Journal articles on the topic 'Sacrilegio'

La firma de convenios, tratados y acuerdos internacionales entre los países latinoamericanos con los Estados Unidos o las potencias europeas durante el último decenio ha generado una nueva geografía y geopolítica, desdibujando el entorno físico en el que se habían desarrollado históricamente las comunidades locales. El objetivo de este artículo es estudiar la cara oculta que las empresas transnacionales vislumbran a través de sus intervenciones, generando una geopolítica de la biodiversidad y de las semillas. El artículo utiliza un análisis documental desde una perspectiva histórica y crítica sobre el rol de los actores involucrados, estableciendo como resultado que la geopolítica hoy en día ya no concibe a los Estados como los actores dominantes, sino a las empresas transnacionales. ejerciendo el papel que los Estados desempeñaron en el siglo pasado, pero esta vez no desde posiciones bélico militares, sino desde posiciones ético-jurídicas protegidas por geoestrategias como los Derechos de Propiedad Intelectual (DPI), que obtienen su relevancia al estar refugiados en el conocimiento de las regulaciones científicas e institucionales.

The sacrilege of Vanni Fucci, the beast of Pistoia, in the Divine Comedy This hermeneutic analysis presents a reflection on the complex nature of the concept of theft in the Christian world, compared to the pagan one. The author develops the idea of the desperate blasphemy of the infernal prisoner as a form of unconscious prayer. Vanni Fucci from Pistoia, the sacrilegious and blasphemous character of Dante’s Inferno, is analyzed by referring to the fundamental difference between the classical and medieval philosophical perception of metamorphosis as a symbol.

Este artículo realiza un análisis léxico-semántico de la terminología irreligiosa en la literatura griega. Se ha seleccionado un término clave y un autor relevante a fin de ilustrar la importancia del fenómeno irreligioso en la sociedad de Época Clásica. El adjetivo ὅσιος describe el respeto religioso en acciones y actitudes hacia las divinidades y también hacia otros seres humanos. Sófocles usa la forma privativa ἀνόσιος en contextos donde falta ese respeto religioso, con consecuencias negativas para la polis.

