Academic literature on the topic 'Salon (1881 : Paris, France)'

Ce texte est le dernier que nous ait donné Denis Richet, quelques mois avant sa mort, survenue brusquement en septembre dernier. Il témoigne du projet qui l'animait : comprendre les ruptures du tissu politique et social de la France moderne. Comme tel il témoigne d'une attitude, que Denis Richet a su enseigner : « Aimer l'histoire pour elle-même… ». Sa chaleur nous manque.Isoler le fait-barricades de l'histoire générale de Paris est une nécessité et une gageure. Les barricades ne sont pas comme un élément chimiquement pur ; elles supposent une convergence de données historiques qu'il serait fastidieux de rappeler. Je note seulement que la Commune de 1871 a joué un grand rôle dans l'intérêt porté au 12 mai 1588. Dans la Revue des Deux Mondes, dès septembre 1871, A. Maury publiait un article sur «La commune de Paris de 1588». Et Paul Robiquet, en écrivant de 1884 à 1904 ses trois volumes de l'Histoire municipale de Paris, qui demeure la meilleure synthèse accessible, ne manque pas de faire allusion, avec une certaine prudence, au printemps tragique de 1871. Il est, à mon sens, intéressant de constater que l'historiographie actuelle — disons : trentenaire — de la journée du 12 mai 1588 s'est enrichie grâce à des recherches menées par des historiens français et non français. En Union Soviétique, à Lvow plus précisément, en cette partie de la Biélorussie naguère polonaise, où le professeur Lozinsky a mené un travail d'autant plus exemplaire qu'il n'a jamais pu bénéficier du contact direct avec les archives parisiennes; en Israël, où Elie Barnavi, après un long séjour en France, a pu éclairer l'histoire de la Ligue ; aux États-Unis, grâce aux recherches des professeurs Salmon et Ascoli; en France même, les recherches de Robert Descimon ont largement déblayé le terrain.

