course they developed as part of the curriculum of the American University Center in Aix-en-Provence. The presentation and analysis of this course alerts us to a number of substantial issues regarding study abroad pedagogy and learning that strike at the very nature and purposes of international education. Colin Ireland's article, "Seventh-Century Ireland as a Study Abroad Destination," examines an early form of study abroad and reveals that the issues that were at work within the study abroad experience of the seventh century, including the challenge of cultural integration, are similar to the ones facing international educators today. Ireland's article is a provocative example of the rich traditions of study abroad that lie buried in our collective past. "College Students with Disabilities and Study Abroad: Implications for International Education Staff," by Brenda Hameister and colleagues, addresses a critical topic in the field and suggests a useful approach toward advising students with disabilities about study abroad. Drawing on their considerable collective experience in this field, the authors present important concepts and case studies to help guide international education staff in their work with students with disabilities. In their article, "Evaluation and Study Abroad: Developing Assessment Criteria and Practices to Promote Excellence," Joan Gillespie and her colleagues focus on an essential topic for the field of study abroad: how best to evaluate and improve programs abroad. The Model Assessment Practice developed by IES should stimulate discussion and debate among international educators concerned about program quality. I hope that you find the variety of articles contained in this volume of Frontiers both stimulating and useful. The next volume of Frontiers, scheduled to be published in fall, 2000, will be a thematic one that focuses on the topic of Study Abroad and Area Studies. Brian Whalen Dickinson College

The debate on the social role of museums trundles along in an age where complex associations between community, collections, and cultural norms are highly contested (Silverman 3–4; Sandell, Inequality 3–23). This article questions whether, in the case of community groups whose aspirations often go unrecognised (in this case people with either blindness or low vision), there is a need to discuss and debate institutionalised approaches that often reinforce social exclusion and impede cultural access. If “access is [indeed] an entry point to experience” (Papalia), then the privileging of visual encounters in museums is clearly a barrier for people who experience sight loss or low vision (Levent and Pursley). In contrast, a multisensory aesthetic to exhibition display respects the gamut of human sensory experience (Dudley 161–63; Drobnick 268–69; Feld 184; James 136; McGlone 41–60) as do discursive gateways including “lectures, symposia, workshops, educational programs, audio guides, and websites” (Cachia). Independent access to information extends beyond Braille on toilet doors.Underpinning this article is an ongoing qualitative case study undertaken by the author involving participant observation, workshops, and interviews with eight adults who experience vision impairment. The primary research site has been the National Museum of Australia. Reflecting on the role of curators as storytellers and the historical development of museums and their practitioners as agents for social development, the article explores the opportunities latent in museum collections as they relate to community members with vision impairment. The outcomes of this investigation offer insights into emerging issues as they relate to the International Council of Museums (ICOM) definitions of the museum program. Curators as Storytellers“The ways in which objects are selected, put together, and written or spoken about have political effects” (Eilean Hooper-Greenhill qtd. in Sandell, Inequality 8). Curators can therefore open or close doors to discrete communities of people. The traditional role of curators has been to collect, care for, research, and interpret collections (Desvallées and Mairesse 68): they are characterised as information specialists with a penchant for research (Belcher 78). While commonly possessing an intimate knowledge of their institution’s collection, their mode of knowledge production results from a culturally mediated process which ensures that resulting products, such as cultural significance assessments and provenance determinations (Russell and Winkworth), privilege the knowing systems of dominant social groups (Fleming 213). Such ways of seeing can obstruct the access prospects of underserved audiences.When it comes to exhibition display—arguably the most public of work by museums—curators conventionally collaborate within a constellation of other practitioners (Belcher 78–79). Curators liaise with museum directors, converse with conservators, negotiate with exhibition designers, consult with graphics designers, confer with marketing boffins, seek advice from security, chat with editors, and engage with external contractors. I question the extent that curators engage with community groups who may harbour aspirations to participate in the exhibition experience—a sticking point soon to be addressed. Despite the team based ethos of exhibition design, it is nonetheless the content knowledge of curators on public display. The art of curatorial interpretation sets out not to instruct audiences but, in part, to provoke a response with narratives designed to reveal meanings and relationships (Freeman Tilden qtd. in Alexander and Alexander 258). Recognised within the institution as experts (Sandell, Inclusion 53), curators have agency—they decide upon the stories told. In a recent