RESUMENDe entre todos los objetos, tiempos, espacios, palabras y seres que componen el mundo físico, algunos están investidos de un valor especial por cuanto se les atribuye la virtud de visibilizar las instancias invisibles de las que dependemos los mortales. Es lo sagrado. A lo sagrado se le depara un trato singular hecho de respeto, veneración o miedo, pero en ocasiones también de rencor y de odio por lo que encarna o representa. Es adorado, pero también, y acaso por las mismas razones, puede ser insultado, destruido, objeto de burla y, si tiene forma humana, martirizado o asesinado. La violencia contra lo sagrado puede caber en sistemas religiosos que le otorgan a la agresión un papel central en su universo mítico o ritual. También se ofende u agrede lo santo para grupos o pueblos a someter, puesto que en ello está resumido su orden del mundo. Desde esta perspectiva, el agravio, la irreverencia y el daño pasan a reclamar un lugar protagonista en los estudios sobre la institución religiosa de la cultura bajo las figuras del sacrilegio y la profanación.PALABRAS CLAVE: sagrado, profanación, sacrilegio, violencia religiosa, iconoclastia.ABSTRACTOf all the objects, times, spaces, words and beings that make up the physical world, some are invested with a special value because they are attributed the virtue of making visible the invisible instances on which we mortals depend. This is the sacred. The sacred is given a singular treatment combining respect, veneration or fear, but sometimes also resentment and hatred of what it embodies or represents. It is adored, but also, and perhaps for the same reasons, it can be insulted,destroyed, mocked and, if it has a human form, martyred or killed. Violence against the sacred can fit into religious systems that give aggression a central role in their mythical or ritual universe. Also offended or attacked is what is sacred for groups or peoples to be subdued, since in it an embodiment of their world order. From this perspective, aggravation, irreverence and damage occupy a central place in the studies on the religious institution of culture under the figures of sacrilege and profanation.KEY WORDS: sacred, profanation, sacrilege, religious violence, iconoclasm. BIBLIOGRAFÍAAgamben, G. (2005), Profanaciones, Barcelona, Anagrama.Arbeola, V. M. (1973), Socialismo y anticlericalismo, Madrid, Taurus.Arce Fustero, G. (2018), De espaldas a Cristo. Una historia del anticlericalisme en Colombia, 1849-1948, Medellín, Editorial Universidad de Medellín.Aston, M. (1988), England’s Iconoclasts, Oxford, Oxford University Press.Auzépy, M. F. (1987), “L’iconodulie: Défense de l’image ou de la devotion de l’image”, en Boesfplug, F. y Lossy, N. (comp.), Nicée II, 787-19 87. Douze siecles d’imagerie religieuse, París, Cerf, 157-164.Bataille, G. (2007 [1957]), El erotismo, Barcelona, Tusquets.Bateson, G. y Bateson, M. C. (1989), El temor de los ángeles. Epistemología de lo sagrado, Barcelona, Gedisa, 29-64.Bajtin, M. (1988 [1965]), La cultura popular en la Edad Media y el Renacimiento. El contexto de François Rabelais, Madrid, Alianza.Beçanson, A. (2003), La imagen prohibida: Una historia intelectual de la iconoclastia, Madrid, Siruela.Benjamin, W. (2014 [1921]), El capitalismo como religión, Madrid, La Llama.Benedict, R. (1938), “Religion”, en Boas, F. (ed.), General Anthropology, Nueva York, Columbia University Press, 627-655.Beránek, O. y Ťupek, P. (2018), The Temptation of Graves in Salafi Islam. Iconoclasm, Destruction and Idolatry, Edimburgo, Edinburgh University Press.Bernard, C. y Gruzinski, S. (1993), De la idolatría. Hacia una arqueología de las ciencias de la religión, México DF, FCE.Blom, P. (2007), Encyclopédie. El triunfo de la razón en tiempos irracionales, Barcelona, Anagrama.Caillois, R. (2014 [1939]), El hombre y lo sagrado, México DF, FCE.Crew, Ph. M. (1978), Calvinist Preaching and lconoclasm in the Neederlanden, 1544-1566, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.Cottret, B. (1984), “Pour une sémiotique de la Réforme: Le Consensus Tigurinus (1549) et la Brève résolution... (1555) de Calvin”, Annales ESC, 40 (2), 265-285.Crouzet, D. (1990), Les Guerriers de Dieu. La violence au temps des troubles de religion, París, Champ Vallon, 2 vols.Cueva, J. de la, (1998): “El anticlericalismo en la Segunda República y la Guerra Civil”, en La Parra López, E. y Suárez Cortina, M. (eds.), El anticlericalismo español contemporáneo, Madrid, Biblioteca Nueva, 211-230.–(2000), “’Si los curas y frailes supieran…’ La violencia anticlerical”, en Juliá, S. (dir.), Violencia política en la España del siglo XX, Madrid, Taurus, 191-233.Cueva Merino, J. de la, y Montero García, F. (eds.) (2007), La secularización conflictiva. España (1898-1931), Madrid, Biblioteca Nueva.–(2009), Laicismo y catolicismo. El conflicto político-religioso en la segunda república, Alcalá de Henares, Universidad de Alcalá.De Baets, A. (2014), “The Year Zero: Iconoclastic breaks with the past”, Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis Studia Politologica, 13, 3-18.Delgado, M. (2012), La ira sagrada. Anticlericalismo, iconoclastia y antirritualismo en la España contemporánea, Barcelona, RBA.Di Stefano, R. (2010), Ovejas negras. Historia de los anticlericales argentinos, Buenos Aires, Sudamericana.Durkheim, É. (2006 [1906]), “Determinación del hecho social”, en Sociología y filosofía, Buenos Aires, Schapire, 35-65.