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Journal articles on the topic 'San Giuliano di Puglia'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Casciello, Emilio, Massimo Cesarano, Giuseppe Naso, Gerardo Pappone, and Carmen Rosskopf. "The 2002 Molise, Italy, Earthquake: Geological and Geomorphological Data on the San Giuliano di Puglia Area." Earthquake Spectra 20, no. 1_suppl (July 2004): 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1193/1.1765105.

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The small village of San Giuliano di Puglia sustained the most severe damage from the Molise earthquake sequence of 2002. This study involved detailed geological and geomorphological mapping and is supported by a large set of geotechnical, geophysical and drill-hole data available from existing studies. These data were used to compile a seismic microzonation map of the San Giuliano di Puglia area as part of a study officially commissioned by the Department of Civil Protection. The map provides seismic hazard information that will be useful in the repair and reconstruction of the town.
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2

Foraboschi, Paolo. "Church of San Giuliano di Puglia: Seismic repair and upgrading." Engineering Failure Analysis 33 (October 2013): 281–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.engfailanal.2013.05.023.

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3

Augenti, Nicola, Edoardo Cosenza, Mauro Dolce, Gaetano Manfredi, Angelo Masi, and Linda Samela. "Performance of School Buildings during the 2002 Molise, Italy, Earthquake." Earthquake Spectra 20, no. 1_suppl (July 2004): 257–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1193/1.1769374.

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The authors inspected approximately 300 primary and secondary schools in 87 municipalities of Molise. About 40% were masonry structures, 40% were reinforced concrete (RC) frame structures, and the remaining 20% were a variety of structures. Almost all of them were built without seismic criteria and most had no more than three stories. In this paper we compare the distribution of the damage with the vulnerability classes. The collapses in San Giuliano di Puglia highlight the comparative vulnerabilities related to structural types, construction phases, and location.
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4

Foster, Barbara, and Sandro Kodama. "Emergency Management, Recovery, and Reconstruction following the 2002 Molise, Italy, Earthquake." Earthquake Spectra 20, no. 1_suppl (July 2004): 323–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1193/1.1768543.

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The Molise earthquake received widespread attention within Italy because of its devastating impact on the residents and on the economy of the sparsely populated regions of Molise and Puglia. Overall, 91 municipalities requested government assistance, including 65 in the province of Campobasso and 26 in the province of Foggia. The most extensive damage was to the village of San Giuliano di Puglia, where 27 children and one teacher were killed in a collapse of the primary school and the entire town has been relocated to a temporary village for an estimated two years. The disaster served as a catalyst for immediate changes to Italy's seismic law and regulations. This paper explores some of the challenges that confronted emergency managers, planners and victims during the response phase, and summarizes the economic impacts and recovery and reconstruction efforts.
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5

Galli, Paolo, and Diego Molin. "Macroseismic Survey of the 2002 Molise, Italy, Earthquake and Historical Seismicity of San Giuliano di Puglia." Earthquake Spectra 20, no. 1_suppl (July 2004): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1193/1.1766034.

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The eastern Molise earthquake had an epicentral intensity of Io=7–8 MCS (Mercalli-Cancani-Sieberg scale) and a maximum intensity of Imax=8–9 in the village of San Giuliano di Puglia. The historical portion of this village, built on a marly limestone hill, had intensities of 6–7 MCS, whereas the most recently developed area, on a crest of marly clays, had a local intensity of I=9–10 MCS, and was almost totally destroyed. Neighboring villages were generally struck with an intensity of 6–7 MCS. In several places, the damage was due to gravity-driven phenomena affecting both the rocky and clayey substratum of the villages. The epicentral area is characterized by the lack of historical earthquakes comparable to the 2002 sequence, having suffered only the effects of distant, strong (M>6.5) events, coming either from the Apennine seismogenic belt or from the Gargano area.
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Lanzo, Giuseppe, and Alessandro Pagliaroli. "Numerical Modeling of Site Effects at San Giuliano di Puglia (Southern Italy) during the 2002 Molise Seismic Sequence." Journal of Geotechnical and Geoenvironmental Engineering 135, no. 9 (September 2009): 1295–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1061/(asce)gt.1943-5606.0000055.