television campaign by the National Museum of Australia, a voiceover announces: a storyteller holds incredible power to connect and to heal, because stories bring us together (emphasis added). (National Museum of Australia 2015)Storytelling in the space of the museum often shares the histories, perspectives, and experiences of people past as well as living cultures—and these stories are situated in space and time. If that physical space is not fit-for-purpose—that is, it does not accommodate an individual’s physical, intellectual, psychiatric, sensory, or neurological needs (Disability Discrimination Act 1992, Cwlth)—then the story reaches only long-established patrons. The museum’s opportunity to contribute to social development, and thus the curator’s as the primary storyteller, will have been missed. A Latin-American PerspectiveICOM’s commitment to social development could be interpreted merely as a pledge to make use of collections to benefit the public through scholarship, learning, and pleasure (ICOM 15). If this interpretation is accepted, however, then any museum’s contribution to social development is somewhat paltry. To accept such a limited and limiting role for museums is to overlook the historical efforts by advocates to change the very nature of museums. The ascendancy of the social potential of museums first blossomed during the late 1960s at a time where, globally, overlapping social movements espoused civil rights and the recognition of minority groups (Silverman 12; de Varine 3). Simultaneously but independently, neighbourhood museums arose in the United States, ecomuseums in France and Quebec, and the integral museum in Latin America, notably in Mexico (Hauenschild; Silverman 12–13). The Latin-American commitment to the ideals of the integral museum developed out of the 1972 round table of Santiago, Chile, sponsored by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (Giménez-Cassina 25–26). The Latin-American signatories urged the local and regional museums of their respective countries to collaborate with their communities to resolve issues of social inequality (Round Table Santiago 13–21). The influence of Brazilian educator Paulo Freire should be acknowledged. In 1970, Freire ushered in the concept of conscientization, defined by Catherine Campbell and Sandra Jovchelovitch as:the process whereby critical thinking develops … [and results in a] … thinker [who] feels empowered to think and to act on the conditions that shape her living. (259–260)This model for empowerment lent inspiration to the ideals of the Santiago signatories in realising their sociopolitical goal of the integral museum (Assunção dos Santos 20). Reframing the museum as an institution in the service of society, the champions of the integral museum sought to redefine the thinking and practices of museums and their practitioners (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization 37–39). The signatories successfully lobbied ICOM to introduce an explicitly social purpose to the work of museums (Assunção dos Santos 6). In 1974, in the wake of the Santiago round table, ICOM modified their definition of a museum to “a permanent non-profit institution, open to the public, in the service of society and its development” (emphasis added) (Hauenschild). Museums had been transformed into “problem solvers” (Judite Primo qtd. in Giménez-Cassina 26). With that spirit in mind, museum practitioners, including curators, can develop opportunities for reciprocity with the many faces of the public (Guarini). Response to Social Development InitiativesStarting in the 1970s, the “second museum revolution” (van Mensch 6–7) saw the transition away from: traditional roles of museums [of] collecting, conservation, curatorship, research and communication … [and toward the] … potential role of museums in society, in education and cultural action. (van Mensch 6–7)Arguably, this potential remains a work in progress some 50 years later. Writing in the tradition of museums as agents of social development, Mariana Lamas states:when we talk about “in the service of society and its development”, it’s quite different. It is like the drunk uncle at the Christmas party that the family pretends is not there, because if they pretend long enough, he might pass out on the couch. (Lamas 47–48)That is not to say that museums have neglected to initiate services and programs that acknowledge the aspirations of people with disabilities (refer to Cachia and Krantz as examples). Without discounting such efforts, but with the refreshing analogy of the drunken uncle still fresh in memory, Lamas answers her own rhetorical question:how can traditional museums promote community development? At first the word “development” may seem too much for the museum to do, but there are several ways a museum can promote community development. (Lamas 52) Legitimising CommunitiesThe first way that museums can foster community or social development is to:help the community to over come [sic] a problem, coming up with different solutions, putting things into a new perspective; providing confidence to the community and legitimizing it. (Lamas 52)As a response, my doctoral investigation legitimises the right of people with vision impairment to participate in the social and cultural aspects of publicly funded museums. The Australian Government upheld this right in 2008 by ratifying the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (and Optional Protocol), which enshrines the right of people with disability to participate in the cultural life of the nation (United Nations).At least 840,700 people in Australia (a minimum of four per cent of the population) experiences either blindness or low vision (Australian Bureau of Statistics 2009). For every one person in the