– (2008 [1912]), Las formas elementales de la vida religiosa, Alianza, Madrid.Davis, N. Z. (1993), “Los ritos de la violencia”, en Sociedad y cultura en la Francia moderna, Barcelona, Crítica, 149-185.Eliade, M. (1981 [1957]), Lo sagrado y lo profano, Madrid, Guadarrama.Freedberg, D. (2017), Iconoclasia. Historia y psicología de la violencia contra las imágenes, Vitoria-Buenos Aires, Sans Soleil Ediciones.Hubert, H, y Mauss, M. (2010 [1899]), “Ensayo sobre el sacrificio”, en Mauss, M., El sacrificio. Magia, mito y razón, Buenos Aires, Las Cuarenta.Gamboni, D. (2014), La destrucción del arte: iconoclasia y vandalismo desde la Revolución Francesa, Madrid, Cátedra.Garrisson Estebe, J. (1975), “The rites of violence: Religious riot in Sixteenth Century France”, Past & Present, 66, 127-150.Giobellina, F. (2014), El lado oscuro. La polaridad sagrado/profano en Durkheim y sus avatares, Buenos Aires, Katz.Girard, R. (1983), La violencia y lo sagrado. Anagrama, Barcelona.Gofmann, E. (2009 [1959]), La presentación de la persona en la vida cotidiana, Buenos Aires, Amorrortu.Goody, J. (1999), “¿Iconos e iconoclastia en África? Ausencia y ambivalencia”, en Representaciones y contradicciones, Barcelona, Paidós, 51-90.Grabar, A. (1998), La Iconoclastia bizantina, Madrid, Akal.Gruzinski, S. (2014), La Colonización de lo imaginario, México DF, FCE.Gumbrecht, H. U. (2005), Producción de presencia. Lo que el significado no puede transmitir, México DF, Universidad Iberoaméricana.Habermas, J. (2011), El poder de la religión en la esfera pública, Madrid, Trotta.Hermant, D. (1978), “Destructions et vandalisme pendant la Révolution française”, Annales ESC, 33 (4), 703-719.Hill, Ch. (2015), El mundo trastornado. El ideario popular extremista en la Revolución inglesa del siglo XVII, Madrid, Siglo XXI.La Parra López, E. y Suárez Cortina, M. (eds.) (1998), El anticlericalismo español contemporáneo, Madrid, Biblioteca Nueva.Lalouette, J. (1997), “El anticlericalismo en Francia, 1877-1914”, en Cruz, R. (ed.), El anticlericalismo, Madrid, Marcial Pons, (27), 15-38.Lannon, F. (1990), Privilegio, persecución y profecía. La iglesia católica en España, 1875-1975, Madrid, Alianza.Latour, B. (2002), “What is Iconoclash? or Is there a world beyond the image wars?”, en Weibel, P. y Latour, B., Iconoclash, Beyond the Image-Wars in Science, Religion and Art, Cambridge, ZKM and MIT Press, 14-37.Ledesma, J. L. (2005), “La ‘santa ira popular’ del 36: la violencia en guerra civil y revolución, entre cultura y política”, en Muñoz, J., Ledesma, J. L. y Rodrigo, J. (coords.), Madrid, Sierte Mares, 147-192.Leiris, M. (2007 [1931]), El África fantasmal. De Dakar a Yibuti, 1931-1933, Valencia, Pre-textos.Llobera, J. (1996), El dios de la modernidad. El desarrollo del nacionalismo en Europa occidental, Barcelona, Anagrama.Luther, M. (2012 [1529]), Grand Catéchisme, Florencia, Nabu Press.Mannelli, S. (2002), Anticlericalismo e democrazia: Storia del Partito radicale in Italia e a Roma, 1901–1914, Soveria Marelli, Rubbettimo.Martínez Assad, C. (1991), El laboratorio de la revolución. El Tabasco garridista, México DF, Siglo XXI.Mellor, A. (1967), Historia del anticlericalismo francés, Bilbao, Mensajero.Milhazes, J. (2012), “Comunismo como fase suprema do anticlericalismo”, Cultura, Espaço & Memória, 3, 63-78.Mitchell, T. J. (1988), Violence and Piety in Spanish Folklore, Minesotta, University of Pennsylvania Press.Mochizuki, M. M. (2006), The Netherlandish Image after Iconoclasm, 1566–1672. Material Religion in the Dutch Golden Age, Londres, Routledge.Otaola, J. (1999), Laicidad. Una estrategia para la libertad, Barcelona, Bellaterra.Otto, R. (1980 [1917]), Lo santo. Lo racional y lo irracional en la idea de Dios, Madrid, Alianza.Philipps, J. (1973), The Reformation of lmages: Destruction of Art in England, 1535-1600, Berkeley, University of Berkeley Press.Prades, J. A. (1998) Lo sagrado. Del mundo arcaico a la actualidad, Barcelona, Península.Radcliffe-Brown, A. R. (1996 [1939]), “Tabú”, en Estructura y función en la sociedad primitiva, Barcelona, Península, 153-173.Rambelli, F. y Reinders, E. (2012), Buddhism and Iconoclasm in East Asia: A History, Londres/Nueva York, Blombsbury.Ranzato, G. (1997), “Dies irae. La persecuzione religiosa nella zona republicana durante la guerra civile spagnola (1936-1939)”, en La difficile modernità e altri saggi sulla storia della Spagna contemporanea, Turín, Edizioni dell’Orso, 195-220.Reinders, E. (2004), “Monkey kings make havoc: iconoclasm and murder in the Chinese cultural revolution”, Religion, 34, 191-209.Ríos Figueroa, J. (2002), Siglo XX. Muerte y resurrección de la Iglesia Católica en Chiapas, San Cristóbal de las Casas, UNAM.Romero, P. G. (2002), El ojo de la batalla. Estudios sobre iconoclastia e iconodulia, historia del arte y vanguardia moderna, Valencia, Col·legi Major Rector Peset.Sansi, R. (2009), « Intenció i atzar en la historia del fetitxe », Quaderns de l’Institut Català d’Antropologia, 23 (8), 139-158.Sarró, R. (2009), The Politics of religious change on the Upper Guinea Coast: Iconoclasm done and undone, Edimburgo, Edinburgh University Press.Simmel, G. (1986 [1908]), “El secreto y la sociedad secreta”, en Sociología, Madrid, Alianza, vol. I, 357-424.Thomas, M. (2014), La Fe y la furia: violencia anticlerical popular e iconoclasta en España, 1931-1936, Granada, Comares.Tylor, R. P. (1985), The Death and the Resurrection Show. From Shamanism to Superstars, Londres, Blond.Ullman, J. C. (2009 [1968]), La Semana Trágica, Barcelona, Ediciones B.

