Journal articles on the topic 'Same-sex marriage – United States'

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1

Hardy, Martha E. "Marriage equality: Same-sex marriage in the United States." College & Research Libraries News 74, no. 6 (June 1, 2013): 304–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/crln.74.6.8962.

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2

Ulfah, Ayu Pratiwi, Eva Tuckyta Sari Sujatna, and Rosaria Mita Amalia. "ENGAGEMENT SYSTEM IN SYLLABUS OF SAME-SEX MARRIAGE LEGAL DOCUMENT OF THE UNITED STATES: A SYSTEMIC FUNCTIONAL LINGUISTICS." JOURNAL OF ADVANCED ENGLISH STUDIES 2, no. 2 (August 28, 2019): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.47354/jaes.v2i2.71.

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Supreme Court of the United States ruled that the American Constitution guarantee the same-sex marriage in 2015. It is the syllabus of Same-Sex Marriage in the United States that become the object of the research. This research aims to identify the engagement devices and examines how engagement system in the syllabus of same-sex marriage legal document of the United States that indicates the meaning and relation with the readers. The theory proposed by Martin and White of engagement system (2005) based on appraisal system is used to support the analysis. From the analysis, the researcher found there are 116 heteroglossic and 37 monoglossic types from 153 clauses. The presence of heteroglossic as the most type indicates that the petitioners not only made themselves as references or data sources, but also they tried to add many references and other brackets as data and facts that strengthen their statements. In addition, the presence of 'pronounce' type as the most type in heteroglossic as contract shows that the petitioners made many straightforward and assertive statements. These statements are representative of the assured feeling of the petitioners after seeing the fact that the same-sex marriage was discriminated. The presence of 'entertain' type as the most type in heteroglossic as expand shows us that the petitioners support same-sex marriages so that their rights can be recognized in the United States. Petitioners attest the ideals life of same-sex marriages who will be peaceful and prosperous like the hetero-sex marriages. Because they believe that marriage is fundamental right for all citizen.
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3

Sanders, Anne. "Marriage, Same-Sex Partnership, and the German Constitution." German Law Journal 13, no. 8 (August 1, 2012): 911–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200017740.

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Marriage today does not only involve private interests; it is also an important legal and political issue. The question of what marriage means today and whether it should be open to same-sex unions is under debate all over the world. In many countries, for example in Germany and the United States, such questions are not only debated in the political arena, but also in relation to constitutional law. This Article will trace the development of how marriage has been understood in relation to German constitutional law and critically discuss the law's approach to same-sex marriage.
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4

Liu, Hui, Corinne Reczek, and Dustin Brown. "Same-Sex Cohabitors and Health." Journal of Health and Social Behavior 54, no. 1 (February 27, 2013): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022146512468280.

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A legacy of research finds that marriage is associated with good health. Yet same-sex cohabitors cannot marry in most states in the United States and therefore may not receive the health benefits associated with marriage. We use pooled data from the 1997 to 2009 National Health Interview Surveys to compare the self-rated health of same-sex cohabiting men ( n = 1,659) and same-sex cohabiting women ( n = 1,634) with that of their different-sex married, different-sex cohabiting, and unpartnered divorced, widowed, and never-married counterparts. Results from logistic regression models show that same-sex cohabitors report poorer health than their different-sex married counterparts at the same levels of socioeconomic status. Additionally, same-sex cohabitors report better health than their different-sex cohabiting and single counterparts, but these differences are fully explained by socioeconomic status. Without their socioeconomic advantages, same-sex cohabitors would report similar health to nonmarried groups. Analyses further reveal important racial-ethnic and gender variations.
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5

Roy, Subhradeep, and Nicole Abaid. "Interactional dynamics of same-sex marriage legislation in the United States." Royal Society Open Science 4, no. 6 (June 2017): 170130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsos.170130.

