Academic literature on the topic 'Sacrilegio'

La firma de convenios, tratados y acuerdos internacionales entre los países latinoamericanos con los Estados Unidos o las potencias europeas durante el último decenio ha generado una nueva geografía y geopolítica, desdibujando el entorno físico en el que se habían desarrollado históricamente las comunidades locales. El objetivo de este artículo es estudiar la cara oculta que las empresas transnacionales vislumbran a través de sus intervenciones, generando una geopolítica de la biodiversidad y de las semillas. El artículo utiliza un análisis documental desde una perspectiva histórica y crítica sobre el rol de los actores involucrados, estableciendo como resultado que la geopolítica hoy en día ya no concibe a los Estados como los actores dominantes, sino a las empresas transnacionales. ejerciendo el papel que los Estados desempeñaron en el siglo pasado, pero esta vez no desde posiciones bélico militares, sino desde posiciones ético-jurídicas protegidas por geoestrategias como los Derechos de Propiedad Intelectual (DPI), que obtienen su relevancia al estar refugiados en el conocimiento de las regulaciones científicas e institucionales.

The sacrilege of Vanni Fucci, the beast of Pistoia, in the Divine Comedy This hermeneutic analysis presents a reflection on the complex nature of the concept of theft in the Christian world, compared to the pagan one. The author develops the idea of the desperate blasphemy of the infernal prisoner as a form of unconscious prayer. Vanni Fucci from Pistoia, the sacrilegious and blasphemous character of Dante’s Inferno, is analyzed by referring to the fundamental difference between the classical and medieval philosophical perception of metamorphosis as a symbol.

Este artículo realiza un análisis léxico-semántico de la terminología irreligiosa en la literatura griega. Se ha seleccionado un término clave y un autor relevante a fin de ilustrar la importancia del fenómeno irreligioso en la sociedad de Época Clásica. El adjetivo ὅσιος describe el respeto religioso en acciones y actitudes hacia las divinidades y también hacia otros seres humanos. Sófocles usa la forma privativa ἀνόσιος en contextos donde falta ese respeto religioso, con consecuencias negativas para la polis.

RESUMENDe entre todos los objetos, tiempos, espacios, palabras y seres que componen el mundo físico, algunos están investidos de un valor especial por cuanto se les atribuye la virtud de visibilizar las instancias invisibles de las que dependemos los mortales. Es lo sagrado. A lo sagrado se le depara un trato singular hecho de respeto, veneración o miedo, pero en ocasiones también de rencor y de odio por lo que encarna o representa. Es adorado, pero también, y acaso por las mismas razones, puede ser insultado, destruido, objeto de burla y, si tiene forma humana, martirizado o asesinado. La violencia contra lo sagrado puede caber en sistemas religiosos que le otorgan a la agresión un papel central en su universo mítico o ritual. También se ofende u agrede lo santo para grupos o pueblos a someter, puesto que en ello está resumido su orden del mundo. Desde esta perspectiva, el agravio, la irreverencia y el daño pasan a reclamar un lugar protagonista en los estudios sobre la institución religiosa de la cultura bajo las figuras del sacrilegio y la profanación.PALABRAS CLAVE: sagrado, profanación, sacrilegio, violencia religiosa, iconoclastia.ABSTRACTOf all the objects, times, spaces, words and beings that make up the physical world, some are invested with a special value because they are attributed the virtue of making visible the invisible instances on which we mortals depend. This is the sacred. The sacred is given a singular treatment combining respect, veneration or fear, but sometimes also resentment and hatred of what it embodies or represents. It is adored, but also, and perhaps for the same reasons, it can be insulted,destroyed, mocked and, if it has a human form, martyred or killed. Violence against the sacred can fit into religious systems that give aggression a central role in their mythical or ritual universe. Also