Australian community who is blind, nearly five other people experience low vision. The medical model of disability identifies the impairment as the key feature of a person and seeks out a corrective intervention. In contrast, the social model of disability strives to remove the attitudinal, social, and physical barriers enacted by people or institutions (Landman, Fishburn, and Tonkin 14). Therein lies the opportunity and challenge for museums—modifying layouts and practices that privilege the visual. Consequently, there is scope for museums to partner with people with vision impairment to identify their aspirations rather than respond as a problem to be fixed. Common fixes in the museums for people with disabilities include physical alterations such as ramps and, less often, special tours (Cachia). I posit that curators, as co-creators and major contributors to exhibitions, can be part of a far wider discussion. In the course of doctoral research, I accompanied adults with a wide array of sight impairments into exhibitions at the Museum of Australian Democracy at Old Parliament House, the Australian War Memorial, and the National Museum of Australia. Within the space of the exhibition, the most commonly identified barrier has been the omission of access opportunities to interpreted materials: that is, information about objects on display as well as the wider narratives driving exhibitions. Often, the participant has had to work backwards, from the object itself, to understand the wider topic of the exhibition. If aesthetics is “the way we communicate through the senses” (Thrift 291), then the vast majority of exhibits have been inaccessible from a sensory perspective. For people with low vision (that is, they retain some degree of functioning sight), objects’ labels have often been too small to be read or, at times, poorly contrasted or positioned. Objects have often been set too deep into display cabinets or too far behind safety barriers. If individuals must use personal magnifiers to read text or look in vain at objects, then that is an indicator that there are issues with exhibition design. For people who experience blindness (that is, they cannot see), neither the vast majority of exhibits nor their interpretations have been made accessible. There has been minimal access across all museums to accessioned objects, handling collections, or replicas to tease out exhibits and their stories. Object labels must be read by family or friends—a tiring experience. Without motivated peers, the stories told by curators are silenced by a dearth of alternative options.Rather than presume to know what works for people with disabilities, my research ethos respects the “nothing about us without us” (Charlton 2000; Werner 1997) maxim of disability advocates. To paraphrase Lamas, we have collaborated to come up with different solutions by putting things into new perspectives. In turn, “person-centred” practices based on rapport, warmth, and respect (Arigho 206–07) provide confidence to a diverse community of people by legitimising their right to participate in the museum space. Incentivising Communities Museums can also nurture social or community development by providing incentives to “the community to take action to improve its quality of life” (Lamas 52). It typically falls to (enthusiastic) public education and community outreach teams to engage underserved communities through targeted programs. This approach continues the trend of curators as advocates for the collection, and educators as advocates for the public (Kaitavouri xi). If the exhibition briefs normally written by curators (Belcher 83) reinforced the importance of access, then exhibition designers would be compelled to offer fit-for-purpose solutions. Better still, if curators (and other exhibition team members) regularly met with community based organisations (perhaps in the form of a disability reference group), then museums would be better positioned to accommodate a wider spectrum of community members. The National Standards for Australian Museums and Galleries already encourages museums to collaborate with disability organisations (40). Such initiatives offer a way forward for improving a community’s sense of itself and its quality of life. The World Health Organization defines health as a “state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity”. While I am not using quality of life indicators for my doctoral study, the value of facilitating social and cultural opportunities for my target audience is evident in participant statements. At the conclusion of one sensory based workshop, Mara, a female participant who experiences low vision in one eye and blindness in the other, stated:I think it was interesting in that we could talk together about what we were experiencing and that really is the social aspect of it. I mean if I was left to go to a whole lot of museums on my own, I probably wouldn’t. You know, I like going with kids or a friend visiting from interstate—that sort of thing. And so this group, in a way, replicates that experience in that you’ve got someone else to talk about your impressions with—much better than going on your own or doing this alone.Mara’s statement was in response to one of two workshops I held with the support of the Learning Services team at the National Museum of Australia in May 2015. Selected objects from the museum’s accessioned collection and handling collection were explored, as well as replicas in the form of 3D printed objects. For example, participants gazed upon and handled a tuckerbox, smelt and tasted macadamia nuts in wattle seed syrup, and listened to a genesis story about the more-ish nut recorded by the Butchulla people—the traditional owners of Fraser Island. We sat around a table