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Understanding how people form opinions and make decisions is a complex phenomenon that depends on both personal practices and interactions. Recent availability of real-world data has enabled quantitative analysis of opinion formation, which illuminates phenomena that impact physical and social sciences. Public policies exemplify complex opinion formation spanning individual and population scales, and a timely example is the legalization of same-sex marriage in the United States. Here, we seek to understand how this issue captures the relationship between state-laws and Senate representatives subject to geographical and ideological factors. Using distance-based correlations, we study how physical proximity and state-government ideology may be used to extract patterns in state-law adoption and senatorial support of same-sex marriage. Results demonstrate that proximal states have similar opinion dynamics in both state-laws and senators’ opinions, and states with similar state-government ideology have analogous senators’ opinions. Moreover, senators’ opinions drive state-laws with a time lag. Thus, change in opinion not only results from negotiations among individuals, but also reflects inherent spatial and political similarities and temporal delays. We build a social impact model of state-law adoption in light of these results, which predicts the evolution of state-laws legalizing same-sex marriage over the last three decades.
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6

Jiwana, I. Made Wata, and Putu Eka Trisna Dewi. "Conception of Sanctions for Same-Sex Marriage Couples in the Perspective of Balinese Customary Law (Comparison of Laws in the United States)." Jurnal Hukum Prasada 9, no. 2 (September 12, 2022): 80–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.22225/jhp.9.2.2022.80-85.

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In Balinese customary law, same-sex sexual intercourse is known as “salah krama”, or sexual intercourse with wrong partners and it is strictly prohibited in Hindu law. The reason is the situation will make the offenders become cuntaka, leteh or impure. The purpose of this study is to analyse and reveal the paradigm of same-sex marriage from the perspective of international law and customary sanctions against same-sex marriage couples in Bali. The type of research used in this study is normative legal research. Based on analysis, the results of this study revealed that the United States government’s policy paradigm regarding same-sex marriage can be seen from the United States Supreme Court Decision which issued a policy that completely changed the existence of the LGBT community in the United States. Furthermore, the concept of customary sanctions against same-sex marriage couples in Bali is made in the form of giving customary sanctions to those practicing LGBT that must be executed strictly. The customary sanctions that can be given take the form of arta danda, sangaskara danda, and jiwa danda.
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7

Callahan, Joan. "Same-Sex Marriage: Why It Matters—At Least for Now." Hypatia 24, no. 1 (2009): 70–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2009.00007.x.

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This paper addresses the progressive, feminist critique of same-sex marriage as articulated by Claudia Card. Although agreeing with Card that the institution of marriage as we know it is profoundly morally flawed in its origins and effects, Callahan disagrees with Card's suggestion that queer activists in the United States should not be working for the inclusion of same-sex couples in the institution.
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8

Smith, M. "Gender Politics and the Same-Sex Marriage Debate in the United States." Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society 17, no. 1 (January 11, 2010): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxp027.

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9

Sherkat, Darren E. "Intersecting Identities and Support for Same-sex Marriage in the United States." Social Currents 4, no. 4 (August 11, 2016): 380–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2329496516663221.

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10

Zivi, Karen. "Performing the Nation: Contesting Same-Sex Marriage Rights in the United States." Journal of Human Rights 13, no. 3 (July 3, 2014): 290–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14754835.2014.919216.

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11

Smith, Miriam. "The Politics of Same-Sex Marriage in Canada and the United States." PS: Political Science & Politics 38, no. 02 (April 2005): 225–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096505056349.

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12

Isailovic, Ivana. "Same Sex but Not the Same: Same-Sex Marriage in the United States and France and the Universalist Narrative." American Journal of Comparative Law 66, no. 2 (June 2018): 267–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajcl/avy027.

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13

Manning, Wendy D., and Krista K. Payne. "Measuring Marriage and Cohabitation: Assessing Same-Sex Relationship Status in the Current Population Survey." Demography 58, no. 3 (April 16, 2021): 811–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00703370-9162213.

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Abstract Since June 26, 2015, marriages to same-sex couples have been legally recognized across every state in the United States, bringing new challenges to measuring relationship status in surveys. Starting in 2015 for select households and in 2017 for all households, the Current Population Survey (CPS) used a new household roster that directly identified same-sex and different-sex cohabiting and married couples. We gauge how the estimates and characteristics of same-sex couples vary according to old and new roster categories using the 2015/2016 and 2017/2018 CPS. Employing the new roster, we distinguish the sociodemographic characteristics of married and cohabiting same-sex couples. These findings have implications for the measurement of same-sex couples and our understanding of marriage among sexual minorities.
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14

Massihzadegan, Setarreh, and Jan Mutchler. "Evaluating The Economic Impact Of Marriage Versus Cohabitation In Same-Sex Couples Age 50+." Innovation in Aging 5, Supplement_1 (December 1, 2021): 870. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igab046.3172.