offended or attacked is what is sacred for groups or peoples to be subdued, since in it an embodiment of their world order. From this perspective, aggravation, irreverence and damage occupy a central place in the studies on the religious institution of culture under the figures of sacrilege and profanation.KEY WORDS: sacred, profanation, sacrilege, religious violence, iconoclasm. BIBLIOGRAFÍAAgamben, G. (2005), Profanaciones, Barcelona, Anagrama.Arbeola, V. M. (1973), Socialismo y anticlericalismo, Madrid, Taurus.Arce Fustero, G. (2018), De espaldas a Cristo. Una historia del anticlericalisme en Colombia, 1849-1948, Medellín, Editorial Universidad de Medellín.Aston, M. (1988), England’s Iconoclasts, Oxford, Oxford University Press.Auzépy, M. F. (1987), “L’iconodulie: Défense de l’image ou de la devotion de l’image”, en Boesfplug, F. y Lossy, N. (comp.), Nicée II, 787-19 87. Douze siecles d’imagerie religieuse, París, Cerf, 157-164.Bataille, G. (2007 [1957]), El erotismo, Barcelona, Tusquets.Bateson, G. y Bateson, M. C. (1989), El temor de los ángeles. Epistemología de lo sagrado, Barcelona, Gedisa, 29-64.Bajtin, M. (1988 [1965]), La cultura popular en la Edad Media y el Renacimiento. El contexto de François Rabelais, Madrid, Alianza.Beçanson, A. (2003), La imagen prohibida: Una historia intelectual de la iconoclastia, Madrid, Siruela.Benjamin, W. (2014 [1921]), El capitalismo como religión, Madrid, La Llama.Benedict, R. (1938), “Religion”, en Boas, F. (ed.), General Anthropology, Nueva York, Columbia University Press, 627-655.Beránek, O. y Ťupek, P. (2018), The Temptation of Graves in Salafi Islam. Iconoclasm, Destruction and Idolatry, Edimburgo, Edinburgh University Press.Bernard, C. y Gruzinski, S. (1993), De la idolatría. Hacia una arqueología de las ciencias de la religión, México DF, FCE.Blom, P. (2007), Encyclopédie. El triunfo de la razón en tiempos irracionales, Barcelona, Anagrama.Caillois, R. (2014 [1939]), El hombre y lo sagrado, México DF, FCE.Crew, Ph. M. (1978), Calvinist Preaching and lconoclasm in the Neederlanden, 1544-1566, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.Cottret, B. (1984), “Pour une sémiotique de la Réforme: Le Consensus Tigurinus (1549) et la Brève résolution... (1555) de Calvin”, Annales ESC, 40 (2), 265-285.Crouzet, D. (1990), Les Guerriers de Dieu. La violence au temps des troubles de religion, París, Champ Vallon, 2 vols.Cueva, J. de la, (1998): “El anticlericalismo en la Segunda República y la Guerra Civil”, en La Parra López, E. y Suárez Cortina, M. (eds.), El anticlericalismo español contemporáneo, Madrid, Biblioteca Nueva, 211-230.–(2000), “’Si los curas y frailes supieran…’ La violencia anticlerical”, en Juliá, S. (dir.), Violencia política en la España del siglo XX, Madrid, Taurus, 191-233.Cueva Merino, J. de la, y Montero García, F. (eds.) (2007), La secularización conflictiva. España (1898-1931), Madrid, Biblioteca Nueva.–(2009), Laicismo y catolicismo. El conflicto político-religioso en la segunda república, Alcalá de Henares, Universidad de Alcalá.De Baets, A. (2014), “The Year Zero: Iconoclastic breaks with the past”, Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis Studia Politologica, 13, 3-18.Delgado, M. (2012), La ira sagrada. Anticlericalismo, iconoclastia y antirritualismo en la España contemporánea, Barcelona, RBA.Di Stefano, R. (2010), Ovejas negras. Historia de los anticlericales argentinos, Buenos Aires, Sudamericana.Durkheim, É. (2006 [1906]), “Determinación del hecho social”, en Sociología y filosofía, Buenos Aires, Schapire, 35-65.