while I, as the workshop mediator, sought to facilitate free-flowing discussions about their experiences and, in turn, mused on the capacity of objects to spark social connection and opportunities for cultural access. While the workshop provided the opportunity for reciprocal exchanges amongst participants as well as between participants and me, what was highly valued by most participants was the direct contact with members of the museum’s Learning Services team. I observed that participants welcomed the opportunity to talk with real museum workers. Their experience of museum practitioners, to date, had been largely confined to the welcome desk of respective institutions or through special events or tours where they were talked at. The opportunity to communicate directly with the museum allowed some participants to share their thoughts and feelings about the services that museums provide. I suggest that curators open themselves up to such exchanges on a more frequent basis—it may result in reciprocal benefits for all stakeholders. Fortifying IdentityA third way museums can contribute to social or community development is by:fortify[ing] the bonds between the members of the community and reaffirm their identities making them feel more secure about who they are; and give them a chance to tell their own version of their history to “outsiders” which empowers them. (Lamas 52)Identity informs us and others of who we are and where we belong in the world (Silverman 54). However, the process of identity marking and making can be fraught: “some communities are ours by choice … [and] … some are ours because of the ways that others see us” (Watson 4). Communities are formed by identifying who is in and who is out (Francois Dubet qtd. in Bessant and Watts 260). In other words, the construction of collective identity is reinforced through means of social inclusion and social exclusion. The participants of my study, as members or clients of the Royal Society for the Blind | Canberra Blind Society, clearly value participating in events with empathetic peers. People with vision impairment are not a homogenous group, however. Reinforcing the cultural influences on the formation of identity, Fiona Candlin asserts that “to state the obvious but often ignored fact, blind people … [come] … from all social classes, all cultural, racial, religious and educational backgrounds” (101). Irrespective of whether blindness or low vision arises congenitally, adventitiously, or through unexpected illness, injury, or trauma, the end result is an assortment of individuals with differing perceptual characteristics who construct meaning in often divergent ways (De Coster and Loots 326–34). They also hold differing world views. Therefore, “participation [at the museum] is not an end in itself. It is a means for creating a better world” (Assunção dos Santos 9). According to the Australian Human Rights Commissioner, Professor Gillian Triggs, a better world is: a society for all, in which every individual has an active role to play. Such a society is based on fundamental values of equity, equality, social justice, and human rights and freedoms, as well as on the principles of tolerance and embracing diversity. (Triggs)Publicly funded museums can play a fundamental role in the cultural lives of societies. For example, the Powerhouse Museum (Museum of Applied Arts and Sciences) in Sydney partnered with Vision Australia to host an exhibition in 2010 titled Living in a Sensory World: it offered “visitors an understanding of the world of the blindness and low vision community and celebrates their achievements” (Powerhouse Museum). With similar intent, my doctoral research seeks to validate the world of my participants by inviting museums to appreciate their aspirations as a distinct but diverse community of people. ConclusionIn conclusion, the challenge for museum curators and other museum practitioners is balancing what Richard Sennett (qtd. in Bessant and Watts 265) identifies as opportunities for enhancing social cohesion and a sense of belonging while mitigating parochialism and community divisiveness. Therefore, curators, as the primary focus of this article, are indeed challenged when asked to contribute to serving the public through social development—a public which is anything but homogenous. Mindful of cultural and social differences in an ever-changing world, museums are called to respect the cultural and natural heritage of the communities they serve and collaborate with (ICOM 10). It is a position I wholeheartedly support. This is not to say that museums or indeed curators are capable of solving the ills of society. However, inviting people who are frequently excluded from social and cultural events to multisensory encounters with museum collections acknowledges their cultural rights. I suggest that this would be a seismic shift from the current experiences of adults with blindness or low vision at most museums.ReferencesAlexander, Edward, and Mary Alexander. Museums in Motion: An Introduction to the History and Functions of Museums. 2nd ed. 