AbstractAry Scheffer (1795-1858) is so generally included in the French School (Note 2)- unsurprisingly, since his career was confined almost entirely to Paris - that the fact that he was born and partly trained in the Netherlands is often overlooked. Yet throughout his life he kept in touch with Dutch colleagues and drew part of his inspiration from Dutch traditions. These Dutch aspects are the subject of this article. The Amsterdam City Academy, 1806-9 Ary Scheffer was enrolled at the Amsterdam Academy on 25 October 1806, his parents falsifying his date of birth in order to get him admitted at the age of eleven (fifteen was the oficial age) . He started in the third class and in order to qualify for the second he had to be one of the winners in the prize drawing contest. Candidates in this were required to submit six drawings made during the months January to March. Although no-one was supposed to enter until he had been at the Academy for four years, Ary Scheffer competed in both 1808 and 1809. Some of his signed drawings are preserved in Dordrecht. (Figs. 1-5 and 7), along with others not made for the contest. These last in particular are interesting not only because they reveal his first prowess, but also because they give some idea of the Academy practice of his day. Although the training at the Academy broadly followed the same lines as that customary in France, Italy and elsewhere (Note 4), our knowledge of its precise content is very patchy, since there was no set curriculum and no separate teachers for each subject. Two of Scheffer's drawings (Figs. 2 and 3) contain extensive notes, which amount to a more or less complete doctrine of proportion. It is not known who his teacher was or what sources were used, but the proportions do not agree with those in Van der Passe's handbook, which came into vogue in the 18th century, or with those of the canon of a Leonardo, Dürer or Lebrun. One gets the impression that what are given here are the exact measurements of a concrete example. Scheffer's drawings show him gradually mastering the rudiments of art. In earlier examples the hatching is sometimes too hasty (Fig. 4) or too rigidly parallel (Fig.5), while his knowledge of anatomy is still inadequate and his observation not careful enough. But right from the start he shows flair and as early as 1807 he made a clever drawing of a relatively complex group (Fig. 6) , while the difficult figure of Marsyas was already well captured in 1808 and clearly evinces his growing knowledge o f anatomy, proportion , foreshortening and the effects of light (Fig. 7). The same development can be observed in his portrait drawings. That of Gerardus Vrolik (1775-1859, Fig.8), a professor at the Atheneum Illustre (the future university) and Scheffer' s teacher, with whom he always kept in touch (Note 6), is still not entirely convincing, but a portrait of 1809, thought to be of his mother (Fig.9, Note 7), shows him working much more systematically. It is not known when he left the Academy, but from the summer of 1809 we find him in France, where he was to live with only a few breaks from 1811 to his death. The first paintings and the Amsterdam exhibitions of 1808 and 1810 Ary Scheffer's earliest known history painting, Hannibal Swearing to Avenge his Brother Hasdrubal's Death (Fig. 10) Notes 8-10) was shown at the first exhibition of living masters in Amsterdam in 1808. Although there was every reason for giving this subject a Neo-Classical treatment, the chiaroscuro, earthy colours and free brushwork show Scheffer opting for the old Dutch tradition rather than the modern French style. This was doubtless on the prompting of his parents,for a comment in a letter from his mother in 1810 (Note 12) indicates that she shared the reservations of the Dutch in general about French Neo-Classicism. (Note 11). As the work of a twelve to thirteen year old, the painting naturally leaves something to be desired: the composition is too crowded and unbalanced and the anatomy of the secondary figures rudimentary. In a watercolour Scheffer made of the same subject, probably in the 1820's, he introduced much more space between the figures (Fig. 11, Note 13). Two portraits are known from this early period. The first, of Johanna Maria Verbeek (Fig. 12, Note 14), was done when the two youngsters were aged twelve. It again shows all the characteristics of an early work, being schematic in its simplicity, with some rather awkward details and inadequate plasticity. On the other hand the hair and earrings are fluently rendered, the colours harmonious and the picture has an undeniable charm. At the second exhibition of works by living masters in 1810, Ary Scheffer showed a 'portrait of a painter' (Fig. 13), who was undoubtedly his uncle Arnoldus Lamme, who also had work in the exhibition as did Scheffer's recently deceased father Johan-Bernard and his mother Cornelia Scheffer-Lamme, an indication of the stimulating surroundings in which he grew up. The work attracted general attention (Note 16) and it does, indeed, show a remarkable amount of progress, the plasticity, effects of light, brushwork and colour all revealing skill and care in their execution. The simple, bourgeois character of the portrait not only fits in with the Dutch tradition which Scheffer had learned from both his parents in Amsterdam, but also has points in common with the recent developments in France, which he could have got to know during his spell in Lille from autumn 1809 onwards. A Dutchman in Paris Empire and Restoration, 1811-30 In Amsterdam Scheffer had also been laught by his mother, a miniature painter, and his father, a portrait and history painter (Note 17). After his father's death in June 1809, his mother, who not only had a great influence on his artistic career, but also gave his Calvinism and a great love of literature (Note 18), wanted him to finish his training in Paris. After getting the promise of a royal grant from Louis Napoleon for this (Note 19) and while waiting for it to materialize, she sent the boy to Lille to perfect his French as well as further his artistic training. In 1811 Scheffer settled in Paris without a royal grant or any hope of one. He may possibly have studied for a short time under Prudhon (Note 20) , but in the autumn of 1811 he was officially contracted as a pupil of Guérin, one of the leading artists of the school of David, under whom he mastered the formulas of NeD-Classicism, witness his Orpheus and Eurydice (Fïg.14), shown in the Salon of 1814. During his first ten years in Paris Scheffer also painted many genre pieces in order, so he said, to earn a living for himself and his mother. Guérin's prophecy that he would make a great career as a history painter (Note 21) soon came true, but not in the way Guérin thought it would, Scheffer participating in the revolution initiated by his friends and fellow-pupils, Géricault and Delacroix, which resulted in the rise of the Romantic Movement. It was not very difficult for him to break with Neo-Classicism, for with his Dutch background he felt no great affinity with it (Note 22). This development is ilustrated by his Gaston de Foix Dying on the Battlefield After his Victory at Ravenna, shown at the Salon of 1824, and The Women of Souli Throwing Themselves into the Abyss (Fig.15), shown at that of 1827-8. The last years of the Restoration and the July Monarchy. Influence of Rembrandt and the Dutch masters In 1829, when he seemed to have become completely assimilated in France and had won wide renown, Scheffer took the remarkable step of returning to the Netherlands to study the methods of Rembrandt and other Dutch old masters (Note 23) . A new orientation in his work is already apparent in the Women of Souli, which is more harmonious and considered in colour than the Gaston dc Foix (Note 24). This is linked on the one hand to developments in France, where numbers of young painters had abandoned extreme Romanticism to find the 'juste milieu', and on the other to Scheffer's Dutch background. Dutch critics were just as wary of French Romanticism as they had been of Neo-Classicism, urging their own painters to revive the traditions of the Golden Age and praising the French painters of the 'juste milieu'. It is notable how many critics commented on the influence of Rembrandt on Scheffer's works, e.g. his Faust, Marguérite, Tempête and portrait of Talleyrand at the Salon of 1851 (Note 26). The last two of these date from 1828 and show that the reorientation and the interest in Rembrandt predate and were the reasons for the return to the Netherlands in 1829. In 1834 Gustave Planche called Le Larmoyeur (Fig. 16) a pastiche of Rembrandt and A. Barbier made a comparable comment on Le Roi de Thule in 1839 (Note 27). However, as Paul Mantz already noted in 1850 (Note 28), Scheffer certainly did not fully adopt Rembrandt's relief and mystic light. His approach was rather an eclectic one and he also often imbued his work with a characteristically 19th-century melancholy. He himself wrote after another visit to the Netherlands in 1849 that he felt he had touched a chord which others had not attempted (Note 29) . Contacts with Dutch artists and writers Scheffer's links with the Netherlands come out equally or even more strongly in the many contacts he maintained there. As early as 1811-12 Sminck-Pitloo visited him on his way to Rome (Note 30), to be followed in the 1820's by J.C. Schotel (Note 31), while after 1830 as his fame increased, so the contacts also became more numerous. He was sought after by and corresponded with various art dealers (Note 33) and also a large number of Dutch painters, who visited him in Paris or came to study under him (Note 32) Numerous poems were published on paintings by him from 1838 onwards, while Jan Wap and Alexander Ver Huell wrote at length about their visits to him (Note 34) and a 'Scheffer Album' was compiled in 1859. Thus he clearly played a significant role in the artistic life of the Netherlands. International orientation As the son of a Dutch mother and a German father, Scheffer had an international orientation right from the start. Contemporary critics and later writers have pointed out the influences from English portrait painting and German religious painting detectable in his work (Note 35). Extracts from various unpublished letters quoted here reveal how acutely aware he was of what was likely to go down well not only in the Netherlands, but also in a country like England, where he enjoyed great fame (Notes 36-9) . July Monarchy and Second Empire. The last decades While most French artists of his generation seemed to have found their definitive style under the July Monarchy, Scheffer continued to search for new forms of expression. In the 1830's, at the same time as he painted his Rembrandtesque works, he also produced his famous Francesca da Rimini (Fig. 17), which is closer to the 'juste milieu' in its dark colours and linear accents. In the 1840's he used a simple and mainly bright palette without any picturesque effects, e.g. in his SS. Augustine and Monica and The Sorrows of the Earth (Note 41), but even this was not his last word. In an incident that must have occurred around 1857 he cried out on coming across some of his earlier works that he had made a mistake since then and wasted his time (Note 42) and in his Calvin of 1858 (Fig. 18) he resumed his former soft chiaroscuro and warm tones. It is characteristic of him that in that same year he painted a last version of The Sorrows of the Earth in the light palette of the 1840's. Despite the difficulty involved in the precise assessment of influences on a painter with such a complex background, it is clear that even in his later period, when his work scored its greatest successes in France, England and Germany, Scheffer always had a strong bond with the Netherlands and that he not only contributed to the artistic life there, but always retained a feeling for the traditions of his first fatherland. Appendix An appendix is devoted to a study of the head of an old man in Dordrecht, which is catalogued as a copy of a 17th-century painting in the style of Rembrandt done by Ary Scheffer at the age of twelve (Fig.19, Note 43). This cannot be correct, as it is much better than the other works by the twelve-year-old painter. Moreover, no mention is made of it in the catalogue of the retrospective exhibition held in Paris in 1859, where the Hannibal is given as his earliest work (Note 44). It was clearly unknown then, as it is not mentioned in any of the obituaries of 1858 and 1859 either. The earliest reference to it occurs in the list made bv Scheffer's daughter in 1897 of the works she was to bequeath to the Dordrecht museum. A clue to its identification may be a closely similar drawing by Cornelia Scheffer-Lamme (Fig. 20, Note 46), which is probably a copy after the head of the old man. She is known to have made copies after contemporary and 17th-century masters. The portrait might thus be attributable to Johan-Bernard Scheffer, for his wife often made copies of his works and he is known from sale catalogues to have painted various portraits of old men (Note 47, cf. Fig.21). Ary Scheffer also knew this. In 1839 his uncle Arnoldus Lamme wrote to him that he would look out for such a work at a sale (Note 48). It may be that he succeeded in finding one and that this portrait came into the possession of the Scheffer family in that way, but Johan-Bernard's work is too little known for us to be certain about this.

This article recounts a little-known episode in C. G. Jung’s life and in the history of analytical psychology: Jung’s visit to Paris in the spring of 1934 at the invitation of the Paris Analytical Psychology Club (named ‘Le Gros Caillou’), a stay marked by a lecture on the ‘hypothesis of the collective unconscious’ held in a private setting and preceded by an evening spent in Daniel Halévy’s literary salon with some readers and critics. KEYWORDS collective unconscious; France; Julien Green; Daniel Halévy; Lucien Lévy-Bruhl; Ernest Seillière.

Dès la fin des années 1540, la famille de Jean de Morel accueillait dans sa maison de la rue Pavée à Paris les poètes et les humanistes les plus proéminents de la capitale: Nicolas Bourbon, Jean Salmon Macrin, Jean Dorat parmi les néo-latins; Joachim Du Bellay, Ronsard, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, pour ne citer que quelques-uns des poètes de langue vulgaire. Or, la femme de Morel, Antoinette de Loynes, et ses trois filles, Camille, Lucrèce et Diane, avaient toutes les quatre reçu une éducation humaniste, leur permettant non seulement de participer aux activités littéraires et humanistes de ce que l'on a appelé le premier salon en France, mais encore d'attirer l'admiration du monde cultivé de l'époque. En examinant la correspondance des membres de la famille ainsi que certains ouvrages imprimés, cet article se propose d'illustrer les relations que les membres de la famille ont entretenues avec les visiteurs du salon ainsi que les changements d'attitude qui ont eu lieu au cours du XVIe siècle à l'égard de l'éducation des jeunes filles.

