Academic literature on the topic 'Samoan History European Contact period'

One of the most widely researched language varieties in the field of sociolinguistics is African American English (AAE), a term used to describe a range of English dialects, from standard to vernacular, spoken by many (but not all) African Americans as well as by certain members of other ethnic groups who have had extensive contact with AAE speakers. Most linguists agree that AAE developed from contact between enslaved Africans and predominantly English-speaking Europeans (who spoke a range of English vernaculars) during the early to middle period of colonization of what is now known as the United States of America. Consequently, research on the development of AAE is traditionally framed in terms of the degree of contact with white English vernaculars, both during and after AAE genesis, with white vernaculars playing a primary, if not exclusive, role (McDavid & McDavid, 1951; Mufwene, 1996; Poplack, 2000; Poplack & Tagliamonte, 2001). Though some analyses of AAE allow for substrate influence from creole and/or African languages in its development (cf. Winford, 1997, 1998; Rickford, 1998, 2006; Wolfram & Thomas, 2002; Holm, 2004), many studies place a particular focus on Earlier African American varieties or Diaspora varieties, such as the Ex-Slave Recordings, Samaná English, and Liberian Settler English rather than contemporary AAE varieties spoken within U.S. borders (cf. Rickford, 1977, 1997, 2006; DeBose, 1988; Schneider 1989; Bailey, Maynor, & Cukor-Avila, 1991; Hannah, 1997; Singler, 1998, 2007a, 2007b; Kautzsch 2002). This research has helped further linguists’ understanding of AAE yet does not reflect its full history in the United States.

Much of the discussion about North American precontact and contact-period populations has focused on continent-wide estimates. Although the associated work has produced valuable information on the demographic and cultural history of the continent, it has failed to generate agreed-upon estimates, population trends, or detailed demographic knowledge of Native American cultures. Using archaeological settlement remains and methods developed in recent research on Iroquoian cultures, this study estimates and examines population trends for the Onondaga and Oneida cultures of the Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) from A.D. 1500 to 1700. Onondaga population appears to have increased until the mid—seventeenth century, when drastic declines in settlement area and population size occurred. This depopulation event is both several decades after first contact with Europeans and at least a decade after the first known depopulation event among the Haudenosaunee. Oneida populations show a much more complex history that suggests the need for more detailed analyses of contact-period Native American population data. In conjunction with archaeological evidence and ethnohistoric information, the population trends generated by this study create a model of two precontact Native American populations and display the effects of European contact on those populations.

This article reviews the development of accounting in Fiji. Although this article mentions the pre-European contact period (before 1800), four key phases during which accounting developments occurred are examined. These are the pre-colonial period (1801–1873), the colonial period (1874–1970), Fiji as a Sovereign State under the 1970 Constitution (1971–1986) and the Fijian Sovereign State following the 1987 coups (1987–2016). In each of these periods, a number of major accounting developments that occurred in the country are reviewed and the players responsible for the developments are identified. Directions for future accounting history research are suggested.

Abstract This article takes a micro-historical actor-centered approach to study the encounter between the officers of a Prussian East India Company Ship and local elites in 1750s Praia, Cape Verde. Combining recent advances in New Diplomatic History and in Company Studies with insights from the study of Contact Zones and transculturation, it analyzes the diplomatic strategies marginalized and hybrid players could adopt to project themselves onto the early modern global stage and locally counterbalance the hegemonic Northern European Atlantic powers. It thus proposes an alternative model of nonprofessional diplomatic interaction in the early modern period.

The traditional architectural styles of the Apalachee of northern Florida and Spanish colonists in the New World represent distinct approaches to the organization of domestic and community space and reflect different attitudes toward public and private activities. To the degree that the Apalachee became Hispanicized or that the Spaniards in Apalachee adopted aspects of aboriginal lifestyles during the seventeenth-century mission period, we might expect to see changes in architecture and community organization. Archaeological and ethnohistorical data from Apalachee Province indicate that the shapes and spatial arrangement of native and European domestic structures changed very little as a result of contact. This suggests that each group maintained a distinct identity in the realm of residential organization, despite the profound changes that both the Apalachee and Spaniards made in other aspects of their lives as a result of European colonization in La Florida.