El presente trabajo analiza la relación existente entre la identidad masculina y el cuidado estético del cuerpo en un grupo de publicaciones de usuarios de Instagram. Para ello, se trabaja con 141 fotos pertenecientes a diferentes usuarios varones de la red. Partiendo de un eje teórico que une conceptos de los estudios de las masculinidades, de la sociología del cuerpo y de algunas de las teorías de la posmodernidad, se lleva a cabo un análisis cualitativo, tanto de las fotos como de los textos que las acompañan. El análisis muestra que los usuarios persiguen un fin motivacional y relacional con las publicaciones. Así también, se observan formas masculinas hibridas, donde los sujetos analizados convierten en objeto de deseo y de sacrilegio al cuerpo masculino normativo, estigmatizando así su propio yo en la medida en que no se posee plena y permanentemente ese cuerpo idealizado.

El presente trabajo aborda, en primer lugar, la mirada sobre los ataques iconoclastas desde la perspectiva del primer franquismo y la construcción del discurso de regeneración nacional por medio de la idea del advenimiento de un nuevo tiempo cristiano. A continuación, se estudia la restitución al culto de las imágenes sagradas, seguido de un estudio del caso valenciano centrado principalmente en los ejemplos de la Virgen de los Desamparados y el Cristo del Grao como representantes de la activación de geografías devocionales. Las dos tesis principales del artículo son que los actos de desagravio se organizaron con la intención de construir un relato oficial de los actos iconoclastas y que funcionaron como un ejercicio de apropiación del poder de la imagen sagrada por parte del nuevo orden político.