‘To grasp Paris, one has to live with Paris for a long time’. French impressions from journeys of Łucja Rautenstrauch from the ducal family of Giedroyć The article is a short attempt to present the reader with a profile of the now-forgotten Łucja Rautenstrauch from the ducal family of Giedroyć, a nineteenth century writer and traveller, who gained her fame and appreciation in the epoch thanks to her travel writings. Two of Łucja Rautenstrauch’s works deserve special attention: My memories of France [Wspomnienia moje o Francyi] and The last journey to France [Ostatnia podróż do Francyi], where she gave an impartial description of Paris. The author depicts the city pointing both to its good and bad sides. Her memories distinguish themselves from among other travel writings because of the author’s unusual sense of perception and the accuracy of her remarks. One will not find any instances of artificial admiration nor unnecessary humility in front of the people who meant more than her. On the contrary, an image of an educated aristocrat who does not feel the obligation to uphold the rules of the world she did not appreciate emerges for My memories of France. In the same work Łucja Rautenstrauch focuses on the description of the visible and external world: the customs, fashion, the French street, the salon and the history of the visited places.

Background. The French composers’ creativity of the late XIX – first third of XX centuries is the admirable treasury of the world musical art. It is worth mentioning such remarkable and original artists as C. Debussy and M. Emmanuel, P. Dukas and E. Satie, A.Roussel and M.Ravel. The name of G. Pierné (1863–1937) can surely be added to this series of authors. But his oeuvre is still terra incognita for us. The thorough considerable researches about the author are not numerous. The monograph “Gabriel Pierné: musicien lorrain” by G. Masson was created in 1987, and the publication of the composer’s letters named as “Correspondance romaine” was published in 2005. In the 2000s, a lot of audio recordings of his best works were published, which testifies to the relevance of the author’s heritage and confirms the urgency of present topic of article. Objectives of this study is to focus researchers on G. Pierné’s personality and art, to consider his works for piano and symphonic orchestra – Fantasy-Ballet, Piano Concerto, Scherzo-Caprice, Symphonic Poem. Methods. The research is based on the historical biographical, the intonational, the comparative research methods. Results. C. Debussy, M. Ravel and composers of “Les Six” at their time outshined Pierné’s work. But years have passed and interest in the personality of this author has appeared. During his training in Paris Conservatory (1871–1882), G. Pierné achieved excellent results, having won in many student competitions. He studied composition in the class of J. Massenet (together with E. Chausson, G. Charpentier, G. Ropartz). Having won the competition for the Prix de Rome (1882), the young author was given the opportunity to live at Villa Medici (1883–1885). Spent time in Rome was one of the best episodes of his life. The first concert work by G. Pierné – Fantasy-Ballet (1885) for piano and orchestra was written there. The composition is based on the sequence of contrasting dancing episodes in the character of march, gallop, waltz, tarantella. It is significant that the ballet genre took pride of place in the work of G. Pierné later. The composer’s staying in Italy caused visibility, colorfulness, cheerfulness, feed activity, energy of images, using of genre motifs in FantasyBallet. The series of various episodes conveys a whimsical change of mood and resembles a sketches of impression. Returning to Paris in 1885, G. Pierné sought to strengthen his reputation as a soloist by entering the salon circles. At this time, he created many piano works, including the three-movement Piano Concerto c-moll (1886). This composition contains many dramatic moments which concentrated in the first and third movements of the cycle. However, as is often the case with French Romantic composers, such using of dramatic elements has a somewhat superficial, rhetorical character. The first movement is written in sonata form. The theme of the main subject (in c-moll), expounded by the piano octaves, is active and boisterous. And the secondary Es-dur subject is peaceful and lucid. There is the same entrancing serenity as in the lyrical theme of the E. Grieg’s Piano Concerto finale. In the first movement, the development is very short, and the recapitulation is abridged. It should be noted that G. Pierné refused to use the cadence of the soloist. The second movement is written in a three-part form with elements of variation and rondo. This light scherzo takes the listener away from the anxieties of previous movement. Every bar of this music, in which everything is made with elegant French taste, caresses the ear. The main theme, including the dotted rhythm, serves as a refrain that permeates the entire movement. The finale is distinguished by its developmental forcefulness and truly symphonic reach. So, the continuation of C. Saint-Saëns’s covenants is in the concentration of thematic material, the observableness of form, the rhetorical syllable, and rhythmic activity at the Pierné’s Piano Concerto. Scherzo-Caprice (1890) enriched the French miniature line. The image sphere of this opus is lucid lyrics, good-gentle jocosity, and solemnity. The melodic talent of the composer proved itself very convincing here. The theme of the waltz echoes the waltz episode from the Fantasy-Ballet in some details. Being written also in A-dur, it contains the upward melody moves with a passing VI# (fisis), and also diversions into the minor (cis-moll in Scherzo-Caprice, fis-moll in Fantasy-Ballet). At the turn of the century, the influence of C. Franck’s music was produced on the G. Pierné’s style. This is reflected in such works as the Symphonic Poem “L’An Mil” (1897), Violin Sonata (1900), oratorio “Saint François d’Assise” (1912), and Cello Sonata (1919). An appeal to the Symphonic Poem for piano and orchestra (1903) is also a clear sign of rapprochement with the late romantic branch (C. Franck, E. Сhausson). Here we see a departure of G. Pierné from the C. Saint-Saëns’s concert traditions, which he held before. In the Poem, such qualities as virtuosity, concert brilliance, and representativeness are somewhat leveled, which is caused with the narrative character of this work. Conclusions. During the “Renovation period” of French music, the piano and orchestra compositions experienced a real upsurge in its development. Composers began to turn more often not only to the Piano Concerto genre, but also to non-cyclic works – Fantasies, Poems, Rhapsodies, etc. G. Pierné contributed much to this branch along with C. Saint-Saëns, B. Godard, Ch.-M. Widor. In his Fantasy-Ballet, Piano Concerto, Scherzo-Caprice, we find the continuation of C. Saint-Saëns’s instrumental traditions. This is manifested in the moderation of the musical language, the normative character of harmonious thinking, the absolute clarity of discourse, concern for the relief of the melodic line. In the Symphonic Poem, contiguity with the musical aesthetics of С. Franck is revealed, which is reflected in harmony modulation shifts, appeal to polyphonic technique, differentiated and more powerful orchestration.

Abstract Ingres’s portrait of Louis-François Bertin (1832) has been universally accepted as a visual “apotheosis” of the newly powerful early 19th-century bourgeoisie in France. Here, we study the inconsistencies and contestation which contributed to this identification. Beginning with the moment of its first public exhibition in the 1833 Paris Salon, this article traces Bertin’s evolving reputation as an image of its epoch, focusing on its reappearance in public first at the Bazar Bonne-Nouvelle in 1846, and then in the display of Ingres’s works at the Exposition Universelle of 1855. This leads to a critical assessment of how the picture’s role as a political emblem has been related to later assertions that it also exemplified the artist’s incipient modernism. The exhibition of works by Ingres at the Paris Salon d’Automne in 1905 allows us to take stock of claims made about the picture’s status in the early 20th century. However, in contrast to the habitual desire to modernise Ingres (and thereby to detach him from a lingering taint of academicism), this article argues that a key element in the reception of Ingres’s portrait in the second half of the 19th century is a recognition of its rootedness in values emanating from the Revolution of 1789, embodied both in the person of LouisFrançois Bertin and Ingres’s representation of him.