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7

Langenbach, Randolph, and Alberto Dusi. "On the Cross of Sant'Andrea: The Response to the Tragedy of San Giuliano di Puglia following the 2002 Molise, Italy, Earthquake." Earthquake Spectra 20, no. 1_suppl (July 2004): 341–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1193/1.1767162.

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This paper reviews the recovery process in San Giuliano di Puglia, the one town in the Molise earthquake to suffer both extensive fatalities and widespread severe damage to its building stock. It focuses on three issues related to the recovery process: (1) the initial decision to close the central part of the town and to relocate most of the townspeople into temporary housing, (2) the location and design of the temporary “new village,” (3) the demolition rather than repair of many damaged buildings, and (4) the ongoing planning for the permanent relocation of the town center to a new area away from what had been the town's “main street.” The paper discusses the inspection, shoring and demolition process. Connecting all these issues is the question of how relief aid should be managed to best assist in recovery on all levels, including the psychological well-being of the people and the community.
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8

Puglia, Rodolfo, Marco Vona, Peter Klin, Chiara Ladina, Angelo Masi, Enrico Priolo, and Francesco Silvestri. "Analysis of Site Response and Building Damage Distribution Induced by the 31 October 2002 Earthquake at San Giuliano di Puglia (Italy)." Earthquake Spectra 29, no. 2 (May 2013): 497–526. http://dx.doi.org/10.1193/1.4000134.

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This paper concerns the analysis of the site amplification that significantly influenced the non-uniform damage distribution observed at San Giuliano di Puglia (Italy) after the 2002 Molise earthquake (MW = 5.7). In fact, the historical core of the town, settled on outcropping rock, received less damage than the more recent buildings, founded on a clayey subsoil. Comprehensive geotechnical and geophysical investigations allowed a detailed definition of the subsoil model. The seismic response of the subsoil was analyzed through 2-D finite-element and 3-D spectral-element methods. The accuracy of such models was verified by comparing the numerical predictions to the aftershocks recorded by a temporary seismic network. After calibration, the seismic response to a synthetic input motion reproducing the main shock was simulated. The influence of site amplification on the damage distribution observed was finally interpreted by combining the predicted variation of ground motion parameters with the structural vulnerability of the buildings.
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9

Strollo, A., S. M. Richwalski, S. Parolai, M. R. Gallipoli, M. Mucciarelli, and R. Caputo. "Site effects of the 2002 Molise earthquake, Italy: analysis of strong motion, ambient noise, and synthetic data from 2D modelling in San Giuliano di Puglia." Bulletin of Earthquake Engineering 5, no. 3 (March 2, 2007): 347–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10518-007-9033-6.

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10

Cara, F. "The Role of Site Effects on the Intensity Anomaly of San Giuliano di Puglia Inferred from Aftershocks of the Molise, Central Southern Italy, Sequence, November 2002." Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America 95, no. 4 (August 1, 2005): 1457–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1785/0120040031.

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11

Indirli, Maurizio. "Organization of a Geographic Information System (GIS) Database on Natural Hazards and Structural Vulnerability for the Historic Center of San Giuliano Di Puglia (Italy) and the City of Valparaiso (Chile)." International Journal of Architectural Heritage 3, no. 4 (May 22, 2009): 276–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15583050902803780.

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Zito, Vincenzo. "Nascita di una città: San Ferdinando di Puglia." STORIA URBANA, no. 156 (June 2018): 187–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/su2017-156008.

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13

McCallum, Myles, and Hans vanderLeest. "San Felice and the Basentello Valley Archaeological Research Project, July–August 2012 (Comune di Gravina in Puglia, Provincia di Bari, Regione Puglia)." Papers of the British School at Rome 81 (September 26, 2013): 371–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246213000214.

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McCallum, Myles, Hans vanderLeest, and Adam Hyatt. "SAN FELICE AND THE BASENTELLO VALLEY ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH PROJECT, JULY–AUGUST 2013 (COMUNE DI GRAVINA IN PUGLIA, PROVINCIA DI BARI, REGIONE PUGLIA)." Papers of the British School at Rome 82 (October 2014): 338–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006824621400018x.