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Abstract Utilizing the first set of 5-year American Community Survey data available since the United States’ legalization of same-sex marriage in mid-2015, this poster investigates the economic security of older adults (age 50+) in same-sex marriages compared to those in same-sex partnerships who are cohabiting but not married. Viewed through the lens of cumulative disadvantage theory, we consider differences in the economic circumstances of same-sex couples by gender and by geographic location. Findings point to gender differences in economic well-being, but relatively few differences based on marital status. For example, rates of low income are somewhat higher among female couples than among their male counterparts, but marital status differences are not substantial. These findings suggest that the benefits of being married that have long been recognized among older adults may not extend equally to same-sex couples. Findings are discussed with respect to the emerging salience of marriage within the LGBTQ older community, future research opportunities, and important policy implications.
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15

Rosenfeld, Michael J. "Moving a Mountain: The Extraordinary Trajectory of Same-Sex Marriage Approval in the United States." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 3 (January 1, 2017): 237802311772765. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2378023117727658.

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Most public opinion attitudes in the United States are reasonably stable over time. Using data from the General Social Survey and the American National Election Studies, I quantify typical change rates across all attitudes. I quantify the extent to which change in same-sex marriage approval (and liberalization in attitudes toward gay rights in general) are among a small set of rapid changing outliers in surveyed public opinions. No measured public opinion attitude in the United States has changed more and more quickly than same-sex marriage. I use survey data from Newsweek to illustrate the rapid increase in the 1980s and 1990s in Americans who had friends or family who they knew to be gay or lesbian and demonstrate how contact with out-of-the-closet gays and lesbians was influential. I discuss several potential historical and social movement theory explanations for the rapid liberalization of attitudes toward gay rights in the United States, including the surprising influence of Bill Clinton’s 1992 presidential campaign.
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16

Fassin, E. "Same Sex, Different Politics: "Gay Marriage" Debates in France and the United States." Public Culture 13, no. 2 (April 1, 2001): 215–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08992363-13-2-215.

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17

Rosenfeld, Michael J. "Couple Longevity in the Era of Same-Sex Marriage in the United States." Journal of Marriage and Family 76, no. 5 (September 2, 2014): 905–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jomf.12141.

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18

van der Toorn, Jojanneke, John T. Jost, Dominic J. Packer, Sharareh Noorbaloochi, and Jay J. Van Bavel. "In Defense of Tradition: Religiosity, Conservatism, and Opposition to Same-Sex Marriage in North America." Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 43, no. 10 (July 22, 2017): 1455–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146167217718523.

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Arguments opposing same-sex marriage are often made on religious grounds. In five studies conducted in the United States and Canada (combined N = 1,673), we observed that religious opposition to same-sex marriage was explained, at least in part, by conservative ideology and linked to sexual prejudice. In Studies 1 and 2, we discovered that the relationship between religiosity and opposition to same-sex marriage was mediated by explicit sexual prejudice. In Study 3, we saw that the mediating effect of sexual prejudice was linked to political conservatism. Finally, in Studies 4a and 4b we examined the ideological underpinnings of religious opposition to same-sex marriage in more detail by taking into account two distinct aspects of conservative ideology. Results revealed that resistance to change was more important than opposition to equality in explaining religious opposition to same-sex marriage.
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19

Downing, Janelle, and Paulette Cha. "Same-Sex Marriage and Gains in Employer-Sponsored Insurance for US Adults, 2008–2017." American Journal of Public Health 110, no. 4 (April 2020): 537–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2019.305510.

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Objectives. To estimate the effects of same-sex marriage recognition on health insurance coverage. Methods. We used 2008–2017 data from the American Community Survey that represent 18 416 674 adult respondents in the United States. We estimated changes to health insurance outcomes using state–year variation in marriage equality recognition in a difference-in-differences framework. Results. Marriage equality led to a 0.61 percentage point (P = .03) increase in employer-sponsored health insurance coverage, with similar results for men and women. Conclusions. US adults gained employer-sponsored coverage as a result of marriage equality recognition over the study period, likely because of an increase in dependent coverage for newly recognized same-sex married partners.
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20

Lambert, Valerie. "Negotiating American Indian Inclusion: Sovereignty, Same-Sex Marriage, and Sexual Minorities in Indian Country." American Indian Culture and Research Journal 41, no. 2 (January 1, 2017): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicrj.41.2.lambert.