This paper discusses the ways in which ideas of ‘the tragic’ function in recent narratives of contact history in Australia. ‘Contact history’ is used here to refer to first and second generation contact between Aboriginal people and the European invaders in Australia in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and I shall be primarily concerned with those historical narratives which attempt to ‘re-write’ history to include Aboriginal responses during this period. Within Australian historiography this project is said to have commenced in the 1970s, prompted by wider events in the Australian community such as the Aboriginal land rights movement (Curthoys 1983, 99). One of the best-known contributors to this project of inclusion has been Henry Reynolds, now the author of eight books dedicated to it. I shall be examining two of Reynolds' most recent contributions to this area: With the White People (1990) and The Fate of a Free People (1995). At the same time that Reynolds and other professional historians have engaged in this project, there has been an increasing body of work by Aboriginal writers — much of it classified as fiction rather than academic historiography — examining these same themes of initial contact and resistance to invasion. In order to clarify some of my arguments about the function of the tragic mode in Reynolds' work, I shall also discuss a recently published short story by the Aboriginal writer, Gerry Bostock.

The Period from 1858 to 1947 is known as the British Period of Indian History. After the fall of Mughal empire, when the first war of independence against British colonisers failed in 1857, and the East India Company’s Government was transferred to the British Crown in 1858. However only in 1910, a Department of Education was established by the (British) Govt, of India and in the following decades modern universities were established in various important Indian towns, wherein Western / European type education and training with English as medium of instruction were imparted. However more than a century before, Indian scholar’s came into contact with the scholars – administrators of East India Company, either through employment or social interaction. Thereby, Indians became acquainted with the scientific (also technological) advances in Europe. A few of them visited England and other European countries, Portugal, Prance etc. already in the last quarter of 18th century, in order to experience and to learn firsthand the European sciences.

Anthropology
M.A.
This research addresses the identification of a Native American presence at the 18th century homestead of the Pharo family in coastal New Jersey, and what it reveals about life during the Contact period. Various stratigraphic contexts were excavated at the site that contain both European-made and Native-made artifacts. The foundation of this research is the definition and assessment of the contemporaneity of excavated contexts that include colonial and native-made artifacts at the West Creek site. By examining these contexts, conclusions can be drawn about the persistence of Native American technologies and settlement patterns into the 18th Century, as well as the interactions between Europeans and Native Americans at the site. Spatial distribution analysis utilizing ArcGIS technology was used to visualize the distribution of diagnostic artifact types throughout the site. Individual distribution maps were created for each of the selected artifact types. These maps were then compared to discern any site-wide patterns that exist. The spatial analysis conducted as part of this project demonstrates that Native Americans occupied areas at the West Creek site very close to one another. Native Americans and the Pharo family were interacting with one another on a regular basis for at least a short period of time. These interactions show no evidence of being violent or forceful. Despite the evidence of interactions, the Native Americans residing at the West Creek site maintained many Late Woodland technologies, including ceramics and projectile points. Furthermore, Native Americans continue to settle in settings similar to what is seen during the Late Woodland period.
Temple University--Theses

This study assesses the organization and intensity of hide processing from sequential occupations at the Late Fort Ancient (A.D. 1400-1680) Hardin Site located in the central Ohio Valley. Historical and archaeological sources were drawn on to develop expectations for production intensification: 1) an increase in production tool quantity, 2) an increase in production debris quantity, and 3) an increase in tool utilization intensity. Many Native groups situated on the periphery of early European colonies intensified hide production to meet demand generated by an emerging global trade in hides. As this economic activity intensified in the 16th and 17th centuries it incorporated and ever greater network of native communities. By documenting production intensification at the Hardin Site, this study evaluates the degree to which global markets incorporated regions beyond the colonial periphery before A.D. 1680. This study also examines the social dimensions of economic activity by asking who processed hides, who may have benefited from the products of this labor, and whether or not either of these were influenced by participation in the tumultuous interaction sphere of the eastern North American Contact Period.