– (2008 [1912]), Las formas elementales de la vida religiosa, Alianza, Madrid.Davis, N. Z. (1993), “Los ritos de la violencia”, en Sociedad y cultura en la Francia moderna, Barcelona, Crítica, 149-185.Eliade, M. (1981 [1957]), Lo sagrado y lo profano, Madrid, Guadarrama.Freedberg, D. (2017), Iconoclasia. Historia y psicología de la violencia contra las imágenes, Vitoria-Buenos Aires, Sans Soleil Ediciones.Hubert, H, y Mauss, M. (2010 [1899]), “Ensayo sobre el sacrificio”, en Mauss, M., El sacrificio. Magia, mito y razón, Buenos Aires, Las Cuarenta.Gamboni, D. (2014), La destrucción del arte: iconoclasia y vandalismo desde la Revolución Francesa, Madrid, Cátedra.Garrisson Estebe, J. (1975), “The rites of violence: Religious riot in Sixteenth Century France”, Past & Present, 66, 127-150.Giobellina, F. (2014), El lado oscuro. La polaridad sagrado/profano en Durkheim y sus avatares, Buenos Aires, Katz.Girard, R. (1983), La violencia y lo sagrado. Anagrama, Barcelona.Gofmann, E. (2009 [1959]), La presentación de la persona en la vida cotidiana, Buenos Aires, Amorrortu.Goody, J. (1999), “¿Iconos e iconoclastia en África? Ausencia y ambivalencia”, en Representaciones y contradicciones, Barcelona, Paidós, 51-90.Grabar, A. (1998), La Iconoclastia bizantina, Madrid, Akal.Gruzinski, S. (2014), La Colonización de lo imaginario, México DF, FCE.Gumbrecht, H. U. (2005), Producción de presencia. Lo que el significado no puede transmitir, México DF, Universidad Iberoaméricana.Habermas, J. (2011), El poder de la religión en la esfera pública, Madrid, Trotta.Hermant, D. (1978), “Destructions et vandalisme pendant la Révolution française”, Annales ESC, 33 (4), 703-719.Hill, Ch. (2015), El mundo trastornado. El ideario popular extremista en la Revolución inglesa del siglo XVII, Madrid, Siglo XXI.La Parra López, E. y Suárez Cortina, M. (eds.) (1998), El anticlericalismo español contemporáneo, Madrid, Biblioteca Nueva.Lalouette, J. (1997), “El anticlericalismo en Francia, 1877-1914”, en Cruz, R. (ed.), El anticlericalismo, Madrid, Marcial Pons, (27), 15-38.Lannon, F. (1990), Privilegio, persecución y profecía. La iglesia católica en España, 1875-1975, Madrid, Alianza.Latour, B. (2002), “What is Iconoclash? or Is there a world beyond the image wars?”, en Weibel, P. y Latour, B., Iconoclash, Beyond the Image-Wars in Science, Religion and Art, Cambridge, ZKM and MIT Press, 14-37.Ledesma, J. L. (2005), “La ‘santa ira popular’ del 36: la violencia en guerra civil y revolución, entre cultura y política”, en Muñoz, J., Ledesma, J. L. y Rodrigo, J. (coords.), Madrid, Sierte Mares, 147-192.Leiris, M. (2007 [1931]), El África fantasmal. De Dakar a Yibuti, 1931-1933, Valencia, Pre-textos.Llobera, J. (1996), El dios de la modernidad. El desarrollo del nacionalismo en Europa occidental, Barcelona, Anagrama.Luther, M. (2012 [1529]), Grand Catéchisme, Florencia, Nabu Press.Mannelli, S. (2002), Anticlericalismo e democrazia: Storia del Partito radicale in Italia e a Roma, 1901–1914, Soveria Marelli, Rubbettimo.Martínez Assad, C. (1991), El laboratorio de la revolución. El Tabasco garridista, México DF, Siglo XXI.Mellor, A. (1967), Historia del anticlericalismo francés, Bilbao, Mensajero.Milhazes, J. (2012), “Comunismo como fase suprema do anticlericalismo”, Cultura, Espaço & Memória, 3, 63-78.Mitchell, T. J. (1988), Violence and Piety in Spanish Folklore, Minesotta, University of Pennsylvania Press.Mochizuki, M. M. (2006), The Netherlandish Image after Iconoclasm, 1566–1672. Material Religion in the Dutch Golden Age, Londres, Routledge.Otaola, J. (1999), Laicidad. Una estrategia para la libertad, Barcelona, Bellaterra.Otto, R. (1980 [1917]), Lo santo. Lo racional y lo irracional en la idea de Dios, Madrid, Alianza.Philipps, J. (1973), The Reformation of lmages: Destruction of Art in England, 1535-1600, Berkeley, University of Berkeley Press.Prades, J. A. (1998) Lo sagrado. Del mundo arcaico a la actualidad, Barcelona, Península.Radcliffe-Brown, A. R. (1996 [1939]), “Tabú”, en Estructura y función en la sociedad primitiva, Barcelona, Península, 153-173.Rambelli, F. y Reinders, E. (2012), Buddhism and Iconoclasm in East Asia: A History, Londres/Nueva York, Blombsbury.Ranzato, G. (1997), “Dies irae. La persecuzione religiosa nella zona republicana durante la guerra civile spagnola (1936-1939)”, en La difficile modernità e altri saggi sulla storia della Spagna contemporanea, Turín, Edizioni dell’Orso, 195-220.Reinders, E. (2004), “Monkey kings make havoc: iconoclasm and murder in the Chinese cultural revolution”, Religion, 34, 191-209.Ríos Figueroa, J. (2002), Siglo XX. Muerte y resurrección de la Iglesia Católica en Chiapas, San Cristóbal de las Casas, UNAM.Romero, P. G. (2002), El ojo de la batalla. Estudios sobre iconoclastia e iconodulia, historia del arte y vanguardia moderna, Valencia, Col·legi Major Rector Peset.Sansi, R. (2009), « Intenció i atzar en la historia del fetitxe », Quaderns de l’Institut Català d’Antropologia, 23 (8), 139-158.Sarró, R. 