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15

Stevenson, Judy. "Glass Lamps from San Vincenzo al Volturno, Molise." Papers of the British School at Rome 56 (November 1988): 198–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246200009600.

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LUCERNE VITREE DA SAN VINCENZO AL VOLTURNO, MOLISEA. S. Vincenzo al Volturno è stata rinvenuta un'interessante forma di lucerna vitrea, all'interno delle strutture della villa di V–VI secolo d.C.; “copie” di questa forma sono state riprodotte, nel IX secolo, nelle officine vetrarie annesse alla famosa abbazia benedettina. Queste lucerne possono essere riconosciute dalla forma dei manici, che si connettono alla parte superiore dell'orlo, staccandosi verticalmente da esso. Inoltre sembra che le lucerne fossero dotate di basi concave, in grado di sorreggere il pezzo, simili a quelle di una bottiglia. Le lucerne di V e VI secolo sembra avessero tre manici, laddove in quelle di IX se ne riscontrano solo due.È stato ricostruito il profilo completo di una lucerna databile fra V e VI secolo. Da altri tre siti di mia conoscenza provengono simili forme cronologicamente collocabili fra V e VI secolo: Belmonte presso Altamura, in Puglia; S. Giovanni di Ruoti presso Potenza, in Basilicata; via Carminiello ai Mannesi, a Napoli.Nell'articolo si discute l'ipotesi di una regionalizzazione della forma, nonché la possibilità di un unico centro di produzione per la regione, fra V e VI secolo; si adombra inoltre l'idea di una rinascita di tradizioni Romane e Tardo-Romane nel IX secolo.Altre forma di lucerne, come ad esempio quelle sospese a corto gambo, sono altresi ampiamente testimoniate a S. Vincenzo per ambedue i periodi di cui ci si sta occupando.
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Hughes-Johnson, Samantha. "Early Medici Patronage and the Confraternity of the Buonomini di San Martino." Confraternitas 22, no. 2 (August 2, 2012): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/confrat.v22i2.17129.

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Medici confraternal patronage is usually associated with public spectacle. Nevertheless, the bonds that this family forged with smaller lay brotherhoods (though the intent was perhaps equally political as with larger groups) can reveal a contrasting view of the clan. Previous studies concerning the confraternity of the Buonomini di San Martino are few and fall primarily within the field of social history. This interdisciplinary article considers the form and function of the fresco decoration in the confraternity’s oratory in tandem with fresh, unpublished archival data. This, in turn, provides historical, factual information about the structure and activities of the confraternity, its cultural environment and the generosity of its illustrious patrons. Concentrating on Medici confraternal patronage from 1469 to 1492, this article explores changes in Lorenzo de’ Medici’s confraternal needs and ultimately demonstrates how the munificence of il Magnifico and his assassinated brother, Giuliano, was recorded and celebrated by the Buonomini.
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17

Aleffi, M., C. Cortini Pedrotti, and R. Tacchi. "Flora briologica e aspetti biogeografici dell'Isola di Zannone (Arcipelago Pontino, Lazio) e dell'Isola di San Pietro (Isole Chéradi, Puglia)." Webbia 59, no. 1 (January 2004): 115–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00837792.2004.10670764.

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18

Raele, Donato Antonio, Ginevra Panzarino, Giuseppe Sarcinelli, Maria Assunta Cafiero, Anna Maria Tunzi, and Elena Dellù. "Genetic Evidence of the Black Death in the Abbey of San Leonardo (Apulia Region, Italy): Tracing the Cause of Death in Two Individuals Buried with Coins." Pathogens 10, no. 11 (October 20, 2021): 1354. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/pathogens10111354.