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American Indians are often overlooked in the story of the struggle for marriage equality in the United States. Using anthropological approaches, this article synthesizes and extends scholarly knowledge about Native participation in this struggle. With sovereign rights to control their own domestic relations, tribes have been actively revising their marriage laws, laws that reflect the range of reservation climates for sexual and gender-identity minorities. Debates in Indian Country over the rights of these minorities and over queering marriage bring to the fore issues that help define the distinctiveness of Native participation in the movement. These include issues of “tradition,” “culture,” and Christianity.
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21

Dos Santos, Luis Miguel. "The Attitudes and Experiences of Marriage and Family Counselors for Same-Sex Couple and Family Clients: A Qualitative Study." Journal of Educational and Social Research 12, no. 1 (January 3, 2022): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/jesr-2022-0004.

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Same-sex marriage and family counselors usually do not have enough experience and training background to help same-sex couples with marriage and family issues. Some counselors may have a personal bias toward same-sex couples due to the absence of same-sex couples and families’ background. Marriage and family counselors provide counseling services to their clients with marriage and family problems and conflicts, resulting in a positive recovery negotiation. The purpose of this study was to understand and investigate the attitudes of marriage and family counselors regarding same-sex couples and families, an area ignored in mainstream marriage and family counseling. Based on 300 surveys and 38 interviews from marriage and family counselors in the United States, the researcher categorized that more than half of the participants expressed negative attitudes against same-sex couples and families, due to cheating, unsafe sexual activities, and domestic violence. Some counselors refused to provide counseling services to same-sex couples and families due to misunderstanding and prejudice. The results suggested that additional in-service professional developments and curriculum reforms are essential to promoting multicultural family structure. Received: 13 September 2021 / Accepted: 25 November 2021 / Published: 3 January 2022
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22

Flores, Andrew R., and Maisy Morrison. "Potential differences between the political attitudes of people with same-sex parents and people with different-sex parents: An exploratory assessment of first-year college students." PLOS ONE 16, no. 2 (February 25, 2021): e0246929. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0246929.

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Children were often near the center of public debates about legal marriage recognition for same-sex couples. Obergefell v. Hodges (2015), the case that resulted in legal same-sex marriage recognition, stressed the importance of these children as one of many factors compelling the opinion. Estimates indicated same-sex couples were raising 200,000 children in the United States. Children raised by same-sex couples may be politically socialized in distinct ways compared to children of different-sex couples because lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals tend to hold distinct and progressive political viewpoints on a wide variety of issues. What are the political attitudes of people with same-sex parents? In this exploratory study, we analyze a large, representative survey of first-year college students across the United States; we find few differences between people with same-sex and different-sex parents, and some of those differences may be attributable to households and respondent characteristics. When on the rare occasion a difference exists, we find that people with same-sex female parents are more progressive, but people with same-sex male parents are more conservative. Gender differences also emerged, with some distinctive patterns between males with same-sex parents and females with same-sex parents.
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23

Denike, Margaret. "Religion, Rights, and Relationships: The Dream of Relational Equality." Hypatia 22, no. 1 (2007): 71–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2007.tb01150.x.

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This essay provides an analysis of the terms by which the question of extending civil marriage to same-sex couples has been posed, advanced, and resisted in Canada and the United States in the past few years. Denike draws on feminist theories of justice to evaluate the strategies and approaches of initiatives to reform the laws governing the state's recognition—and lack thereof—of personal relationships of dependency and care. She also examines the political opposition to such reforms and the challenges posed for advancing human rights for gays and lesbians in the face of social and political prejudice against same-sex marriage.
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24

SOULE, SARAH A. "Going to the Chapel? Same-Sex Marriage Bans in the United States, 1973–2000." Social Problems 51, no. 4 (November 2004): 453–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sp.2004.51.4.453.

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25

Sherkat, Darren E., Melissa Powell-Williams, Gregory Maddox, and Kylan Mattias de Vries. "Religion, politics, and support for same-sex marriage in the United States, 1988–2008." Social Science Research 40, no. 1 (January 2011): 167–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ssresearch.2010.08.009.

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26

Harris, Bede. "Human Rights and the Same-Sex Marriage Debate in Australia." Journal of Politics and Law 10, no. 4 (August 30, 2017): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v10n4p60.