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El presente trabajo analiza la relación existente entre la identidad masculina y el cuidado estético del cuerpo en un grupo de publicaciones de usuarios de Instagram. Para ello, se trabaja con 141 fotos pertenecientes a diferentes usuarios varones de la red. Partiendo de un eje teórico que une conceptos de los estudios de las masculinidades, de la sociología del cuerpo y de algunas de las teorías de la posmodernidad, se lleva a cabo un análisis cualitativo, tanto de las fotos como de los textos que las acompañan. El análisis muestra que los usuarios persiguen un fin motivacional y relacional con las publicaciones. Así también, se observan formas masculinas hibridas, donde los sujetos analizados convierten en objeto de deseo y de sacrilegio al cuerpo masculino normativo, estigmatizando así su propio yo en la medida en que no se posee plena y permanentemente ese cuerpo idealizado.

El presente trabajo aborda, en primer lugar, la mirada sobre los ataques iconoclastas desde la perspectiva del primer franquismo y la construcción del discurso de regeneración nacional por medio de la idea del advenimiento de un nuevo tiempo cristiano. A continuación, se estudia la restitución al culto de las imágenes sagradas, seguido de un estudio del caso valenciano centrado principalmente en los ejemplos de la Virgen de los Desamparados y el Cristo del Grao como representantes de la activación de geografías devocionales. Las dos tesis principales del artículo son que los actos de desagravio se organizaron con la intención de construir un relato oficial de los actos iconoclastas y que funcionaron como un ejercicio de apropiación del poder de la imagen sagrada por parte del nuevo orden político.

<p>No obstante que se atribuye a Farinaccio en 1581 el uso por primera vez del vocablo corpus delicti, es indiscutible que los primeros antecedentes procesales de dicha institución emanan del antiguo derecho inquisitorial italiano del siglo XII.<br />En aquella época en el sur de Francia y gran parte de Italia se castigaba<br />severamente a las personas por faltas previstas en el derecho canónico —como el adulterio, bigamia, sacrilegio, bestialidad y sobre todo laherejía— ante la mínima sospecha, llegándose al extremo de someter al procedimiento inquisitorial a quien pronunciara cualquier palabra demostrando<br />confianza en los herejes, permitiera entrar en casa o dar limosna a éstos, aún desconociendo dicha condición. Este procedimiento, fundado en el más insignificante señalamiento o rumor fue aprovechado por algunos para cobrar añejas venganzas, castigar al enemigo personal, al acreedor o incluso a terceras personas, mediante la calumnia esgrimida también con la finalidad de desvanecer cualquier duda sobre la fidelidad papal y creencia religiosa del soplón.</p>

La presente ricerca di dottorato, dal titolo «I beni degli dei. Considerazioni sul regime giuridico delle res sacrae e religiosae», ha lo scopo di indagare il regime giuridico delle res divini iuris. In particolare, l’ambito di ricerca mira a lumeggiare la condizione di appartenenza, rispettivamente, dei beni degli dei superi e degli dei Mani, nonché la gestione a cui i medesimi erano sottoposti, con un approccio diacronico volto a ricomprendere la riforma del regime classico dovuta alla transizione, avutasi nell’età tardoantica, dalla religione tradizionale romana al cristianesimo. Con riferimento alle res sacrae, si è proceduto a una ricognizione delle fonti giuridiche e letterarie concernenti il rapporto di pertinenza di codesti beni dedicati alle divinità celesti, oltre che degli orientamenti dottrinali nel tempo sedimentatisi sull’argomento. In seguito, si è tracciato l’ambito di estensione del sacrum, chiarendo gli effetti del rituale della consecratio per lo ius civile. Una volta