This history of Samoa breaks new ground in using largely neglected Samoan and German language sources. The history examines the relationship between spiritual and temporal power in Samoa and concentrates on Samoan motivations and Samoans themselves. The narrative focuses most particularly on the aitu Nafanua - a powerful female ancestor god whose will and suggestions, received through her spirit mediums, enabled the family she speaks through to take action and bring about changes in the Malo or Government. She acts not only as harbinger of change, but also spiritually legitimizes changes in the Samoan polity...

This chapter provides an examination of the Contact era in the Southeast through the lens of Chaos Theory. Everyday life in the protohistoric Native American Southeast was guided by tradition, but it was also affected in seemingly unpredictable ways by colonial exploration, trade, missionization, and settlement. The authors focus on the Yazoo Basin in northwestern Mississippi, the Apalachee province of northern Florida, the Cherokee town areas of southern Appalachia, and the areas of Natchez and Taensa settlements in southwestern Mississippi and northeastern Louisiana. The authors found that everyday life for particular people at particular places was shaped not only by local history and local forces but also by the increasingly global forces of change that affected both native peoples and European colonists.

For most of the twentieth century migration and invasion were the default explanation of material culture change in archaeology. This model was largely derived from the record of documentary history, which not only recorded the Gaulish diaspora of later prehistory but the migrations that resulted in the breakup of the Roman Empire. The equation of archaeological distributions—the formula ‘pots = people’—was a model adopted and promoted by Gordon Childe, and remained fundamental to archaeological interpretation into the 1960s. Thereafter diffusionism was discredited among British prehistorians, though less so among European archaeologists and classical or historical archaeologists. Even the Beaker phenomenon became a ‘cult package’ rather than the product of settlers, and it is only as a result of more recent isotopic and DNA analyses that the scale of settlement from the continent introducing Beakers has begun to be demonstrated. Other factors in culture contact including long-distance trade have long been evident, for example, from the distribution of finds of Baltic amber from Northern and North-Western Europe to the Mediterranean, or the distribution of continental pottery and glass via the western seaways in the post-Roman period.

This chapter explores the long presence of Nipmuc people such as the Wabbaquasset tribe in southern New England for millenia. It reaches back into the pre-contact period and acknowledges the culture change of Native people in this region over time and up to the present. A central topic is the memorialization of places connected to historic figures such as John Eliot, combined with the erasure of Native people who have had connections to this landscape deep into the past, long before European colonization. The history of the praying town period and Christianization of Nipmuc Indians through the efforts of John Eliot in the 17^th century and of the seminal King Philip’s War (or Metacom’s Rebellion), and its aftermath on Nipmuc people, are summarized.

Eros is one of the main themes of world literature. The theory of love, dialectically expounded by Plato in The Banquet, had a great influence on all European cultures, especially on morality, fiction, and fine arts. The experience of world literature confirms Plato’s theory, including the poetry of Virgil, his works «Bucolic», «Georgica» and «Aeneid». The purpose of the paper is to identify the characteristic features of the mythology of Eros in the works of Virgil, to clarify the nature of the eternal relevance of Plato’s philosophical discovery of earthly love and heavenly love, his vitality in literary works. Methodology. The choice of methods is determined by the peculiarities of the scientific problems of the topic, the solution of which is based on the selection, systematization, comparison, and textual analysis of the relevant material. The main method of research is comparative-historical with genetic and contact approaches, which are in the direct or indirect dialogue of Virgil with other authors. The psychological method was used to know the inner world of the artist, and his author’s interpretation of the mythology of Eros. Results of the survey. Objectively substantiated results are obtained, structural, thematic, and ideological characteristics of Eros mythology are systematized in their interrelation as a complex phenomenon during a certain period in Virgil’s poetry, and established ideas about the mythopoetic paradigm in ancient literature are developed. Plato’s teachings on Eros, its two stages – lower (Earthly love) and higher (Heavenly love) actualize the works of Virgil: «Bucolics», «Georgics», «Aeneid». Рractical implications and value. The practical significance of the work and its value are determined by the possibility of using it in the course of lectures at higher educational institutions. The same results can be taken into account when writing monographs, textbooks, and manuals, in the development of lectures, courses, and special courses on the history of foreign literature. In the Bucolics, Virgil raises the issue of the harmony of man and nature associated with the beauty of Eros. Virgil’s «Bucolics» testify to the complex inner world of man, to the dissonances of his soul, tired of the big city. Rural themes, full of beauty and love of life with all the colors of the Italian land, with the poet’s favorite evening – the constant motifs of the idyllic world of Virgil, which encourages love. In the Georgics, Virgil considers four themes: love, renunciation, death, and rebirth, developing Plato’s theory of the lower and higher levels of Eros – earthly and heavenly love. Virgil denies earthly love. He focuses on libido sexual – sexual desire as the lower stage of Eros. Virgil condemns not only carnal love but also all passion. The vanity of horses rushing to the finish line is no different from human vanity. An example of renunciation of love and all passion is the bee kingdom in Book IV «Georgik». Dido’s tragic love for Aeneas began with libido. Virgil equates the queen’s love affair with illness, a terrible element, a catastrophe. The spirit of great tragedy hovers throughout the fourth book of the Aeneid. Sympathizing with Dido, Virgil condemns her love for Aeneas as a destructive, destructive force, a mad shawl of love passion. However, the poet does not deny purified, that is, ideal love in the Platonic sense. It begins with love for the native land, for beauty, and reigns in all his works. It is love for nature, which permeates the artistic world of the poet, for native lares and penates, love for parents and paternal and maternal love, a mutual friendship between kindred spirits, and finally – love for all things: trees, celestial bodies, space life. Universal love dominates all the works of Virgil.