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Australia is currently confronting the issue of whether to legalise same-sex marriage. Thus far debate has been conducted with little reference to human rights theory. This article draws on the theories of John Rawls and John Stuart Mill and analyses whether, by confining the right to marry to heterosexual couples, the law infringes the right to privacy and, conversely, whether the legalisation of same-sex marriage would infringe religious rights of those who are unwilling to provide goods and services to same-sex couples. In so doing, the article adopts a comparative approach, drawing on case law from the United States. The article examines the way in which political debate on the issue has been conducted by the major parties in Australia, and concludes that both the Liberal-National coalition and the Labor party have been motivated by a desire to appease the religious right within their ranks, at the expense of human rights principles.
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27

Adams-Cohen, Nicholas Joseph. "Policy Change and Public Opinion: Measuring Shifting Political Sentiment With Social Media Data." American Politics Research 48, no. 5 (June 28, 2020): 612–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x20920263.

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This article uses Twitter data and machine-learning methods to analyze the causal impact of the Supreme Court’s legalization of same-sex marriage at the federal level in the United States on political sentiment and discourse toward gay rights. In relying on social media text data, this project constructs a large data set of expressed political opinions in the short time frame before and after the Obergefell v. Hodges decision. Due to the variation in state laws regarding the legality of same-sex marriage prior to the Supreme Court’s decision, I use a difference-in-difference estimator to show that, in those states where the Court’s ruling produced a policy change, there was relatively more negative movement in public opinion toward same-sex marriage and gay rights issues as compared with other states. This confirms previous studies that show Supreme Court decisions polarize public opinion in the short term, extends previous results by demonstrating opinion becomes relatively more negative in states where policy is overturned, and demonstrates how to use social media data to engage in causal analyses.
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Maccio, Elaine M., Sara Mateer DeRosa, Scott E. Wilks, and Amy L. Wright. "Age Differences in LGBT Attitudes Toward Marriage Equality." Advances in Social Work 15, no. 2 (October 7, 2014): 428–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.18060/17162.

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The purpose of this study was to compare attitudes of older versus younger lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals regarding marriage equality. Data were collected via self-report questionnaires from 350 LGBT adults in a mid-size city in the southern United States. Older and younger LGBT cohorts did not differ significantly in voter registration, political party affiliation, awareness of LGBT political issues, or voting on social issues. Older LGBT adults were less likely to find same-sex marriage important. Yet, age cohorts did not differ significantly on legalizing same-sex marriage. Social work implications are discussed regarding this policy area.
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29

Gunther, Scott. "MAKING SENSE OF THE ANTI-SAME-SEX-MARRIAGE MOVEMENT IN FRANCE." French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 2 (July 1, 2019): 131–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370206.

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This article examines the political style and rhetoric of the Manif pour tous (MPT), the main organization opposing same-sex marriage in France, from summer 2013 to the present. It exposes how the MPT’s style and rhetoric differ from those of their American counterparts, and what this tells us about the different strategies of political movements in France and the United States generally. It is based on an analysis of the language used by activists whom I interviewed in 2014 and 2015 and on a discourse analysis of the MPT’s website, Facebook page, Twitter feed, and press releases since 2013. This analysis of the distinctive features of the MPT brings to light underlying concerns about French identity in the face of globalization. In other words, for the MPT and its members, what is at stake is not just same-sex marriage but the very definition of Frenchness.
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Waddock, Sandra, Steve Waddell, and Paul S. Gray. "The Transformational Change Challenge of Memes: The Case of Marriage Equality in the United States." Business & Society 59, no. 8 (December 10, 2018): 1667–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0007650318816440.

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This article explores the role of changing memes in large systems change toward marriage equality—popularly referred to as same-sex marriage—in the United States. Using an abbreviated case history of the transformation, the article particularly explores the shifting memes or core units of culture, in this case, word phrases associated with marriage equality over time, influencing the social change process. Using both the case history and the empirical work on memes, the article identifies nine lessons to support others tackling large systems change challenges.
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Lewin, Ellen. "III. Anxiety at the Altar: Some Comments on Same-Sex Marriage from the United States." Feminism & Psychology 14, no. 2 (May 2004): 323–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959353504040313.

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32

Carpenter, Christopher S. "The Direct Effects of Legal Same-Sex Marriage in the United States: Evidence From Massachusetts." Demography 57, no. 5 (September 8, 2020): 1787–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s13524-020-00908-1.