<p>No obstante que se atribuye a Farinaccio en 1581 el uso por primera vez del vocablo corpus delicti, es indiscutible que los primeros antecedentes procesales de dicha institución emanan del antiguo derecho inquisitorial italiano del siglo XII.<br />En aquella época en el sur de Francia y gran parte de Italia se castigaba<br />severamente a las personas por faltas previstas en el derecho canónico —como el adulterio, bigamia, sacrilegio, bestialidad y sobre todo laherejía— ante la mínima sospecha, llegándose al extremo de someter al procedimiento inquisitorial a quien pronunciara cualquier palabra demostrando<br />confianza en los herejes, permitiera entrar en casa o dar limosna a éstos, aún desconociendo dicha condición. Este procedimiento, fundado en el más insignificante señalamiento o rumor fue aprovechado por algunos para cobrar añejas venganzas, castigar al enemigo personal, al acreedor o incluso a terceras personas, mediante la calumnia esgrimida también con la finalidad de desvanecer cualquier duda sobre la fidelidad papal y creencia religiosa del soplón.</p>

La ordenación del pensamiento de los penalistas occidentales constituye una incidencia del fenómeno receptor del Derecho Civil y el Derecho canónico. Entre sus representantes más egregios figura Julio Claro de Alejandría, perteneciente a la escuela de la madurez de los prácticos e introductora en España de una etapa de reflexión y progreso. Una fase superadora de los adelantos de los comentaristas iniciales de las fuentes romanas y del esfuerzo subsiguiente de los postglosadores. El análisis alfabético de los delitos, al que preceden algunas consideraciones generales y una clasificación, comprende el adulterio, el asesinato, la falsificación en sentido amplio, la fornicación, el incesto, la injuria, el crimen de lesa majestad, el juego, el parricidio, el perjurio, el rapto, el sacrilegio, la simonía, la sodomía y el estupro. Las ediciones manejadas han dado lugar a que, no obstante la densidad descriptiva del texto latino y la detención que requiere extraer del mismo ciertas formulaciones y principios, se adquiera una noticia razonable de cómo –atenta a los flujos de la recepción– la obra de Julio Claro de Alejandria señala el punto de inflexión entre la atención al cuadro de los elementos históricamente significativos y las adiciones doctrinales que provocó su advenimiento.

In articulo thesis statuitur et propugnatur, quod in iure poenali canonico profanatio Eucharistiae uti sacrilegium semper habehatur. Aestimatio illa in iure canonico antiquo vigebatur et in novo Codice Iuris Canononici anno 1983 promulgate, in can. 1367, receptum est. In iure poenali Romano, profanatio de qua agitur, etiam ad crimina sacrilegii praefinebat (C. Th. 16, 2, 31 = C. J. 1, 3, 10). Codex poenalas Reipublicae Poloniae ex anno 1932 hoc delictum inter violationes rerum ad cultum divinum pertinentium adnumerabat (art 173). Codex poenalis polonicus autem anno 1969 promulgatus crimen hoc uti violatio affectuum ad cultum sacrum pertinentium tractabatur (art. 198).