Among the collections of artefacts owned by German collectors and transferred to Polish museums after the Second World War, the set of objects created by Wrocław-based architect and antiquities collector Eduard Schaubert (1804– 1860) clearly stands out. The collection was created over the period of twenty years that he spent in Greece and was brought to Wrocław by Schaubert in 1850. After his death, in 1861, the objects, along with a collection of drawings and handwritten accounts documenting them, were partly sold and partly donated by his heirs to the Royal Museum of Art and Antiquity at the University of Wrocław (then the University of Breslau). The collection, which at the time it was handed over to the Wrocław museum numbered more than 300 objects, fits into the collecting culture of the era in which it was created, and Schaubert himself is a representative of the international community of philhellenic collectors dominating the landscape of European collecting in the first half of the 19th century. The vast majority of objects that were once in Schaubert’s collection have not survived to this day due to the Second World War and the post-war turmoil. These preserved are scattered in two museums today. The preliminary reading of the published inventory lists of the antiquities’ collection owned by Schaubert, prepared by August Rossbach who recorded the original state of the collected set, and a brief analysis of the preserved objects reveal the collection’s heterogeneity. Diversity was probably part of the original idea, from the moment Schaubert started his collection. It is also significant that the artefacts included in the collection were usually mass produced in series and either purchased or discovered privately, that is, acquired without precise archeological data. These are the main features that distinguish a typical philhellenic collection of antiquities, that is, a collection created from the philhellenes’ need to contact the ancient original as “touching the past” and to preserve the material remains of the glorified “cradle of art and knowledge” – ancient Greece.