Background. А history of the development of the human community is at the same time a history of the relationship between men and women, their role in society, in formation of mindset, development of science, technology and art. A woman’s path to the recognition of her merits is a struggle for equality and inclusion in all sectors of public life. Originated with particular urgency in the twentieth century, this set of problems gave impetus to the study of the female phenomenon in the sociocultural space. In this context, the disclosure of the direct contribution of talented women to art and their influence on its development has become of special relevance. The purpose of the article is to summarize segmental of information that highlights the contribution of women to the treasury of world art, their creative and inspiring power. Analytical, historical-biographical and comparative studying methods were applied to reveal the gender relationships in art and the role of woman in them as well as in the sociocultural space in general. The results from this study present a panorama of gifted women from the world of art and music who paved the way for future generations. Among them are: A. Gentileschi (1593–1653), who was the first woman admitted to The Florence Academy of Art; M. Vigee Le Brun (1755–1842), who painted portraits of the French aristocracy and later became a confidant of Marie-Antoinette; B. Morisot (1841–1895), who was accepted by the impressionists in their circle and repeatedly exhibited her works in the Paris Salon; F. Caccini (1587–1640), who went down in history as an Italian composer, teacher, harpsichordist, author of ballets and music for court theater performances; J. Kinkel (1810–1858) – the first female choral director in Germany, who published books about musical education, composed songs on poems of famous poets, as well as on her own texts; F. Mendelssohn (1805–1847) – German singer, pianist and composer, author of cantatas, vocal miniatures of organ preludes, piano pieces; R. Clark (1886–1979) – British viola player and composer who created trio, quartets, compositions for solo instruments, songs on poems of English poets; L. Boulanger (1893–1918) became the first woman to receive Grand Prix de Rome; R. Tsekhlin (1926–2007) – German harpsichordist, composer and teacher who successfully combined the composition of symphonies, concerts, choral and vocal opuses, operas, ballets, music for theatrical productions and cinema with active performing and teaching activities, and many others. The article emphasise the contribution of women-composers, writers, poetesses to the treasury of world literature and art. Among the composers in this row is S. Gubaidulina (1931), who has about 30 prizes and awards. She wrote music for 17 films and her works are being performed by famous musicians around the world. The glory of Ukrainian music is L. Dychko (1939) – the author of operas, oratorios, cantatas, symphonies, choral concertos, ballets, piano works, romances, film music. The broad famous are the French writers: S.-G. Colette (1873–1954), to which the films were devoted, the performances based on her novels are going all over the world, her lyrics are being studied in the literature departments. She was the President of the Goncourt Academy, Chevalier of the Legion of Honour, a square in the center of Paris is named after her. Also, creativity by her compatriot, L. de Vilmorin (1902–1969), on whose poems С. Arrieu, G. Auric, F. Poulenc wrote vocal miniatures, is beloved and recognized as in France as and widely abroad. The article denotes a circle of women who combined the position of a selfsufficient creator and a muse for their companion. M. Verevkina (1860–1938) – a Russian artist, a representative of expressionism in painting, not only helped shape the aesthetic views of her husband A. Yavlensky, contributing to his art education, but for a long time “left the stage” for to not compete with him and help him develop his talent fully. Furthermore, she managed to anticipate many of the discoveries as for the use of light that are associated with the names of H. Matisse, A. Derain and other French fauvist. F. Kahlo (1907–1954), a Mexican artist, was a strict critic and supporter for her husband D. Rivera, led his business, was frequently depicted in his frescoes. C. Schumann (1819–1896) was a committed promoter of R. Schumann’s creativity. She performed his music even when he was not yet recognized by public. She included his compositions in the repertoire of her students after the composer lost his ability to play due to the illness of the hands. She herself performed his works, making R. Schumann famous across Europe. In addition, Clara took care of the welfare of the family – the main source of finance was income from her concerts. The article indicates the growing interest of the twentieth century composers to the poems of female poets. Among them M. Debord-Valmore (1786–1859) – a French poetess, about whom S. Zweig, P. Verlaine and L. Aragon wrote their essays, and her poems were set to music by C. Franck, G. Bizet and R. Ahn; R. Auslender (1901–1988) is a German poetess, a native of Ukraine (Chernovtsy city), author of more than 20 collections, her lyrics were used by an American woman-composer E. Alexander to write “Three Songs” and by German composer G. Grosse-Schware who wrote four pieces for the choir; I. Bachmann (1926–1973) – the winner of three major Austrian awards, author of the libretto for the ballet “Idiot” and opera “The Prince of Hombur”. The composer H. W. Henze, in turn, created music for the play “Cicadas” by I. Bachmann. On this basis, we conclude that women not only successfully engaged in painting, wrote poems and novels, composed music, opened «locked doors», destroyed established stereotypes but were a powerful source of inspiration. Combining the roles of the creator and muse, they helped men reach the greatest heights. Toward the twentieth century, the role of the fair sex representatives in the world of art increased and strengthened significantly, which led Western European culture to a new round of its evolution.

Abstract Polish-born, trained in Germany, with a studio in Rome and a second home in Denmark following her marriage to sculptor and academician Jens Adolf Jerichau, Elisabeth Jerichau-Baumann (1818–81) was a true nineteenth-century cosmopolite. She painted Europe’s elite and counted Princess Alexandra, Hans Christian Andersen, Ibsen, the Grimm brothers, and Dickens among her well-wishers. She was invited by Queen Victoria to Buckingham Palace, and her portrait of Alexandra remains in the Royal Collection today. Her travelogue Brogede Rejsebilleder (Motley Images of Travel; 1881) is centered around two journeys to “the Orient” (Constantinople and Smyrna), undertaken in 1869–70 and 1874–75. The present chapters, translated by David D. Possen and introduced by Julia Kuehn, are Jerichau-Baumann’s record of the first of two journeys to Constantinople, in 1869–70. The chapters are published in two parts—“Public Spaces” and “The Harem”—in consecutive numbers of the VIJ. The painter vividly describes the sites of and life in Constantinople. Jerichau-Baumann’s temporary friendship with the young Princess Nazlı Hanım would lead to a number of paintings now considered emblematic of and unique in (female) Orientalist art. Nazlı would become a well-known literary salon hostess and arts supporter in Istanbul, Paris, Cairo, and Tunis.