delimitati i confini della species in esame, si è posta l’attenzione sui passi dei gromatici, in particolare Frontino, concernenti il vincolo di appropriazione dei fondi sacri, prospettando una conclusione volta a disconoscerne la presunta titolarità in capo alla civitas, sostenuta con decisione da Theodor Mommsen, avanzando bensì l’ipotesi che fosse riconosciuto un legame potestativo tra gli dei e le cose a loro dedicate, con l’assegnazione della gestione delle stesse agli organi cittadini. Ipotesi che troverebbe conforto nel regime giuridico desumibile dai passi del Digesto in ordine all’assoluta esclusione delle res sacrae dai rapporti patrimoniali e commerciali tra cives; oltreché nella distinzione, testimoniata soprattutto dalle fonti epigrafiche, tra i beni destinati agli dei (instrumentum) e quelli riservati alle funzioni di culto (ornamentum): una bipartizione che sottintendeva una diversità nel regime di circolazione delle res, dipendente dal loro diverso grado di afferenza al sacro. Esclusa pertanto sia una proprietà pubblica sui beni divini iuris, sia la loro inclusione tra le res nullius, si è cercato di rintracciare i limiti dei poteri gestori esercitati dai rappresentanti della civitas, di ampiezza variabile a seconda che le res sacrae rientrassero nell’una o nell’altra sottospecie. Il tutto dopo aver individuato nuovi argomenti a sostegno della proprietà degli dei: un regime di appropriazione connaturato ai principi della religione tradizionale romana, eclissatosi con il sopraggiungere del cristianesimo. Infatti, a seguito del mutare della religione ufficiale dell’impero, si è assistito al riconoscimento della personalità giuridica alla Chiesa, la quale ha assunto non soltanto la titolarità dei beni di sua pertinenza, ma anche la relativa amministrazione: potere, quest’ultimo, accentuatosi con l’affievolirsi del carattere extracommerciale dei medesimi beni ecclesiastici. Quanto alle res religiosae, le copiose fonti giuridiche sul tema hanno consentito un’analisi più approfondita del regime giuridico goduto dai beni destinati agli dei dell’oltretomba: sicché sono stati trattati, da un lato, i requisiti sottesi allo iustum sepulchrum; dall’altro lato, i rimedi elaborati dai giureconsulti per i casi di illecita sepoltura. Inoltre, si è cercato di individuare i limiti soggettivi e spaziali del religiosum, analizzando anche il significato rivestito dai rituali funebri nella società romana. Del resto, la condizione di separazione delle res religiosae dagli usi umani si riverberava anche sulla considerazione delle stesse per lo ius civile, la quale assumeva una conformazione comune alle res sacrae, che si manifestava nella esclusione da ogni situazione dominicale e possessoria, nonché nella sottrazione al commercium. Condizione di distacco che informava non solo il diritto sul sepolcro, ma anche il diritto al sepolcro: il cosiddetto ius sepulchri, che secondo l’idea sostenuta in primis da Carlo Fadda – avversata nel corso della ricerca – sarebbe rientrato, senza alcuna limitazione, nello ius humanum. Il riferimento alla ratio della dicotomia tra sepulchra familiaria e sepulchra hereditaria, poi, ha permesso sia di circoscrivere la sfera dei legittimati attivi all’esperimento dell’azione a tutela del sito funerario (l’actio sepulchri violati); sia di avanzare un’ipotesi sul fondamento giuridico delle multe sepolcrali. La conclusione raggiunta ha permesso di delineare lo statuto del religiosum come simmetrico a quello del sacrum, scorgendo quindi l’affidamento del dominio sulle relative res agli dei Mani e l’esercizio dei poteri gestori da parte della civitas: un assetto che pare confermato dalle numerose autorizzazioni pubbliche richieste ai privati in materia funeraria e dal divieto alla sfilata delle maschere funebri raffiguranti i colpevoli di gravi crimini. Un regime, quello tratteggiato, che si dissolve nel periodo tardoantico, quando scompare il culto delle divinità ctonie e, di conseguenza, il sepolcro perde ogni aggancio con il trascendente, divenendo una res idonea all’esercizio dei poteri di appropriazione e di disposizione da parte dei cives.