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The Abbey of San Leonardo in Siponto (Apulia, Southern Italy) was an important religious and medical center during the Middle Ages. It was a crossroads for pilgrims heading along the Via Francigena to the Sanctuary of Monte Sant’Angelo and for merchants passing through the harbor of Manfredonia. A recent excavation of Soprintendenza Archeologica della Puglia investigated a portion of the related cemetery, confirming its chronology to be between the end of the 13th and beginning of the 14th century. Two single graves preserved individuals accompanied by numerous coins dating back to the 14th century, hidden in clothes and in a bag tied to the waist. The human remains of the individuals were analyzed in the Laboratorio di Antropologia Fisica of Soprintendenza ABAP della città metropolitana di Bari. Three teeth from each individual were collected and sent to the Istituto Zooprofilattico Sperimentale di Puglia e Basilicata to study infectious diseases such as malaria, plague, tuberculosis, epidemic typhus and Maltese fever (Brucellosis), potentially related to the lack of inspection of the bodies during burial procedures. DNA extracted from six collected teeth and two additional unrelated human teeth (negative controls) were analyzed using PCR to verify the presence of human DNA (β-globulin) and of pathogens such as Plasmodium spp., Yersinia pestis, Mycobacterium spp., Rickettsia spp. and Brucella spp. The nucleotide sequence of the amplicon was determined to confirm the results. Human DNA was successfully amplified from all eight dental extracts and two different genes of Y. pestis were amplified and sequenced in 4 out of the 6 teeth. Molecular analyses ascertained that the individuals buried in San Leonardo were victims of the Black Death (1347–1353) and the data confirmed the lack of inspection of the corpses despite the presence of numerous coins. This study represents molecular evidence, for the first time, of Southern Italy’s involvement in the second wave of the plague pandemic.
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Acquafredda, Pasquale, Felice Larocca, Antonella Minelli, Mauro Pallara, and Francesca Micheletti. "Petroarcheometric Analysis on Obsidian Artefacts Found Within Some Neolithic – Eneolithic Period Caves of Southern Italy." Open Archaeology 6, no. 1 (July 30, 2020): 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opar-2020-0110.

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AbstractIn the last twenty years, obsidian artefacts have been found in important and often extensive karst cavities in Southern Italy: three located in Calabria (Grotta della Monaca, and Grotta del Tesauro, in Sant’Agata di Esaro, Cosenza; Grotta Pietra Sant’Angelo in San Lorenzo Bellizzi, Cosenza), one in Puglia (Grotta di Santa Barbara in Polignano a Mare, Bari) and another in Campania (Grotta di Polla, Salerno). All these sites, that have returned a total of 151 obsidian tools, were connected to human frequentation of the underground environments that occurred during the Holocene, which can be precisely located in the vast period between the Neolithic and the Eneolithic (6th–4th millennium BC). They are mainly blades and bladelets, but also burins together with scrapers and cores, generally of small dimensions. SEM-EDS and WD-XRF absolutely non-destructive analyses carried out on these items have shown that all samples have a source area in the obsidian outcrops of the island of Lipari (Messina, Italy). These data confirm that the Aeolian island of Lipari furnished the privileged obsidian extraction outcrops for most of the Neolithic and Eneolithic archaeological sites of Southern Italy.
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Maretto, Marco. "Saverio Muratori: towards a morphological school of urban design." Urban Morphology 17, no. 2 (March 20, 2013): 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.51347/jum.v17i2.3990.

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Muratori’s series of urban projects demonstrate both his growing appreciation of the city and his developing perception of its formative logic. Growth and maturation are evident in his work, arguably culminating in his Venetian projects for the Barene di San Giuliano in 1959. A kind of cultural progression is evident in which an awareness of the significance of crises in the way in which ideas and phenomena develop leads to his ‘discovery’ of morphology. There is also a development from the bringing together of theory and architecture (in which architecture is seen as the science of design) to the conception of morphology as a planning discipline. This paper considers the development of this key aspect of Muratori’s thinking between the late 1940s and the beginning of the 1960s – a development in which the basis for a morphological school of urban design can be clearly recognized.
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Lovino, Francesco. "Maria Stella Calò Mariani, Nicola Cicerale, San Leonardo di Siponto “ iuxta stratam peregrinorum”; Maria Stella Calò Mariani, Adriana Pepe, Luoghi di culto lungo la via francigena In cammino verso la grotta dell’Arcangelo; Maria Stella Calò Mariani, Monte Sant’Angelo. Il complesso monumentale di San Pietro, di Santa Maria Maggiore e del battistero di San Giovanni; Maria Stella Calò Mariani, Natalia D’Amico, Santa Maria di Ripalta sul Fortore (Lesina). Dalla fondazione cistercense alla rinascita celestina; Maria Stella Calò Mariani, La pittura medievale in Capitanata, [ Piccole monografie della Puglia, sezione Capitanata ] , Galatina: Congedo Editore, 2013." Convivium 2, no. 2 (November 2015): 174–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.convi.5.111186.