Abstract: The article discusses the use of religious elements (the contrast between the concepts of pietas vs. impietas) in the characterisation of Roman politicians and citizens during the declining years of the Republic. Pietas symbolised people possessing virtues of divine character, which, consequently, ensured their exceptional position. Accusations of impietas covered a number of cases of violation of religious regulations: inter alia, negligence of rites or sacrifices (neglegentia), profanation of worship or a sacred place, encroaching on or destruction of temples (templa, aedes, fana, sacella), places (e.g. groves – luci) or objects (e.g. altars – arae, statues – simulacra) recognised as holy, as well as tombs (violatio), sacrilegium (sacrilege), violation of the principles of divinatio (contra auspicia), as well as waging a war contrary to religious principles (bellum impium).Abstrakt: Artykuł poświęcony jest wykorzystaniu elementów religijnych (zestawienia pojęć: „pietas” - „impietas”) w charakterystyce rzymskich polityków i obywateli epoki schyłku Republiki. Pietas symbolizowała ludzi, którzy skupiali w sobie te cnoty, które miały boski charakter i w związku z tym zapewniały im wyjątkową pozycję. Oskarżenia o impietas obejmowały szereg przypadków naruszenia przepisów religijnych: m.in. zaniedbanie rytuałów bądź ofiar (neglegentia), znieważenie kultu bądź miejsca świętego, naruszenie, bądź zniszczenie: świątyń (templa, aedes, fana, sacella), miejsc (np.gajów – luci) lub rzeczy (np. ołtarze – arae, posągi – simulacra) uznanych za święte, a także grobów (violatio), „sacrilegium” (świętokradztwo), naruszenie zasad „divinatio” ( contra auspicia), a także prowadzenia niezgodnej z zasadami religijnymi wojny (bellum impium).

Many Christian churches in parts of Ghana dominated by Akans do not allow corpses to be brought inside the church during funerals services. Others face constant and vehement objection when it is done. Cultural differences on the subject have fuelled heated disputes that have led in some cases to severe congregational division. Opposition is often sustained by a culturally biased approach to biblical texts concerning sacredness and defilement as related to Old Testament sanctuary and temple ritual. Particularly, the religious philosophy of mmusuo provides the psycho-emotive motivation from which many Akan Christians vehemently oppose the practice as sacrilegious. It also provides an analytical and rhetorical framework for appropriating various biblical passages relating to religious sacrilege. This paper unpacks this framework and proposes effectively contextualized theology as a means of avoiding such erroneous conflations and resolving the disputes that arise at the interface of African culture and Christian religion, especially in multicultural congregations.

The offence of embezzlement of public funds – peculatus – is an interesting research subject due to the Roman legislator’s original approach to the issue of the classification of types of criminal offences (crimina). The paper aims to present Roman regulations concerning peculatus from the perspective of the methods of classifying its features as adopted by the compilers, taking into account both the normative contents of original laws (created by the original authors of these laws), as well as those added by later legislative factors: emperors, the senate and jurisprudence. The study of the Julian law on embezzlement of public funds may be conducted following the Justinian’s title Ad legem Iuliam peculatus et de sacrilegis et de residuis (Dig., 48, 13). Peculatus was the basic type of the offence of embezzlement of public funds. In the time of Augustus, two separate types of the offence isolated from peculatus, which were sacrilegium (probably within one law - lex Iulia peculatus) and embezzlement of a specific kind of money, i.e. pecunia residua (probably within a separate law - lex Iulia de residuis). Despite being quite precisely defined by the law, the type of the offence of embezzlement of public funds must have raised doubts when it came to applying the law, in cases where the act the offender was charged with came close to theft (crimen furti) or forgery (crimen falsi).

Shortly after his accidental transformation into an ass, Lucius attempts to return to his human form by grabbing some roses decorating a statue of the patron goddess of the quadrupeds, Epona. But his servulus feels outraged at the sacrilegious act. Jumping to his feet in a temper and acting as a faithful defender of the sacred place, he addresses his former human owner as a new ‘Catiline’ (Apul. Met. 3.27): Quod me pessima scilicet sorte conantem servulus meus, cui semper equi cura mandata fuerat, repente conspiciens indignatus exurgit et: ‘quo usque tandem’ inquit ‘cantherium patiemur istum paulo ante cibariis iumentorum, nunc etiam simulacris deorum infestum? Quin iam ego istum sacrilegum debilem claudumque reddam.’My attempt was frustrated by what seemed to be the worst of luck: my own dear servant, who always had the task of looking after my horse, suddenly saw what was going on, and jumped up in a rage. ‘For how long’, he cried, ‘are we to endure this clapped-out beast? A minute ago his target was the animals' rations, and now he is attacking even the statues of deities! See if I don't maim and lame this sacrilegious brute!’A self-evident instance of parody, the servant's words ironically reformulate one of the most familiar texts of Republican oratory, the famous opening of Cicero's first invective against Catiline, delivered before the assembled senate in the Temple of Jupiter Stator on 8 November 63 b.c.: the substitution of a low and familiar word such as cantherium for Catilinam underpins the comic undertone of the entire passage, imbued with further reminiscences of Cicero. Scholars debate whether the servant's verbal attack against Lucius is a parodic adaptation of Cicero's opening invective or rather a spoof on Catiline's paradoxical reading of Cicero's phrase in Sallust (Sall. Cat. 20.9). It is safer to assume a case of double imitation, not unusual in Apuleius' work.