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33

Wagner, Brandon G., Kate H. Choi, and Philip N. Cohen. "Decline in Marriage Associated with the COVID-19 Pandemic in the United States." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 6 (January 2020): 237802312098032. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2378023120980328.

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In the social upheaval arising from the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, we do not yet know how union formation, particularly marriage, has been affected. Using administration records—marriage certificates and applications—gathered from settings representing a variety of COVID-19 experiences in the United States, the authors compare counts of recorded marriages in 2020 against those from the same period in 2019. There is a dramatic decrease in year-to-date cumulative marriages in 2020 compared with 2019 in each case. Similar patterns are observed for the Seattle metropolitan area when analyzing the cumulative number of marriage applications, a leading indicator of marriages in the near future. Year-to-date declines in marriage are unlikely to be due solely to closure of government agencies that administer marriage certification or reporting delays. Together, these findings suggest that marriage has declined during the COVID-19 outbreak and may continue to do so, at least in the short term.
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Adam, Barry D. "The Defense of Marriage Act and American Exceptionalism: The "Gay Marriage" Panic in the United States." Journal of the History of Sexuality 12, no. 2 (2003): 259–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sex.2003.0074.

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35

Doan, Long, Annalise Loehr, and Lisa R. Miller. "Formal Rights and Informal Privileges for Same-Sex Couples." American Sociological Review 79, no. 6 (November 19, 2014): 1172–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0003122414555886.

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Attitudes toward gay rights have liberalized over the past few decades, but scholars know less about the extent to which individuals in the United States exhibit subtle forms of prejudice toward lesbians and gays. To help address this issue, we offer a conceptualization of formal rights and informal privileges. Using original data from a nationally representative survey experiment, we examine whether people distinguish between formal rights (e.g., partnership benefits) and informal privileges (e.g., public displays of affection) in their attitudes toward same-sex couples. Results show that heterosexuals are as willing to extend formal rights to same-sex couples as they are to unmarried heterosexual couples. However, they are less willing to grant informal privileges. Lesbians and gays are more willing to extend formal rights to same-sex couples, but they too are sometimes more supportive of informal privileges for heterosexual couples. We also find that heterosexuals’ attitudes toward marriage more closely align with their attitudes toward informal privileges than formal rights, whereas lesbians and gays view marriage similarly to both formal rights and informal privileges. Our findings highlight the need to examine multiple dimensions of sexual prejudice to help understand how informal types of prejudice persist as minority groups receive formal rights.
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36

Stahlberg, Lesleigh Cushing. "Modern Day Moabites: The Bible and the Debate About Same-Sex Marriage." Biblical Interpretation 16, no. 5 (2008): 442–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851508x329683.

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AbstractWith the debate about same-sex marriage raging in the United States, this paper asks whether the canonical scriptures of Judaism and Christianity offer any justification for blessing same-sex unions. It looks to the ways that the Bible is used by proponents and opponents of same-sex marriage. It analyzes the hermeneutics of the religious left and the religious right, particularly as they grapple with the "clobber texts" of Lev. 18:22 and 20:13. It then turns to the biblical book of Ruth, which critic J. Hillis Miller describes as having "been alienated from itself, translated from itself" through new uses. The paper puts the book of Ruth to yet another new use/misprision, using it as a prooftext to support same-sex marriage. The book has already been upheld by lesbian readers of scripture because of the intimate relationship between the protagonists, Ruth and Naomi, but this paper "misreads" the text differently. Ruth describes how a marriage made between an Israelite and a Moabite brings about the line of King David, one of the most important figures in the Bible and the man from whose line the Messiah is expected to come. The biblical law, however, is unequivocal: Moabites are not permitted to enter into the community of Israel. Juxtaposing the levitical laws (ostensibly) prohibiting homosexuality with those banning Moabites from Israel, this paper argues that the religious left could hold up the book of Ruth as a biblical model for allowing marriage that seems explicitly forbidden by biblical law.
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37

Barodi, Norhabib Bin Suod Sumndad. "Same-Sex Marriage: Exploring the Implications of Obergefell v Hodges on the Philippines’ Muslim Law of Marriage and the 1987 Constitution." IIUM Law Journal 25, no. 2 (December 31, 2017): 197–227. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/iiumlj.v25i2.307.