While the appeal of ‘civilisational dialogue’ is on the rise, its sources, functions, and con- sequences arouse controversy within and between faith communities. Some religious lead- ers have attempted to clarify the religious foundations for such dialogue. Among them are Jonathan Sacks, the Chief Rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregations of Britain and the Commonwealth, Edward Idris, Cardinal Cassidy of the Catholic Church, and Fethullah Gülen. The paper compares the approach of these three religious leaders from the Abrahamic tra- dition as presented in their scholarly works – Sacks’ The Dignity of Difference, Cardinal Cassidy’s Ecumenism and Interreligious Dialogue, and Gülen’s Advocate of Dialogue. The discussion attempts to answer the following questions: Can monotheistic traditions accom- modate the dignity of followers of other monotheistic and polytheistic religions as well as non-theistic religions and philosophies? Is a belief in the unity of God compatible with an acceptance of the religious dignity of others? The paper also explores their arguments for why civilisational and interfaith dialogue is necessary, the parameters of such dialogue and its anticipated consequences: how and how far can dialogue bridge the claims of unity of God and diversity of faiths? Islam’s emphasis on diversity and the Quran’s accommodation of ear- lier religious traditions put Islam and Fethullah Gülen in the best position to offer a religious justification for valuing and cherishing the dignity of followers of other religions. The plea for a dialogue of civilizations is on the rise among some policymakers and politi- cians. Many of them believe a dialogue between Islam and the West has become more urgent in the new millennium. For example following the 2005 Cartoon Wars, the United Nations, the Organization of the Islamic Conferences, and the European Union used a joint statement to condemn violent protests and call for respect toward religious traditions. They pled for an exchange of ideas rather than blows: We urge everyone to resist provocation, overreaction and violence, and turn to dialogue. Without dialogue, we cannot hope to appeal to reason, to heal resentment, or to overcome mistrust. Globalization disperses people and ideas throughout the world; it brings families individuals with different beliefs into close contact. Today, more than any period in history, religious di- versity characterizes daily life in many communities. Proponents of interfaith dialogue claim that, in an increasingly global world, interfaith dialogue can facilitate mutual understanding, respect for other religions, and, thus, the peaceful coexistence of people of different faiths. One key factor for the success of the interfaith dialogue is religious leaders’ ability to provide an inclusive interfaith theology in order to reconcile their commitment to their own faith with the reality of religious diversity in their communities. I argue that prominent leaders of the Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam) are already offering separate but overlapping theologies to legitimize interfaith dialogue. A balanced analysis of multi-faith interactions is overdue in political science. The discipline characterises religious interactions solely from the perspective of schism and exclusion. The literature asserts that interactions among believers of different faiths will breed conflict, in- cluding terrorism, civil wars, interstate wars, and global wars. According to this conven- tional depiction, interfaith cooperation is especially challenging to Judaism, Christianity, and Islam due to their monotheism; each claims it is “the one true path”. The so-called “monothe- istic exclusion” refers to an all-or-nothing theological view: you are a believer or you are an infidel. Judaism identifies the chosen people, while outsiders are gentiles; Christians believe that no salvation is possible outside of Jesus; Islam seems to call for a perennial jihad against non-Muslims. Each faith would claim ‘religious other’ is a stranger to God. Political “us versus them” thinking evolves from this “believer versus infidel” worldview. This mindset, in turn, initiates the blaming, dehumanizing, and demonization of the believers of other reli- gious traditions. Eventually, it leads to inter-religious violence and conflict. Disputing this grim characterization of religious interactions, scholars of religion offer a tripartite typology of religious attitude towards the ‘religious other.’ They are: exclusivism, inclusivism, and pluralism. Exclusivism suggests a binary opposition of religious claims: one is truth, the other is falsehood. In this dichotomy, salvation requires affirmation of truths of one’s particular religion. Inclusivism integrates other religious traditions with one’s own. In this integration, one’s own religion represents the complete and pure, while other religions represent the incomplete, the corrupted, or both. Pluralism accepts that no religious tradi- tion has a privileged access to religious truth, and all religions are potentially equally valid paths. This paper examines the theology of interfaith dialogue (or interfaith theology) in the Abrahamic religions by means of analyzing the works of three prominent religious lead- ers, a Rabbi, a Pope, and a Muslim scholar. First, Jonathan Sacks, the Chief Rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregations of Britain and the Commonwealth, offers a framework for the dialogue of civilizations in his book Dignity of Difference: How to Avoid the Clash of Civilizations. Rather than mere tolerance and multiculturalism, he advocates what he calls the dignity of difference—an active engagement to value and cherish cultural and religious differences. Second, Pope John Paul II’s Crossing the Threshold of Hope argues that holiness and truth might exist in other religions because the Holy Spirit works beyond the for- mal boundaries of Church. Third, the Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen’s Advocate of Dialogue describes a Muslim approach to interfaith dialogue based on the Muslim belief in prophecy and revelation. I analyze the interfaith theologies of these religious leaders in five sections: First, I explore variations on the definition of ‘interfaith dialogue’ in their works. Second, I examine the structural and strategic reasons for the emergence and development of the interfaith theologies. Third, I respond to four common doubts about the possibility and utility of interfaith di- alogue and theologies. Fourth, I use John Rawls’ overlapping consensus approach to develop a framework with which to analyze religious leaders’ support for interfaith dialogue. Fifth, I discuss the religious rationales of each religious leader as it relates to interfaith dialogue.