AbstractSacrilegious attitudes toward the Eucharistic host are one of the most commonplace accusations leveled against Jews in premodern Europe. Usually treated in Jewish historiography as an expression of anti-Judaism or antisemitism, they are considered a hallmark of Jewish powerlessness and persecution. In medieval and early modern Spain, however, Jews and conversos (Jewish converts to Christianity and their descendants) were not the only proclaimed enemies of the Eucharist. Reports about avoidance, rejection, criticism, and even ridicule and profanation of the consecrated host were similarly leveled against Muslims and moriscos (Muslim converts to Christianity). This essay seeks to assess the parallels and connections between the two groups through a comparative examination of accusations of sacrilegious behavior towards the host. The first part of the essay analyzes religious art, legal compendia, and inquisitorial trials records from the tribunals of Toledo and Cuenca in order to show some evident homologies between the two groups. The second part of the essay focuses on the analysis of the works of Jaime Bleda and Pedro Aznar y Cardona, two apologists of the expulsion of the moriscos, and draws direct connections between Jewish and morisco sacrilege. By exploring the similarities and differences between accusations against conversos and moriscos, this essay aims to offer a broader reflection on Jewish exceptionalism.

Author(s): Drucilla Cornell | Друсила Корнел Title (English): The Sacrilege of Feminism Title (Macedonian): Светогрдието на феминизмот Translated by (English to Macedonian): Senka Naumovska | Сенка Наумовска Journal Reference: Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 1, No. 3 (Summer 2002) Publisher: Research Center in Gender Studies - Skopje and Euro-Balkan Institute Page Range: 9-16 Page Count: 8 Citation (English): Drucilla Cornell, “The Sacrilege of Feminism,” Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 1, No. 3 (Summer 2002): 9-16. Citation (Macedonian): Друсила Корнел, „Светогрдието на феминизмот“, превод од англиски Сенка Наумовска, Идентитети: списание за политика, род и култура, т. 1, бр. 3 (лето 2002): 9-16.

The article deals with the history of relations between the Orthodox Church and the state and society. The importance of the religious component as a factor that played one of the key roles in the relationship between the state and society in Russia in the 19th — early 20th centuries is emphasized. The history of the development of responsibility for crimes against faith is traced. Particular attention is paid to this type of religious crime as sacrilege. The definition of “sacrilege” is given as a property encroachment directed at sacred or consecrated objects, as well as at church property. A detailed description of this type of crime is given and, using examples of judicial precedents of the law enforcement practice of the Russian Empire of the 19th century, its features are shown. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that it traces the evolution of the concept of “sacrilege” in Russian legislation of the 19th — early 20th centuries and determines the main trends in the field of law enforcement in relation to these crimes. It is proved that, despite the all-Russian tendency to gradually mitigate punishments for committing many religious crimes at the beginning of the 20th century, mitigation of responsibility in relation to sacrilege did not happen.

The paper interprets the collection of stories as a unified generic whole with precedents in the literary canon of former Yugoslavia and in world literature. The stories, united by the sujet of suffering, play with the transgression of myths, from Ancient to Christian, in order to establish sacrilege as poetics and as the necessity of writing.