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In a TED talk in June 2009, media scholar Clay Shirky cited the devastating earthquake that struck the Sichuan province of China in May 2008 as an example of how media flows are changing. He explained how the first reports of the quake came not from traditional news media, but from local residents who sent messages on QQ, China’s largest social network, and on Twitter, the world’s most popular micro-blogging service. "As the quake was happening, the news was reported," said Shirky. This was neither a unique nor isolated incident. It has become commonplace for the people caught up in the news to provide the first accounts, images and video of events unfolding around them. Studies in participatory journalism suggest that professional journalists now share jurisdiction over the news in the sense that citizens are participating in the observation, selection, filtering, distribution and interpretation of events. This paper argues that the ability of citizens to play “an active role in the process of collecting, reporting, analysing and disseminating news and information” (Bowman and Willis 9) means we need to reassess the meaning of ‘ambient’ as applied to news and journalism. Twitter has emerged as a key medium for news and information about major events, such as during the earthquake in Chile in February 2010 (see, for example, Silverman; Dickinson). This paper discusses how social media technologies such as Twitter, which facilitate the immediate dissemination of digital fragments of news and information, are creating what I have described as “ambient journalism” (Hermida). It approaches real-time, networked digital technologies as awareness systems that offer diverse means to collect, communicate, share and display news and information in the periphery of a user's awareness. Twitter shares some similarities with other forms of communication. Like the telephone, it facilitates a real-time exchange of information. Like instant messaging, the information is sent in short bursts. But it extends the affordances of previous modes of communication by combining these features in both a one-to-many and many-to-many framework that is public, archived and searchable. Twitter allows a large number of users to communicate with each other simultaneously in real-time, based on an asymmetrical relationship between friends and followers. The messages form social streams of connected data that provide value both individually and in aggregate. News All Around The term ‘ambient’ has been used in journalism to describe the ubiquitous nature of news in today's society. In their 2002 study, Hargreaves and Thomas said one of the defining features of the media landscape in the UK was the easy availability of news through a host of media platforms, such as public billboards and mobile phones, and in spaces, such as trains and aircraft. “News is, in a word, ambient, like the air we breathe,” they concluded (44). The availability of news all around meant that citizens were able to maintain an awareness of what was taking place in the world as they went about their everyday activities. One of the ways news has become ambient has been through the proliferation of displays in public places carrying 24-hour news channels or showing news headlines. In her book, Ambient Television, Anna McCarthy explored how television has become pervasive by extending outside the home and dominating public spaces, from the doctor’s waiting room to the bar. “When we search for TV in public places, we find a dense, ambient clutter of public audio-visual apparatuses,” wrote McCarthy (13). In some ways, the proliferation of news on digital platforms has intensified the presence of ambient news. In a March 2010 Pew Internet report, Purcell et al. found that “in the digital era, news has become omnipresent. Americans access it in multiple formats on multiple platforms on myriad devices” (2). It seems that, if anything, digital technologies have increased the presence of ambient news. This approach to the term ‘ambient’ is based on a twentieth century model of mass media. Traditional mass media, from newspapers through radio to television, are largely one-directional, impersonal one-to-many carriers of news and information (McQuail 55). The most palpable feature of the mass media is to reach the many, and this affects the relationship between the media and the audience. Consequently, the news audience does not act for itself, but is “acted upon” (McQuail 57). It is assigned the role of consumer. The public is present in news as citizens who receive information about, and interpretation of, events from professional journalists. The public as the recipient of information fits in with the concept of ambient news as “news which is free at the point of consumption, available on demand and very often available in the background to people’s lives without them even looking” (Hargreaves and Thomas 51). To suggest that members of the audience are just empty receptacles to be filled with news is an oversimplification. For example, television viewers are not solely defined in terms of spectatorship (see, for example, Ang). But audiences have, traditionally, been kept well outside the journalistic process, defined as the “selecting, writing, editing, positioning, scheduling, repeating and otherwise massaging information to become news” (Shoemaker et al. 73). This audience is cast as the receiver, with virtually no sense of agency over the news process. As a result, journalistic communication has evolved, largely, as a process of one-way, one-to-many transmission of news and information to the public. The following section explores the shift towards a more participatory media environment. News as a Social Experience The shift from an era of broadcast mass media to an era of networked digital media has fundamentally altered flows of information. Non-linear, many-to-many digital communication technologies have transferred the means of media production and dissemination into the hands of the public, and are rewriting the relationship between the audience and journalists. Where there were once limited and cost-intensive channels for the distribution of content, there are now a myriad of widely available digital channels. Henry Jenkins has written about the emergence of a participatory culture that “contrasts with older notions of passive media spectatorship. Rather than talking about media producers and