Cette thèse est un travail d'enquête et de synthèse sur les conditions socioculturelles qui ont sous-tendu l'activité artistique des femmes peintres exposantes du salon, à Paris, entre 1863 et 1889. Y est particulièrement mis en évidence le dilemme dilettantisme / professionnalisme avec lequel les femmes artistes auront constamment à composer, et qui parait avoir notamment pèse sur leurs choix stylistiques. Cette thèse consiste en trois volumes. Dans le premier tome, un "liminaire" explicite tout d'abord la problématique d'un point de vue historique et théorique. Sont ensuite successivement étudiés les divers aspects d'une vie artistique au féminin : la formation dans les ateliers ; la vie privée et ses choix, et surtout les potentialités offertes par les réseaux amicaux et associatifs ; les aléas de la carrière, soumise a la pression de la production, rythmée par les succès et les échecs, parfois entravée par des activités annexes, mais toujours orientée vers l'insertion professionnelle et l'acquisition d'une plus large autonomie ; les oeuvres du salon et leur réception par la critique. Cette recherche s'appuie sur des documents d'archives et de nombreux témoignages d'artistes françaises et étrangères, puises dans leurs journaux intimes, leurs mémoires et leurs correspondances. Le deuxième tome correspond à un dossier iconographique de 264 planches. Ces reproductions - souvent inédites - émanent notamment des catalogues illustres des salons, des albums de la maison goupil et du fonds photographique "Adolphe Braun". Enfin, dans le troisième tome, se trouve la liste, par ordre alphabétique d'artistes, des oeuvres exposées par des femmes dans la section peinture du salon entre 1863 et 1889. Y sont mentionnés, outre les titres des tableaux, le lieu de naissance des artistes, leur adresse et le nom de leurs professeurs
This doctoral dissertation, combining investigation and synthesis, attaches itself to the socio-cultural conditions underlying the artistic activity of the women painters exhibiting at the salon, in Paris, between 1863 and 1889. It gives special emphasis on the amateur / professional dilemma with which the women artists will constantly be composing, and that may have influenced their artistic choices. This dissertation consists of 3 volumes. The first introductory part describes the problematic from a historical and theoretical side. This is followed by a study of artistic life in the feminine : training in studios ; private life and its choices, in particular the possibilities offered by networks of friends and associations ; the hazards of a career, with the pressure resulting from the need of production, with its successes and its failures, sometimes hampered by other activities, yet always turned towards professional integration and acquiring more autonomy ; the works of the salon and how the critics responded. The research work is based on archives, and on numerous testimonies of french and foreign women artists, gathered from personal diaries, memoirs and correspondence. The second part is a file of 264 plates. These reproductions often unpublished, come from the illustrated catalogues of the salon, from goupil albums, and from the photographic archives "Adolphe Braun". In final, the third part lists in alphabetic order of the artists the works by women, put on exhibition in the "peinture" section of the salon between 1863 and 1889. You will find there, besides the title of the works, the place of birth of the artists, their address, and the name of their professors

Créé par l’amateur d’art Frédo Sidès en juillet 1946, le Salon des Réalités Nouvelles est animé à ses débuts par Auguste Herbin et Félix Del Marle. S’inscrivant dans la filiation d’Abstraction-Création, il a pour objectif l’organisation en France d’expositions annuelles d’ « art concret, art non figuratif ou art abstrait ». De 1946 à 1948, le salon qui se tient au Palais des beaux-arts de Paris, donne une visibilité inédite à l’art abstrait par sa politique de large ouverture et sa volonté d’internationalisation (le salon de 1948 compte plus de 350 exposants et regroupe 17 nations). La consultation des archives du Salon des Réalités Nouvelles, jusqu’alors méconnues, a permis d’en connaître le fonctionnement et la politique de diffusion et de reconnaissance. Elle a aussi démontré que le salon constituait le point d’aboutissement d’une longue gestation qui nous ramène aux années trente, en particulier à l’analyse de ses liens avec l’exposition « Réalités Nouvelles » organisée galerie Charpentier par Frédo Sidès et Yvanohé Rambosson en 1939
Created by the art lover Frédo Sidès in july 1946, the « Salon des Réalités Nouvelles » was first directed by Auguste Herbin and Félix Del Marle. In the line from Abstraction-Creation, it was meant to set up annual « concrete art, non figurative or abstract art » exhibitions. From 1946 to 1948, the Salon, which was held in the Palais des Beaux Arts in Paris, offered a unique visibility for abstract art, with a very open policy and a will for international participation (the 1948 Salon was attended by more than 350 exhibitors representing 17 nations). Consulting the archives of the SRN, quite forgotten until now, offers the opportunity to understand how the Salon worked, and learn about its diffusion and recognition policy. This consultation also proves that the Salon was the conclusion of a long gestation which started in the 1930’s, an dis directly coneected to the exposition « Réalités Nouvelles » held in the Charpentier gallery by Frédo Sidès and Yvanohé Rambosson in 1939

A la charnière des XIXe et XXe siècles, Berta Zuckerkandl (1864-1945), salonnière et journaliste autrichienne, participa activement à établir des échanges artistiques, culturels et politiques entre la France et l'Empire austro-hongrois. Alors que ses liens familiaux avec Georges Clemenceau lui permirent d'entrer en contact avec les artistes et intellectuels parisiens qu'il fréquentait - Rodin, Carrière, Raffelli, Geffroy..., son salon rassemblait à Vienne quelques-uns des acteurs emblématiques de la Wiener Moderne - Bahr, Klimt, Wagner, Mahler...-, formant le noyau d'un vaste réseau social européen. Porte-parole de la Sécession viennoise, Zuckerkandl s'imposa également comme l'une des critiques d'art les plus productives de son temps, guidant les artistes et initiant le public à l'art moderne, en s'appuyant sur les initiatives françaises pour orienter le développement de l'art. Cette étude vise ainsi à mettre en lumière son rôle dans la dynamique des échanges artistiques entre Vienne et Paris. Elle apporte d'abord des éléments biographiques éclairant la place privilégiée de Zuckerkandl à la rencontre des cultures française et autrichienne. Elle montre ensuite son implication au sein des cercles artistiques autrichiens et offre une analyse détaillée d'un corpus d'écrits sur l'art moderne. Elle expose enfin les résultats de ses interventions en faveur de la promotion des artistes français et de la réception de leurs oeuvres en Autriche, mettant en lumière les objectifs artistiques, culturels et politiques poursuivis par Zuckerkandl, décidé à préserver la culture autrichienne à l'épreuve de la guerre et de la chute de l'Empire austro-hongrois
At the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century, Berta Zuckerkandl (1864-1945), Austrian salonnière and journalist, engaged actively in artistic, cultural and political exchanges between France and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Being on familiar terms with Georges Clemenceau gave her the opportunity to exchange ideas with artists and intellectuals in Paris, including Rodin, Carriere, Raffaelli, and Geffroy. Her salon in Vienna gathered some of the most pioneering personalities of the Wiener Moderne...- Bahr, Klimt, Wagner, Mahler...- and thus formed the centre of a vast social network within Europe. Being a spokeswoman of the Vienna Secession, Zuckerkandl established herself as one of the most active contemporary art critics. She guided artists and introduced the public into modern art by drawing on French initiatives to influence the art's development. The present study thus aims at highlighting her role in the dynamic artistic exchange between Vienna and Paris. It will first present Zuckerkandl's biography in order to draw attention to her privileged position in the exchange of the French and Austrian cultures. Secondly, it will show her impact on artistic Austrian groups and provide a detailed analysis of a corpus of selected documents dealing with modern art. It will finally discuss her interventions in favour of French artists and the reception of their works in Austria by highlighting the artistic, cultural and political aims pursued by Zuckerkandl, who was determined to preserve the Austrian culture despite the war and the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire

Cette thèse de doctorat se propose d’étudier les Salons sous l’ère napoléonienne, connus surtout pour le rôle important qu’ils jouèrent dans le cadre de l’instrumentalisation politique de l’art contemporain. Ainsi, après 1799, le Salon devint rapidement un important outil de la vaste politique culturelle du Consulat et de l’Empire, qui servit à représenter de manière symbolique le système politique. Face à ce changement radical du Salon et de sa politique artistique, les artistes, eux aussi, ont dû se positionner et s’adapter aux nouvelles structures politiques et administratives, tout en réagissant aux nouvelles tendances artistiques et à l’évolution du milieu artistique, afin de s’imposer au Salon. Le succès rencontré par les Salons en ces années-là ne se manifeste pas seulement par le chiffre croissant des exposants et des visiteurs : les diverses formes de la réception du Salon – journaux, brochures, récits de voyage, lettres et œuvres graphiques - témoignent également de l’écho rencontré par l’exposition, et ceci bien au-delà des frontières nationales. Jouxtant les salles du fameux Musée Napoléon qui regroupe les chefs-d’œuvre artistiques les plus importants, saisis par les armées françaises dans des collections de l’Europe, le Salon profite de la forte fréquentation du Louvre entre 1800 et 1815, de la part de visiteurs aussi bien français qu’étrangers. L’objectif de cette thèse est d’analyser l’organisation de l’exposition, le paysage des artistes exposants ainsi que l’écho rencontré par cet évènement sur la scène internationale en tenant compte de cette mutation complexe de la vie artistique parisienne au début du XIXème siècle. Dans cette perspective, le présent travail s’interroge sur les rapports entre la politique artistique, les pratiques artistiques et culturelles ainsi que leur réception
This doctoral thesis examines the Salons of living artists under the reign of Napoleon I, which are primarily known for the prominent role they played in the context of cultural politics of that time. After 1799, the Salon rapidly became an important instrument of art and cultural politics used by the ruling government to symbolically legitimise and support the political system. Given the major changes to the exhibition in these years, artists had also had to adapt to the new political and administrative structures whilst, at the same time, reacting to new artistic trends in order to stand up to the strong competition at the Salon. The exhibition's success in these years is not only reflected by the rising numbers of exhibiting artists and visitors. Also its wide-ranging coverage in the media, such as newspaper articles, letters, travelogues and graphic anthologies, is further proof of the exhibition's relevance and reach, sometimes even beyond national frontiers. Indeed, the exhibition's close locality to the famous Musée Napoléon, with its large collection of master pieces confiscated from European collections by the French armies, added further attention paid by European travellers to the Salon and the French contemporary art on display there. The aim of this doctoral thesis is to analyse the organisation of the exhibition, the range of participating artists as well as the international response it created whilst taking into consideration the complex transformation of art and the French art scene at the beginning of 19th century. By doing so, the dissertation focuses on the reciprocal relationship between art politics, artistic production and their reception

Le Salon de 1827 marqua un tournant décisif dans la " bataille romantique " puisqu'après cette exposition le conflit entre les peintres de l'ancienne et de la nouvelle école s'étiola progressivement. L'enjeu de cette étude est de mettre l'accent sur la singularité du Salon de 1827 au vu des actions officielles et du discours critique, lesquels participent au développement du romantisme, en dépit des résistances. Evaluer l'importance de la nouvelle école au Salon, analyser la manière dont elle s'y implante, sa progression depuis 1824 et proposer une définition du romantisme en 1827 furent mes principaux axes de réflexion. J'ai tout d'abord envisagé le Salon au plan institutionnel, soulignant la tolérance de l'administration des beaux-arts et le rôle de Forbin à l'égard du courant novateur, première étape de sa reconnaissance; j' ai également montré la place des romantiques dans le mécénat officiel, confirmant ainsi la bienveillance de l'administration à leur égard ; enfin, je me suis attachée à la réception critique du Salon, démontrant que la bataille romantique occupait l'essentiel d'un discours qui, devant l'ampleur et la complexité qu'avait pris le mouvement depuis 1824, avait bien du mal à définir le romantisme et ses partisans
The 1827 Salon marked a decisive turning in the " bataille romantique " as the conflict which had opposed the " old school " painters and the " new school " ones progressively faded away after the exhibition. The present study has emphasized the particularity of the 1827 Salon as regards to the officiaIs' actions and the critics' statements which helped rornanticism develop despite a lot of remaining opposition. In my work, l assessed the importance of the " new school " in the Salon, analysed the way it developped there and its progress since 1824 and l offered a definition of what rornanticism was in 1827. L fust studied the Salon at the institutional level, enhancing the tolerance of the public institutions and Forbin's role in giving reco~tion to the new trend. L also showed the place the romantics took in the public sponsorship, thus confIrIning how well disposed the officiaIs were towards them. L finally insisted on the way the Salon was spoken of by the critics, proving that the " bataille romantique " was at the very heart of a debate in which defining " Rornanticism " and " Romantics " was uneasy -given the importance and complexity of the movement since 1824

Ce travail veut eclairer une periode-cle de l'histoire du romantisme naissant (1824-1834) a travers l'etude particuliere du "salon de l'arsenal" (lequel tire son nom de la bibliotheque de monsieur, dont charles nodier fut le conservateur en chef a partir de 1824). Les appartements de la famille nodier accueillirent chaque dimanche soir toute l'elite litteraire et artistique durant les dernieres annees de la restauration et les premieres annees de la monarchie de juillet : il y avait donc urgence a reevaluer l'importance de ces reunions dans l'histoire litteraire et sociologique du romantisme, en montrant notamment qu'il fut un lieu de rencontre privilegie, ouvert a toutes les specialites, toutes les individualites et toutes les generations; l'un des rares carrefours d'idees ou la pensee romantique ait pu s'affiner en trouvant des contradicteurs; enfin un espace favorable a la naissance de projets et de collaborations litteraires. Ce travail presente successivement: une description objective des soirees (etude du rite de l'arsenal), un catalogue exhaustif des invites (les celebrites lamartine, vigny, balzac, etc. - et les autres regroupes en differentes categories - les provinciaux, les journalistes, les femmes, etc. -); une etude des rapports specifiques de charles nodier avec victor hugo, convive privilegie de l'arsenal; un bilan des travaux de nodier et de sa fille durant ces dix ans; enfin une analyse des consequences sociologique (la camaraderie litteraire) et ideologique (cristallisation, puis atomisation de la pensee romantique) de ces soirees dominicales. Ce travailsera en outre accompagne de nombreux documents inedits (les souvenirs de marie nodier, l'annee 1832 du journal intime de fontaney, etc. ).