The present doctoral research, titled «I beni degli dei. Considerazioni sul regime giuridico delle res sacrae e religiosae», has the aim of focusing on the legal framework of res sacrae and res religiosae, studying in particular the right of property and the administration of entities dedicated to dii superi and dii Manes. It also considers the late antiquity reform, due to the transition from the Roman traditional religion to the Christianity. With reference to res sacrae, it collects legal and literary texts and their interpretations about the condition of corporeal entities dedicated to Gods. Then, it defines the legal concept of sacrum, explaining the effects of the consecratio ritual in the ius civile system; examining the texts written by land surveyors, in particular Frontinus, concerning the property of sacred fields. The conclusion rejects Theodor Mommsen’s thesis about public property, affirming the theory based on Gods’ property and public administration on sacred things. This theory is confirmed by Digest’s abstracts about the banning of the res sacrae from trade. Another argumentation is based on epigraphical texts, that show the distinction between the entities dedicated to the Gods (called instrumentum) and the entities used for rituals (called ornamentum). The instrumentum is composed of not saleable entities, while the ornamentum is composed by saleable ones. Moreover, it focuses on the administration duties of res sacrae employed by magistrates. All the above mentioned thesis confirms the argumentation of Gods’ capacity to own an estate, like temples, sacred woods and gifts to the deity. This legal framework disappears during the Christianity, when the Roman Empire recognizes the Church as a legal person, which practices property as well as administration on sacred entities. With reference to res religiosae, it becomes easier, with the increase of legal texts, to analyse deeper their legal framework, so as to clarify the conditions of the iustum sepulchrum and the solutions created by Roman jurists in case of illegal burial. The dissertation, moreover, defines the concept of religiosum, the borders of the grave, the subjects that can be buried and the role taken by the burial rituals in that of the Roman society. Under the ius civile perspective, the res religiosae are similar to the res sacrae, as entities that can’t be used or sold. This condition of separation from the societas hominum doesn’t allow the legal right to use the grave nor the factual ability to use the same and, as a consequence, makes the ius sepulchri not saleable. Once the difference between sepulchra familiaria and sepulchra hereditaria has been studied, it becomes easier to identify the subjects who are able to begin legal action in defence of the grave (called actio sepulchri violati) and to express a theory about private burial penalties. In conclusion, it demonstrates that the legal system treats the res religiosae and the res sacrae in a similar way, recognizing their right of property to the Gods and their administration to the magistrates. The above mentioned legal situation disappears during the Christianity, when the cult of the Gods of the afterlife vanishes. In this way, the grave loses its metaphysical meaning, becoming a res that can be owned and administrated by the cives Romani.

Inspired by Charles Taylor’s A Secular Age (2007), this thesis reconsiders ‘the secular’ from within the discipline of literature and theology, employing comparative literature as a methodology. Focusing on the writings of two modern authors of religious doubt, Graham Greene and Naguib Mahfouz, I argue that the secular as an ontological category is from its inception post secular. In the first theoretical part of this thesis, I explore religious utopianism, and argue against the notion that utopianism is a uniquely ‘Western’ concept by outlining its prevalence in non Western societies. Then, I theorise modern intimations of the secular as four dichotomies: faith/reason, this worldliness/otherworldliness, personal/communal and freewill/determinism. In doing so,I draw parallels between ideas of the secular from Western philosophers such as Immanuel Kant and Friedrich Nietzsche and classical Islamic thinkers like Ibn Sina and al-Farabi. Drawing from the concepts of ‘religious utopianism’ and ‘secular dichotomies’, I develop a comparative literary lens known as utopian theologics to explore secular narratives in the selected works of Greene and Mahfouz. The second part of this thesis applies utopian theologics, by first historicising the secular from the socio-political and biographical spheres of the two writers to map out their ‘lifeworlds’ in the Habermasian sense of the word. More elaborately, I embark on a close reading analysis of the selected works according to the dichotomies identified to explore the way their conventional hierarchical orders have been reversed, or rendered irrelevant by hybridisation. Finally, I conclude that the secular disposition, as intimated in the novels, falls apart when its polemics are investigated, though its sense of lasting realness in the modern world is fuelled by perceptions of religion’s seeming antithesis to the idea of human agency. The postsecular narratives that govern the selected works also suggest that humanity has an inclination for ‘sacred impulses’ despite the advent of ‘sacrilegious worlds’.