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22

Navarro de la Fuente, Santiago. "Ultramontanismo, tradición y devoción. “El Día del Papa” durante la Guerra Civil." Vínculos de Historia Revista del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, no. 11 (June 22, 2022): 480–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/vdh_2022.11.23.

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RESUMENEl “triunfo del ultramontanismo” durante la edad contemporánea ha marcado la evolución del catolicismo de los últimos siglos, otorgando al Papa un mayor control sobre una Iglesia que ha mirado a Roma con el propósito de plegarse a las formas y disposiciones del sucesor de San Pedro. En España, esta evolución fue acompañada tanto de la vinculación de la identidad católica con la nacional como de la división entre los católicos en razón de los diferentes programas políticos desde la irrupción del liberalismo. Ambos fenómenos influyeron decisivamente en la pugna interna habida en el bando sublevado por la orientación del Estado que saliese de la Guerra Civil (1936-1939).El presente trabajo aborda, de modo comparativo, la celebración del “Día del Papa” durante los años de la Guerra Civil en la zona franquista, analizando cómo la fiesta fue orientada para la movilización popular y para fomentar la imagen de la adhesión al pontífice tanto fuera como dentro de España, con fines propagandísticos y políticos anteriores a los piadosos. La exaltación de la veneración del Papa contrastó con el desigual acatamiento de sus orientaciones y con los recelos hacia su actitud respecto de los contendientes. Palabras clave: “Día del Papa”, Pio XI, Ildebrando Antoniutti, Isidro GomáTopónimos: España, Santa SedePeriodo: Guerra Civil ABSTRACTThe “success of Ultramontanism” during the contemporary era has marked the evolution of Catholicism over the last few centuries, granting the Pope greater control over a Church looking to Rome with a view to submitting to the methods and the provisions of the heir of Saint Peter. In Spain, this evolution was accompanied by both the bond between Catholic and National identities and the division among Catholics over the different political agendas presented since the emergence of liberalism. Both phenomena had a decisive influence upon the internal struggle within the rebel faction with regard to the direction to be taken by the state in the wake of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939).This work shows how the celebration of “Pope’s day” in the Francoist zone during the Spanish Civil War was not so much an expression of faith as a political and propaganda gesture to demonstrate support for the Pope within and beyond Spain. The call for exaltation of the Pope contrasted with unequal observance of his instructions and distrust of his attitude towards the warring parties. Keywords: “Pope’s day”, Pius XI, Ildebrando Antoniutti, Isidro Goma.Place names: Spain, Holy SeePeriod: Spanish Civil War REFERENCIASÁlvarez Bolado, A., Para ganar la guerra, para ganar la paz, Madrid, Pontificia Universidad de Comillas, 1995.Álvarez Junco, J., Mater Dolorosa. La idea de España en el siglo XIX, Madrid, Taurus, 2001.Andrés-Gallego, J. y Pazos, A. M., La Iglesia en la España contemporánea/2 1936-1999, Madrid, Ediciones Encuentro, 1999.— (eds.), Archivo Gomá. Documentos de la Guerra Civil. Febrero de 1937, vol. 3, Madrid, CSIC, 2002.— Archivo Gomá. Documentos de la Guerra Civil. Enero-Marzo de 1938, vol. 9, Madrid, CSIC, 2006.— Archivo Gomá. Documentos de la Guerra Civil. Enero-Marzo de 1939, vol. 13, Madrid, CSIC, 2010.Aubert, R., “Situación de la Santa Sede”, en Manual de historia de la Iglesia, vol. VII, Barcelona, Editorial Herder, 1978, pp. 196-209.Botti, A., “Iglesia y totalitarismo. El caso español (1936-1939), Historia y Política, 28, (2012), pp. 31-55.Dionisio Vivas, M. A., Por Dios y la Patria. El cardenal Gomá y la construcción de la España Nacional, Toledo, Instituto teológico San Ildefonso, 2015.Fattorini, E., Pio XI, Hitler e Mussolini. La solitudine di un papa, Torino, Giulio Einaudi editore, 2007.Fazio, M., Historia de las ideas políticas contemporáneas. Una lectura del proceso de secularización, Madrid, Rialp, 2007.Laboa Gallego, J. M., Historia de los Papas. Entre el reino de Dios y las pasiones terrenales, Madrid, La Esfera de los libros, 2005.Martínez Sánchez, S., “The Spanish bishops and nazism during the Spanish Civil War”, The Catholic Historial Review, 99, (2013), pp. 499-530.Montero, F., El Movimiento Católico en España, Salamanca, Eudema, 1993.Navarro De La Fuente, S., “República, religión y libertad: la Iglesia y el Frente Popular, Historia y Política, 41, (2019), pp. 123-151.— La Santa Sede y la Guerra Civil. Los representantes del Papa en la España en conflicto (1936-1938), Sevilla, Editorial de la Universidad de Sevilla, 2019.Orlandis, J., Historia de las instituciones de la Iglesia Católica, Pamplona, Eunsa, 2003.Raguer, H., La pólvora y el incienso. La Iglesia y la Guerra Civil española (1936-1939), Ediciones Península, Barcelona, 2001.Rahner, K., Tolerancia, libertad y manipulación, Barcelona. Editorial Herder, 1978.Redondo, G., Historia de la Iglesia en España 1931-1939. Tomo II. La Guerra Civil (1936-1939), Madrid, Rialp, 1993.Rodríguez Aisa, M. L., El cardenal Gomá y la guerra de España. Aspectos de la gestión pública del primado 1936-1939, Madrid, Instituto Enrique Florez CSIC, 1981.Salomón Chéliz, M. P., “Entre el insurreccionalismo y el posibilismo: las culturas políticas del catolicismo español (1875-1936)” en Historia de las culturas políticas en España y América Latina. Volumen III. La Restauración y la República 1874-1936, Madrid y Zaragoza, Marcial Pons y Prensas de la Universidad de Zaragoza, 2015, pp. 315-344.
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Infantino, A., N. Pucci, G. Conca, and A. Santori. "First Report of Fusarium langsethiae on Durum Wheat Kernels in Italy." Plant Disease 91, no. 10 (October 2007): 1362. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/pdis-91-10-1362a.