A la fin du XIXe siècle et au début du XXe siècle, les artistes japonais s’installant à Paris sont peu nombreux. Cependant, après la Première Guerre mondiale, à partir de 1920, un grand nombre d’artistes japonais arrivent en France. Au total deux cent huit artistes japonais ont figuré dans les Salons parisiens durant la décennie entre 1920 et 1929. La plupart de ces artistes choisissent comme lieu de résidence le quartier de Montparnasse. A cette époque à Paris, dans le milieu des artistes travaillant la peinture à l’huile, dite « yô-ga », nous pouvons distinguer trois courants : Le premier circule autour de Foujita Tsugouharu, artiste de renom associant la peinture occidentale et l’art traditionnel du Japon. Le second regroupe un certain nombre de jeunes artistes, dont Saeki Uzo, attirés par la peinture occidentale et la peinture moderne de Montparnasse. Le troisième courant est de nature académique : dans la lignée de Kuroda Seiki, les artistes suivent l’enseignement des Académies parisiennes. D’autres artistes choisissent la voie d’un art plus indépendant, à l’instar de Tanaka Yasushi, Hasegawa Kiyoshi ou bien Oka Shikanosuke, mais leur nombre reste limité, comme par ailleurs ceux exerçant la technique de la peinture japonaise, dite « nihon-ga », et également ceux pratiquant la sculpture, la gravure, la laque et la tenture. Le résultat suite au dépouillement mené dans les centres de documentation et les fonds photographiques au Japon et en France prouve l’importance de la présence des artistes japonais sur la scène artistique à Paris durant les années 1920 et permet de comprendre les motivations et créations de ces artistes
During the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, not many Japanese artists settled in Paris. However, after the First World War, starting from 1920, a large number of Japanese artists arrived in France. In total two hundred and eight Japanese artists appeared in Parisian Salons during the decade between 1920 and 1929. Most of these artists choose Montparnasse district as their residence. In Paris those days, amongst artists who worked on oil painting called « yô-ga » we can distinguish three movements. The first circulated around Fujita Tsuguharu, a renowned artist who associated the Western painting and the traditional Japanese art. The second gathered a certain number of young artists, such as Saeki Yuzo, who were attracted by the Western painting and the modern painting of Montparnasse. The third movement was of an academic nature: as Kuroda Seiki did, artists were following the teaching of Paris Academies. Other artists choose the route of a more independent art, following the examples of Tanaka Yasushi, Hasegawa Kiyoshi or Oka Shikanosuke, but the number of these artists remains limited, same as those who practiced the technique of Japanese painting, i.e. « Nihon-ga », and also those who practiced sculpture, engraving, lacquer painting, and hangings. The result of going through the data of the documentation centres and photography funds in Japan and in France proves the importance of the presence of Japanese artists on the artistic scenes in Paris during the 1920’s and allows us to comprehend the motives and creations of these artists

La thèse a pour objet de montrer qu'en raison de son ambivalence, le produit de l'imprimerie participe au développement général de la société, lequel, interactivement agit sur la demande et sa multiplication et sous-tend l'essor de l'activité industrielle de l'imprimerie, l'imprime est d'une part, un produit industriel qui s'intègre dans la circulation générale des marchandises pour la satisfaction des besoins sociaux ; d'autre part, il procède de la conjoncture en ce qu'il la reflète l'explicite, la soutient, il en vit et la secrète tout à la fois, car l'imprime à une nature spécifique, au regard des autres marchandises, il a un contenu. Or les besoins sociaux et ceux de la conjoncture s'accroissant, en raison d'un contexte politique, économique, social et cultural particulièrement fecend la production imprimée connait un développement considérable, aussi devient-il nécessaire d'abolir, avec la loi du 29 juillet 1881, le cadre restrictif instauré par Napoléon 1er entre 1810 et 1812, en matière d'imprimerie. De nouvelle techniques sont mises en œuvre afin de satisfaire, dans sa diversité, les besoins du marché. Il en résulte dans la sphère industrielle, l'établissement de nouvelles relations avec le capital financier et l'instauration de nouveaux rapports de production. Le développement des forces productives engendre des mutations telles que les processus de production change et de forme et de nature, suscitant l'émergence et l'affirmation de contradiction de types capitalistes
The object of this thesis is to show that, because of its ambivalence, the printing production has a share in the society development, which interactively operates on the demand and its multiplication and underlies the industrial activity expansion of the printing. On the one hand, printed matter is an industrial product which integrates in the flow of goods to satisfy social needs; on the other hand, it proceeds from circumstances since it reflects it, supports it, lives from it and generates it at once, because printed matter has a specific nature compared to others goods: it has a content. With the increase of social and conjecture needs, because of the political, economical, social and cultural context specially productive, there is a considerable expansion of the printing production which necessitates to abolish, with the 29th july 1881 law, the restrictive frame set up by Napoleon 1 st between 1810 and 1812, on the printing subject. New techniques are brought into operation in order to satisfy, in its variety, the market needs. The result for the industrial environment is the establishment of new relations with the financial capital and the setting up of new production ratios. The development of production forces generates transfers such as the production process changes in form and nature, creating the emergence and the statement of contradictions of capitalist types

Depuis l'apparition des expositions universelles jusqu'à la création des sécessions européennes, le Salon parisien a joué un rôle plus ou moins déterminant dans la carrière de centaines de peintres étrangers. Sans partis-pris esthétique, le corpus d'œuvres, d'artistes et de textes étudiés retrace la présence et la réception de la peinture étrangère au Salon de 1852 à 1900. L'histoire politique et administrative de l'institution révèle un statut de l'exposant étranger presque inexistant au début du Second Empire, qui devint une question majeure à la fin du siècle, liée à la création de la Société nationale des beaux-arts. Hasardeuse et compétitive, l'expérience du Salon constituait pour l'ensemble des artistes un enjeu considérable, tant symbolique que commercial. Les carrières parisiennes des peintres étrangers, depuis le séjour de formation jusqu'à l'impact de l'exposition au Salon, se prêtent moins que celles de leurs homologues français à une opposition entre sphère officielle et sphère indépendante; elles décrivent un système des beaux-arts largement ouvert sur le monde et sur l'ensemble du champ artistique. La réalité internationale des expositions parisiennes eut un profond impact sur l'évolution et la définition d'un art français qui en fit rapidement un motif d'hégémonie. Contrairement au cloisonnement nationaliste des expositions universelles, le brassage du Salon décrit l'unité et la diversité des forces créatrices européennes. L'expression nationale participe d'une communauté de démarches et de formes, et l'Europe des arts ne peut se réduire ni aux catégories d'écoles nationales, ni aux catégories de style de la tradition moderniste
From the origin of World Fairs until the creation of the European secessions, the Paris Salon played a fairly significant role in the careers of hundreds of foreign painters. Avoiding aesthetic biases, the corpus of works, artists and texts studied traces the presence and the reception of foreign painting in the Paris Salon, from 1852 to 1900. The political and administrative history of the institution reveals the evolution of foreign painter status: from almost nonexistent at the beginning of the Second Empire, to a major issue at the end of the century, linked to the creation of the Société Nationale des beaux-arts. Risky and competitive, the Salon experience was a considerable challenge for all artists, both symbolic and commercial. Parisian careers of foreign painters, from their training studio to their exposition in the Salon, are less interpretable than for their French counterparts as an opposition between official and independent sphere; Fine Art system appears as wide open to the world and to the whole artistic field. The international dimension of Paris exhibitions had a profound impact on the evolution and the definition of French art who quickly built a hegemonic pattern on it. Unlike the nationalist partitioning of world fairs, the melting of the Salon is an image of the unity and diversity of European creative forces. The national expression is part of a community of approaches and expressions, and Arts of Europe cannot be categorized into national schools nor the style categories of the modernist tradition

Abstract William Buckland (1884-56) was the first incumbent of the Chair of Zoology at Oxford, who passed his trait of extreme eccentricity to his son, Francis, a zoologist—author of Curiosities of Natural History and for some years Inspector of Salmon Fisheries. The Bucklands made it a custom to eat, in a spirit of scientific inquiry, any animal that crossed their path. Francis arranged with the London Zoo to receive a cut from anything that died there. Visitors to the Buckland menage, as well as suffering the overtures of the pet donkey and other creatures not generally found in the drawing room, were apt to be offered such delicacies as mice en croute or sliced head of porpoise. William maintained that roast mole had been the most unpleasant thing he had eaten until he tried the stewed bluebottles. When he was shown by his friend, the Archbishop of York, a snuffbox containing the embalmed heart of Louis XVI, which the prelate had bought in Paris at the time of the Revolution, William Buckland announced that he had never eaten the heart of a king and before he could be prevented had seized and swallowed it.