consumers occupying separate roles, we might now see them as participants who interact with each other according to a new set of rules that none of us fully understands” (3). Axel Bruns has coined the term “produsage” (2) to refer to the blurred line between producers and consumers, while Jay Rosen has talked about the “people formerly know as the audience.” For some, the consequences of this shift could be “a new model of journalism, labelled participatory journalism,” (Domingo et al. 331), raising questions about who can be described as a journalist and perhaps, even, how journalism itself is defined. The trend towards a more participatory media ecosystem was evident in the March 2010 study on news habits in the USA by Pew Internet. It highlighted that the news was becoming a social experience. “News is becoming a participatory activity, as people contribute their own stories and experiences and post their reactions to events” (Purcell et al. 40). The study found that 37% of Internet users, described by Pew as “news participators,” had actively contributed to the creation, commentary, or dissemination of news (44). This reflects how the Internet has changed the relationship between journalists and audiences from a one-way, asymmetric model of communication to a more participatory and collective system (Boczkowski; Deuze). The following sections considers how the ability of the audience to participate in the gathering, analysis and communication of news and information requires a re-examination of the concept of ambient news. A Distributed Conversation As I’ve discussed, ambient news is based on the idea of the audience as the receiver. Ambient journalism, on the other hand, takes account of how audiences are able to become part of the news process. However, this does not mean that citizens are necessarily producing journalism within the established framework of accounts and analysis through narratives, with the aim of providing accurate and objective portrayals of reality. Rather, I suggest that ambient journalism presents a multi-faceted and fragmented news experience, where citizens are producing small pieces of content that can be collectively considered as journalism. It acknowledges the audience as both a receiver and a sender. I suggest that micro-blogging social media services such as Twitter, that enable millions of people to communicate instantly, share and discuss events, are an expression of ambient journalism. Micro-blogging is a new media technology that enables and extends society's ability to communicate, enabling users to share brief bursts of information from multiple digital devices. Twitter has become one of the most popular micro-blogging platforms, with some 50 million messages sent daily by February 2010 (Twitter). Twitter enables users to communicate with each other simultaneously via short messages no longer than 140 characters, known as ‘tweets’. The micro-blogging platform shares some similarities with instant messaging. It allows for near synchronous communications from users, resulting in a continuous stream of up-to-date messages, usually in a conversational tone. Unlike instant messaging, Twitter is largely public, creating a new body of content online that can be archived, searched and retrieved. The messages can be extracted, analysed and aggregated, providing a measure of activity around a particular event or subject and, in some cases, an indication of the general sentiment about it. For example, the deluge of tweets following Michael Jackson's death in July 2009 has been described as a public and collective expression of loss that indicated “the scale of the world’s shock and sadness” (Cashmore). While tweets are atomic in nature, they are part of a distributed conversation through a social network of interconnected users. To paraphrase David Weinberger's description of the Web, tweets are “many small pieces loosely joined,” (ix). In common with mass media audiences, users may be very widely dispersed and usually unknown to each other. Twitter provides a structure for them to act together as if in an organised way, for example through the use of hashtags–the # symbol–and keywords to signpost topics and issues. This provides a mechanism to aggregate, archive and analyse the individual tweets as a whole. Furthermore, information is not simply dependent on the content of the message. A user's profile, their social connections and the messages they resend, or retweet, provide an additional layer of information. This is called the social graph and it is implicit in social networks such as Twitter. The social graph provides a representation of an individual and their connections. Each user on Twitter has followers, who themselves have followers. Thus each tweet has a social graph attached to it, as does each message that is retweeted (forwarded to other users). Accordingly, social graphs offer a means to infer reputation and trust. Twitter as Ambient Journalism Services such as Twitter can be considered as awareness systems, defined as computer-mediated communication systems “intended to help people construct and maintain awareness of each others’ activities, context or status, even when the participants are not co-located” (Markopoulos et al., v). In such a system, the value does not lie in the individual sliver of information that may, on its own, be of limited value or validity. Rather the value lies in the combined effect of the communication. In this sense, Twitter becomes part of an ambient media system where users receive a flow of information from both established media and from each other. Both news and journalism are ambient, suggesting that “broad, asynchronous, lightweight and always-on communication systems such as Twitter are enabling citizens to