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Durum wheat (Triticum durum Desf.) is one of the most widely grown crops in Italy, extending to approximately 1.5 million ha. Seedborne fungi, affecting both germination and commercial quality of the product, represent a threat to wheat production. Several Fusarium species produce mycotoxins, secondary metabolites harmful to humans and animals. In 2006, monitoring the health status of durum wheat kernels from central (Pollenza, MC) and southern Italy (Foggia; Gravina di Puglia, BA; Enna) was conducted. Kernels at the 11.3 Feeke's scale growth stage were analyzed with the deep freezing blotter test (1). Ten isolates morphologically similar to Fusarium poae were observed. For identification, monosporic isolates were transferred onto potato dextrose agar (PDA) and carnation leaf agar (CLA) to grow at 23°C with exposure to 12-h alternate cycles of darkness and near-UV light (Philips TLD 18W/08 Blacklight Blue Fluorescent Lamp, peak 360 nm). The shape and dimension of microconidia were similar to those of F. poae. The average radial daily growth rate (4.7 ± 1.0 mm day–1) of seven isolates at 23°C was significantly different (P < 0.05) from those of F. poae (8.8 ± 0.2 mm day–1) and F. sporotrichioides (9.4 ± 0.3 mm day–1). In addition to a slower growth rate, these isolates differed from F. poae because of a powdery appearance on PDA, the presence of polyphialides, the absence of macroconidia, and the lack of the peach-like odor. On the basis of the characters observed, the fungus was identified as F. langsethiae, a species recently described from several grains, including wheat (2). To confirm the diagnosis, the internal transcribed spacer (ITS) region of four isolates (ISPaVe ER-1399, ER-1400, ER-1401, and ER-1402) was amplified using universal primers ITS4 and ITS5 (3). The 546-bp product obtained was directly sequenced at the GenLab, Enea, Rome. A homology search using the BLASTn algorithm of all obtained sequences showed 100% identity with GenBank sequence AY680864, corresponding to F. langsethiae. One of these sequences (ISPaVe ER-1400) was deposited in GenBank with Accession No. EF526078. The DNAs of four isolates of F. langsethiae and one each of F. poae and F. sporotrichioides were amplified with the F. langsethiae-specific primers FlangF3 and LanspoR1 (4). The PCR conditions consisted of the initial denaturation at 94°C for 2 min, 35 cycles each of 30 sec at 94°C, 30 sec at 58°C, 1 min at 72°C, and a final extension at 72°C for 7 min. No amplification was obtained from F. poae and F. sporotrichioides, while a PCR product of the expected size (310 bp) was obtained from all F. langsethiae isolates, confirming their specific identification. To our knowledge, this is the first report of F. langsethiae on durum wheat in Italy. This species is known to produce the T2 and HT2 toxins, type A trichotecenes related to alimentary toxic aleukia in humans and haematotoxicity and immunotoxiciticy in animals. A large-scale monitoring of this fungus on durum wheat in Italy is in progress. References: (1) T. Limonard. Neth. J. Plant Pathol. 72:319, 1966. (2) M. Torp and H. I. Nirenberg. Int. J. Food Microbiol. 95:247, 2004. (3) T. J. White et al. Page 315 in: PCR Protocols, a Guide to Methods and Applications. Academic Press, San Diego, CA, 1990. (4) A. Wilson et al. FEMS Microbiol. Lett. 233:69, 2004.
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24