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In view of the recent development brought about by the decision of the U.S. Supreme Court in Obergefell v. Hodges, jurisdictions that retain the traditional definition of marriage have sufficient reasons to revisit the concept of marriage under their own laws. This article is an academic effort to explore whether the traditional or historic definition of marriage adopted in the Philippines, as articulated in its Constitution and other pertinent laws like the Code of Muslim Personal Laws of the Philippines can withstand the new norm that Obergefell established in the legal system or constitutionalism of the United States. It attempts to project how the issue of same-sex marriage would be treated and decided in the Philippine context had it been an issue for which the Philippine legal system or constitutionalism is made to respond. This article emphasizes the incompatibility of the Obergefell decision with the Islamic definition of marriage and finds that the same decision is not entirely square with how the issue of same-sex marriage will be dealt with in Philippine constitutionalism.
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38

Hyun Jung Song. "The United States Supreme Court’s Decisions Legalizing Same-Sex Marriage and the Implication of Judicial Restraint." Public Law Journal 17, no. 2 (May 2016): 31–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31779/plj.17.2.201605.002.

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39

Hart-Brinson, Peter. "The Social Imagination of Homosexuality and the Rise of Same-sex Marriage in the United States." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 2 (February 8, 2016): 237802311663055. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2378023116630555.

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40

Pierceson, Jason. "Same-sex Marriage in Canada and the United States: The Role of Political and Legal Culture." American Review of Canadian Studies 44, no. 3 (July 3, 2014): 321–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02722011.2014.939421.

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41

Durfee, Alesha, and Leigh Goodmark. "Domestic violence mandatory arrest policies and arrests for same-sex and opposite-sex intimate partner violence after legalization of same-sex marriage in the United States." Criminal Justice Studies 33, no. 3 (July 2, 2020): 231–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1478601x.2020.1786279.

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42

Wardle, L. D. "Religious Values and Two Same-Sex Marriage Cases Decided by the Supreme Court of the United States." Oxford Journal of Law and Religion 2, no. 2 (August 1, 2013): 462–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ojlr/rwt036.

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43

Stambolis-Ruhstorfer, Michael. "Producing expert capital: how opposing same-sex marriage experts dominate fields in the United States and France." Social Movement Studies 19, no. 1 (June 8, 2018): 38–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2018.1482206.

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44

Graham, John W., and Jason Barr. "Assessing the geographic distribution of same sex and opposite sex couples across the United States: implications for claims of causality between traditional marriage and same sex unions." Review of Economics of the Household 6, no. 4 (July 8, 2008): 347–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11150-008-9039-0.

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45

Tatalovich, Raymond, and Mildred Schwartz. "Cultural and Institutional Factors Affecting Political Contention over Moral Issues." Comparative Sociology 8, no. 1 (2009): 76–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913308x375559.

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AbstractAbortion and same-sex marriage are moral issues that remain highly contentious in the political life of the United States compared to other countries. This level of contention is explained through comparison with Canada. Contrasts in culture and institutions shaping issues and the political avenues that allow their enactment account for differences in the tenor of politics in the two countries.
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46

Zawadzka, Katarzyna. "Jedność w różnorodności a regulacje państw Unii Europejskiej dotyczące praw osób LGBT." Przegląd Europejski, no. 2-2022 (August 30, 2022): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.2.22.3.

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The aim of this article is to analyse the differences in the regulation of LGBT rights in the Member States of the European Union. The evolution of legal provisions in individual Member States is compared. The considerations also include the date of accession to the European Community / European Union and the regulations adopted by states for the LGBT community. These issues should be considered as important, taking into account the Copenhagen criteria that a given country has to meet when joining the EU. The question was asked in this research is whether and at what pace the regulations on same-sex partnerships corresponded in individual countries with the introduction of other postulates concerning the LGBT community. Attention was paid to the issue related to the date of accession of the Member States to the European Union. In the context of the sensitive social and political discourse in Poland regarding the consequences of such regulations, the regulations in the countries that joined the EU in 2004 with Poland were analysed. The main hypothesis is that the adoption of same-sex marriage regulations in the EU is not a necessary consequence of previously legalising same-sex partnerships. The introduction to the analysis is the presentation of the Copenhagen criteria, i.e., the guidelines that open the way to joining the structures of the European Union, as well as the international postulates of the LGBT community. Considering the dynamics of introduced regulations in Europe and in the world, and at the same time, treating them in Poland in controversial categories, the most discussed topics were selected. These topics include same-sex partnerships and marriage, and the adoption of children by same-sex couples.
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47

Anderson, Carl A. "Constitution and Family in the United States." Revue générale de droit 21, no. 4 (March 21, 2019): 651–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1058211ar.