In 1881, the city of Paris sought to establish a furnishing school – the future École Boulle (opened in 1886) – in the very heart of Faubourg Saint-Antoine, the city’s center for trade and manufacturing. For this, it attempted to gain the support of professionals already working in the trades, including furniture and upholstery. Legriel and Lemoine, the presidents at the time of the Chambre syndicale de la tapisserie and the Chambre syndicale de l’ameublement, respectively, opposed the project vehemently. Chief among their concerns was the impossibility of providing cabinet-makers and upholsterers with a similar education....

The third chapter deals with the wholesale importation of a British team sport, rugby, into France. Led by Baron de Coubertin, the founder of the Olympics, who was the referee in the first French championship, its adoption by the French was a self-conscious response to defeat in the Franco–Prussian War. Choosing rugby over the more proletarian soccer, an haute-bourgeois and aristocratic elite played rugby at Paris’ most exclusive clubs, a moment reimagined by Henri Rousseau. But rugby could not be confined to these environs for long, and by the time of Delaunay’s The Cardiff Team, with its press photograph source, the sport was included alongside aeroplanes, the Eiffel Tower and advertising as a cipher of all that was modern in the Paris of 1913. Also on view at that year’s Salon des Indépendants was another picture of rugby, The Football Players, cementing the sport as a theme for salon cubism. During the First World War, rugby was celebrated by French nationalists as a sport that had trained its participants to become heroes on the battlefield. This, I surmise, is what led André Lhote to produce his cubist paintings of rugby during and after the conflict.

Abstract In the 1790s, the Paris salon of Helen Maria Williams was the meeting place of many writers and intellectuals. Her Letters from France, published between 1790 and 1815, were important and widely read accounts of Revolutionary and post-Revolutionary events. Some of her sonnets first appeared in her novel Julia (1790) and in her translation of Bernardin St. Pierre’s Paul et Virginie (1795). William Wordsworth could recite from memory her sonnet “To Hope,” and his earliest published poem was entitled “Sonnet, on Seeing Miss Helen Maria Williams Weep at a Tale of Distress” (1787).

Pierre-Luc Cicéri, chief decorator at the Paris Opéra, also established a career as interior decorator and educator of students that treated interior spaces as three-dimensional images and artworks in their own right. Cicéri’s followers helped push the art of fantasy architecture to a new level, creating a new form of art and popular entertainment around the “ideal home.” Exhibited at the Salon and at a variety of universal and decorative arts exhibitions as well as published in expensive, luxury folios and reprinted in cheaper, popular editions, the “interior dreamscapes” by Cicéri’s followers disseminated the interior for interior’s sake. The domestic interior could be admired, collected, hidden inside cabinets, or reappropriated as an object of contemplation for private walls. The same images functioned as two-dimensional blueprints for the construction of three-dimensional settings and as advertising schemes for the artists that produced and popularized them, furthering interest in and creating a common language about the appearance of the modern, private home. The chapter ultimately argues that wishful thinking and vicarious identification with the - often missing - owners of the model interiors made available through these means and furtively perused in private homes helped create a professional niche that would soon be occupied by the interior designer.

Zinaida Nikolaevna Gippius (Hippius) was a poet, prose writer, playwright, literary critic, religious thinker, and editor. Together with her husband Dmitry Merezhkovsky (1865–1941) and fellow poet Valery Briusov (1873–1923), she co-founded the Symbolist Movement in Russia. In fin-de-siècle St Petersburg she hosted an influential literary salon and was one of the major organizers of the famed Religious-Philosophical Meetings (1901–1903). She established and edited the journal The New Path (Novyi put; 1903–1905) in which she and her husband publicized their Neo-Christian beliefs, printed the works of their fellow Symbolists and reported on their Religious-Philosophical Meetings. After 1919, when the couple was forced to leave Bolshevik Russia, Gippius continued her literary and religious activities in the Russian émigré community in Paris, France, where she died in 1945.

This chapter demonstrates the limited influence of the Harvard model on French legal education. The history is one of a few references to the Harvard model of legal education in French journal articles and books, beginning in 1881, some personal connections between French and American law professors, and a small group of comparative lawyers who demonstrated interest in the Harvard model following World War I and World War II. Prior to World War II, French jurists demonstrated a sense of superiority towards US law schools. When the Langdell case method reforms emerged, Harvard Law School had four full-time professors and approximately 150 students, whereas the Paris Law School had nineteen professors and 2,500 students. French legal education continued to be characterized by an emphasis on memorization, recitation, and a focus on routine files. The practical influence of US legal education was limited to: the creation of legal clinics, the publication of comparative law casebooks in English, and the creation of Sciences-Po Law School and an exchange agreement with Harvard Law School.

The Greeks living under the Ottoman Empire were introduced to separatist ideas shaped by the influence of imperial states, first according to the desires of Russia and later by the French Revolution. The Greek revolts, which were initiated with the support of Russia and Western states, evolved into an independence movement over time. During the Greek independence process (1821-1832), Russia's increasing influence and the possibility of increasing its influence and effectiveness in the Mediterranean led Britain to change its policies and support the Greeks more prominently. France also sided with the Greeks with a similar political preference. Greece, which received the support of Western states, continued its territorial gains in line with the Megali Idea since its foundation; it almost doubled its territory by acquiring the Seven Islands in 1864, Thessaly in 1881 and Crete in 1912. In Greek irredentist politics, relocation has often been used as an effective method to dominate a territory and create a demographic structure that is identical in its favor. From the first Greek revolts to the occupation of İzmir, Greece, which practiced similar practices, considered relocation as a key to demographic legitimacy and tried to benefit from it. Having received the approval to realize his demands at the Paris Peace Conference, Venizelos landed troops in İzmir on May 15, 1919, starting a process that would lead to the occupation of Anatolia and thus the beginning of new relocations. There are many serious works on the Greek invasion of Anatolia, and this study has benefited greatly from these pioneering publications. However, in the existing works, it has been observed that the subject is usually brought up as a detail of the main research or as a sub-section title and that it is not evaluated within the integrity of a demographic project as it is tried to be handled. In this sense, the aims, methods, dimensions, results and consequences of the relocation of Greek/Greek immigrants and the resettlement of Greek/Greek immigrants, which were carried out by the Greeks who occupied Anatolia in order to transform the demographic structure in their favor, form the scope of this research. In the preparation of this study, efforts have been made to utilize original sources such as archival documents, official reports and memoirs, and the data obtained have been tried to be presented in a way that emphasizes interpretation and evaluation rather than a narrative approach, taking into account the integrity of the subject and chronological consistency.