The phrase in the title is Charles I's. Writing from Newcastle to Henry Jermyn, John Culpepper and John Ashburnham in September 1646, he voiced his ‘unexpressable greefe andastonishment’ at the advice on the church which he had received from them during the course of his negotiations with the parliamentary commissioners. For they had assured Charles that, if he was no doubt‘ obliged’ by his conscience ‘to doe all’ that was in his ‘power to support and maintain that function of Bishops’, then he had already discharged that obligation to the full, as ‘all the world can witness’. Conscience, in this sense, had no further claims on him, nor could it be more strictly interpreted:if by conscience is intended to assert that Episcopacy is jure divino exclusive, wherby no Protestant (or rather Christian) Church can be acknowledged for such without a Bishop, we must therin crave leave wholly to differ. And if we be in an errour, we are in good company; ther not being (as we have cause to believe) 6 persons of the Protestant Religion of the other opinion. Thus much we can add, that at the treaty of Uxbridge none of your Divines then present (though much provoked thereunto) would maintain that (we might say uncharitable) opinion, no not privatly amongst your commissioners. Nether doeth it follow that in this, or any the most riged, sence you are obliged to perish in company with Bishops meerly out of pitty (and certainly you have nothing els left to assist them with) or that monarchy ought to fall, because Episcopacy cannot stand.

In 1846 a new, greatly expanded, edition of Sir Henry Spelman's History and fate of Sacrilege (1643, published in 1698) appeared, edited anonymously by ‘two priests of the Church of England’. These priests were John Mason Neale and his friend and apparent assistant Joesph Haskoll. The monograph-length introductory essay and other editorial contributions show, as well as vast learning, an aspect of Neale's multi-faceted achievement hitherto unnoticed, that of a stringent critic of great families and other lay people who possessed former church property (Spelman's definition of ‘Sacrilege’) and, more widely, of political and economic conditions in mid nineteenth-century England.

Abstract This paper analyzes the conditions under which the sharing of sacred sites in Turkey is still possible despite the serious Sunnification campaign of the akp regime. I argue that ideological, cultural, and pragmatic motivations led the Turkish state to refrain from interfering in practices the ruling party deems sacrilegious and distasteful.

The sacrilegious proposition of the existence of cultures in whales and dolphins should open the discussion of cultures in other animals, allowing us to find what is unique in human cultures. The ethnographic approach used by all anthropologists is the key in this investigation and revealed that cultural differences are present in animals and could result from different learning mechanisms.

The master narrative of a profound crisis in traditional faith leading to a hardening of authority and religious persecution in late fifth-century Athens has a long scholarly history, one that maintains a persistent presence in current research. This paper proposes to reexamine some aspects of religious authority in late fifth-century Athens through one case-study: the trial of Andocides in 400 BCE. Instead of proposing a new reconstruction of the events that led to this trial, it will compare and contrast the rival rhetorics of authority deployed by Andocides in De mysteriis and Ps.-Lysias in In Andocidem and attempt to locate them in their respective social and cultural contexts.

Mozart's text has undergone no changes. Just as it is performed in the great cities of Germany and Italy, so will it be performed at the great Paris Opéra. … The respect due to the memory of the illustrious master has not for an instant been forgotten in the staging of the French Don Juan. The slightest alteration has been outlawed as sacrilege.

<p>The Roman legislator regulated various sexual attitudes, according to him, morally reprehensible: fornication, adultery, prostitution, pedophilia, sodomy and homosexuality. Republican <em>leges</em>, and later imperial <em>leges</em>, concerned the problems connected with these phenomena. The Christian Roman emperors and Byzantine emperors paid particular attention to those problems. A significant extension of sources, necessary in the analysis of the problem, are the literal sources, and among them the Byzantine historiography of the 6^th–12^th centuries. The author focused on the issue of homosexuality in Justinian’s law. The analysis of the problem includes Byzantine historiography (Procopius of Caesarea, John Malalas, Theophane the Confessor, Simone Logoteta, Michael the Syrian, George Kedrenos, George Hamartolos, John Zonaras).</p>