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Decisions of the United States Supreme Court beginning with Griswold v. Connecticut (1965) have transformed family law in the United States. By characterizing the right to marry as a fundamental constitutional right and procreative decision-making as both a fundamental liberty interest and privacy right, the Court has “deregulated” the institutions of marriage and family. During this same period the Court’s approach to legal questions involving the rights of non-marital cohabitating couples as well as individual procreative decision-making has tended to blur legal distinctions between the family based upon marriage and other living arrangements. The widespread adoption of mutual consent and/or marital breakdown as grounds for the dissolution of marriage in the United States has significantly altered the social dynamics of marriage and further reduces distinctions between marriage and other living arrangements. However, recent decisions by the Court in Hardwick, Michael H., and Webster point to a change of direction in the Court’s view of privacy which may signal a willingness to tolerate greater community involvement in establishing protective regulation of the institutions of marriage and the family based upon it. The Court also appears to be in the process of significantly narrowing the constitutionally recognized right of privacy when viewed as a zone of autonomous decision-making for the individual or non-marital couple.
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Pilecki, Andrew, and Phillip L. Hammack. "Invoking “The Family” to Legitimize Gender- and Sexuality-Based Public Policies in the United States: A Critical Discourse Analysis of the 2012 Democratic and Republican National Party Conventions." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 3, no. 1 (January 30, 2015): 8–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v3i1.262.

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Women and sexual minorities in the United States continue to experience subordinate status, and the policy gains they have made in areas such as reproductive rights and marriage equality continue to be challenged in political discourse. We conducted a critical discourse analysis of texts from the 2012 Democratic and Republican national conventions in order to examine the extent to which ideological representations of the family were employed to legitimize public policy positions related to gender (e.g., abortion) and sexuality (e.g., same-sex marriage). We analyzed two forms of text (official party platform document, transcripts of speeches) with distinct intended audiences (i.e., party members, general audience). Findings revealed that an ideological representation of the traditional family ideal—featuring a heterosexual couple, their children, and asymmetric gender relations—was present within speeches given by both parties, particularly by the spouses of the presidential candidates (Michelle Obama and Ann Romney). Although this ideological representation was subsequently used within the Republican Party platform to legitimize positions against same-sex marriage and abortion, the Democratic Party platform challenged this representation of the family to instead advocate for policy positions in favor of same-sex marriage and women’s reproductive rights. We discuss this ambivalence within Democratic texts in light of the different audiences that party convention texts seek. Implications for gender- and sexuality-based policies are discussed, as well as the importance of examining political discourse across diverse forms and settings.
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Chueva, Daria. "Same-sex marriage in the United States and Russia: approaches to regulation through the prism of judicial interpretation." Sravnitel'noe konstitucionnoe obozrenie 124, no. 3 (2018): 92–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.21128/1812-7126-2018-3-92-102.

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50

Lewis, Daniel C., and Matthew L. Jacobsmeier. "Evaluating Policy Representation with Dynamic MRP Estimates: Direct Democracy and Same-Sex Relationship Policies in the United States." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 17, no. 4 (November 8, 2017): 441–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532440017739423.

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Does direct democracy strengthen popular control of public policy in the United States? A major challenge in evaluating policy representation is the measurement of state-level public opinion and public policy. Although recent studies of policy responsiveness and congruence have provided improved measures of public opinion using multilevel regression and poststratification (MRP) techniques, these analyses are limited by their static nature and cross-sectional design. Issue attitudes, unlike more general political orientations, often vary considerably over time. Unless the dynamics of issue-specific public opinion are appropriately incorporated into the analyses, tests of policy responsiveness and congruence may be misleading. Thus, we assess the degree of policy representation in direct democracy states regarding same-sex relationship recognition policies using dynamic models of policy adoption and congruence that employ dynamic MRP estimates of attitudes toward same-sex marriage. We find that direct democracy institutions increase both policy responsiveness and congruence with issue-specific public opinion.
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