maintain a mental model of news and events around them” (Hermida 5). Obviously, not everything on Twitter is an act of journalism. There are messages about almost every topic that often have little impact beyond an individual and their circle of friends, from random thoughts and observations to day-to-day minutiae. But it is undeniable that Twitter has emerged as a significant platform for people to report, comment and share news about major events, with individuals performing some of the institutionalised functions of the professional journalist. Examples where Twitter has emerged as a platform for journalism include the 2008 US presidential elections, the Mumbai attacks in November of 2008 and the January 2009 crash of US Airways flight (Lenhard and Fox 2). In these examples, Twitter served as a platform for first-hand, real-time reports from people caught up in the events as they unfolded, with the cell phone used as the primary reporting tool. For example, the dramatic Hudson River landing of the US Airways flight was captured by ferry passenger Janis Krum, who took a photo with a cell phone and sent it out via Twitter.One of the issues associated with services like Twitter is the speed and number of micro-bursts of data, together with the potentially high signal to noise ratio. For example, the number of tweets related to the disputed election result in Iran in June 2009 peaked at 221,774 in one hour, from an average flow of between 10,000 and 50,000 an hour (Parr). Hence there is a need for systems to aid in selection, organisation and interpretation to make sense of this ambient journalism. Traditionally the journalist has been the mechanism to filter, organise and interpret this information and deliver the news in ready-made packages. Such a role was possible in an environment where access to the means of media production was limited. But the thousands of acts of journalism taking place on Twitter every day make it impossible for an individual journalist to identify the collective sum of knowledge contained in the micro-fragments, and bring meaning to the data. Rather, we should look to the literature on ambient media, where researchers talk about media systems that understand individual desires and needs, and act autonomously on their behalf (for example Lugmayr). Applied to journalism, this suggests a need for tools that can analyse, interpret and contextualise a system of collective intelligence. An example of such a service is TwitterStand, developed by a group of researchers at the University of Maryland (Sankaranarayanan et al.). The team describe TwitterStand as “an attempt to harness this emerging technology to gather and disseminate breaking news much faster than conventional news media” (51). In their paper, they describe in detail how their news processing system is able to identify and cluster news tweets in a noisy medium. They conclude that “Twitter, or most likely a successor of it, is a harbinger of a futuristic technology that is likely to capture and transmit the sum total of all human experiences of the moment” (51). While such a comment may be something of an overstatement, it indicates how emerging real-time, networked technologies are creating systems of distributed journalism.Similarly, the US Geological Survey (USGS) is investigating social media technologies as a way quickly to gather information about recent earthquakes. It has developed a system called the Twitter Earthquake Detector to gather real-time, earthquake-related messages from Twitter and filter the messages by place, time, and keyword (US Department of the Interior). By collecting and analysing the tweets, the USGS believes it can access anecdotal information from citizens about a quake much faster than if it only relied on scientific information from authoritative sources.Both of these are examples of research into the development of tools that help users negotiate and regulate the streams and information flowing through networked media. They address issues of information overload by making sense of distributed and unstructured data, finding a single concept such as news in what Sankaranarayanan et al., say is “akin to finding needles in stacks of tweets’ (43). danah boyd eloquently captured the potential for such as system, writing that “those who are most enamoured with services like Twitter talk passionately about feeling as though they are living and breathing with the world around them, peripherally aware and in tune, adding content to the stream and grabbing it when appropriate.” Conclusion While this paper has focused on Twitter in its discussion of ambient journalism, it is possible that the service may be overtaken by another or several similar digital technologies. This has happened, for example, in the social networking space, with Friendster been supplanted by MySpace and more recently by Facebook. However, underlying services like Twitter are a set of characteristics often referred to by the catchall phrase, the real-time Web. As often with emerging and rapidly developing Internet trends, it can be challenging to define what the real-time Web means. Entrepreneur Ken Fromm has identified a set of characteristics that offer a good starting point to understand the real-time Web. He describes it as a new form of loosely organised communication that is creating a new body of public content in real-time, with a related social graph. In the context of our discussion of the term ‘ambient’, the characteristics of the real-time Web do not only extend the pervasiveness of ambient news. They also enable the former audience to become part of the news environment as it has the means to gather, select, produce and distribute news and information. 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