Castellani Pastoris, M., M. L. Ricci, and M. C. Rota. "A community cluster of legionnaires’ disease among pilgrims to San Giovanni Rotondo, Puglia, Italy." Weekly releases (1997–2007) 6, no. 27 (July 4, 2002). http://dx.doi.org/10.2807/esw.06.27.01927-en.

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At the end of May 2002, six cases of legionnaires’ disease were notified to the national legionellosis surveillance scheme at the Istituto Superiore di Sanità within a few days. All cases had onset of illness between 14 and 19 May 2002.
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25

Donetti, Dario. "Architettura e frammentismo, o lo stile tardo di Giuliano da Sangallo." Altersstil. Late in the Arts, no. 1 (December 20, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/va/2385-2720/2022/08/001.

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Giuliano da Sangallo was an artist originally trained as a legnaiuolo and a sculptor, but it is especially as an architect that we remember him, particularly for his service to two generations of the Medici, from Lorenzo the Magnificent to Leo X. His late style is emblematic of the methodological questions developed by historiography around the concept of Altersstil. It was both the product of highly personal, even idiosyncratic, formal preferences and a trigger for new trends that emerged in the architecture of sixteenth-century Italy. Indeed, the erudite, seductive language displayed in the last years of his life would have a fundamental impact on subsequent generations of designers, despite the small number of projects actually completed. Different design strategies, all experimented with over the previous decades, converge in Giuliano da Sangallo’s late style, making his architectural work so distinctive and pregnant with consequences: the taste for variation in the use of architectural orders and their conceptual autonomy from the wall’s mass; the sculptural treatment of figural details, producing dense atmospheric effects; the conception of the building as a boxy, elementary volume covered with precious surfaces. In 1990, Manfredo Tafuri recognized the common ground of these different aspects in their fragmentary quality. He was commenting on Giuliano's very last projects for the completion of the church of San Lorenzo through a new, monumental facade, conceived between 1515 and 1516,a few months before Giuliano’s death and as a response to an initiative undertaken by the first Medici pope. This article will focus primarily on this group of projects, or better, of drawings, but will also analyse a significant addition, presented to the public in 2017, on the occasion of an exhibition at the Uffizi. In both their graphic modes and architectural contents, these sheets represent Sangallo’s artistic testament. Characterised by sumptuous forms – i.e., showing the free and secure ductus that one would expect from an artist in the autumn of his career – and density of references, in terms of tectonics, civic identity, and antiquarian knowledge, they constitute a final word on the possibilities of representation in architecture.
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