This thesis considers the nature and significance of perceived blasphemy in the literature of Percy Bysshe Shelley and in the 'Romantic' period more widely. The central concern of this study is the consideration of Shelley's perception of the collusion of political and religious tyranny in relation to the increasing conflation of political with religious discourse throughout the Long Eighteenth Century. Alongside this, this inquiry has several further interrelated and overlapping strands. I consider the significance of perceived blasphemy in influencing the print history and 'bibliographical codes' of both Shelley's works and other Romantic period texts. I argue that not only were blasphemous or 'injurious' texts, due to the lack of copyright protection, those most widely read and disseminated - thus substantially shaping the Romantic reading public - they also served to enfranchise a readership. As a result, not only did the 'blasphemous' content or themes of a particular work influence the public perception of the author, the fact that such works were pirated by less 'respectable' publishers alongside pornographic or more ostensibly politically radical texts further inflected an author's reception. This was certainly the case with Shelley, who became most commonly associated with his most ostensibly antireligious poem Queen Mab. This was despite its exclusion from Mary Shelley's Posthumous Poems of Percy 8ysshe Shelley {1824}. Shelley's works are therefore considered in relation to the publishing realities and literary historical context of his age.

Few have paid attention to the role that pan-Hellenic religious norms play in Thucy-dides‟s The Peloponnesian War. This thesis investigates the trope of religious sacrilege in the form of violated sacred space. By examining how this trope functions within his chosen rhetori-cal presentation, I will argue that a secular interpretation of Thucydides does not accord with what he tries to accomplish within his narrative, and that scenes describing such sacrilege actual-ly function in crucial ways to support a major premise of his work. Two specific instances of sacrilege will be examined: the civil war on Corcyra in 427 BCE; and the Battle of Delion in 424/3 BCE. I will demonstrate that Thucydides incorporates sacrilege to serve as evidence for his readers that the Peloponnesian War was the worst war the Greek-speaking world had everexperienced, and that religio-cultural norms, however unanimously conceived and internally ob-vious, are inherently fragile and unstable.

This thesis considers the definition of elite identity and its relationship to the constitution of power structures through the manipulation of material culture. The following discussion will assess the nature of identity and how it is comprehended within contemporary archaeological theory. Thereafter the formation of medieval and early modem elite identities will be considered with reference to the manipulation of ideals of piety through the funerary material culture of Gloucestershire c.1350-1700. This study will consider how monuments that proposed a link between worldly wealth and divine favour might articulate elite selves in relation to each other and in opposition to those unaccustomed or unable to erect a monument to themselves or their kin. Funerary evidence will be analysed alongside the ideal of dying well as presented in the Ars Moriendi texts. It will be found that the ideological potential of 'dying well' was exploited to its fullest potential during the period under study. The idealised pious death provided the affluent with a focus for competition, the significance of which can only be fully comprehended if the texts are analysed alongside other forms of material culture.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Akron, Dept. of English-Literature, 2009.
"August, 2009." Title from electronic thesis title page (viewed 10/21/2009) Advisor, Alan Ambrisco; Faculty readers, Hillary Nunn, Robert Pope; Department Chair, Michael Schuldiner; Dean of the College, Chand Midha; Dean of the Graduate School, George R. Newkome. Includes bibliographical references.

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The families and sacrilegious paternities presents in a trustworthy manner in the history millennial of the Catholic church were done and in the formation of a Brazilian family model and native of Goiás. Such conjugalities and the originated sons of this relationship were titled by Church as illegitimate, because to the family's model were opposed instituted by the legislation that governs the Order Sacramentos and of the Marriage. The historiography, with base in the ecclesiastical documentation, reproduced the Church celibate assertive in their written, without pondering that the chaste prototype of priesthood was a representation created by the ecclesiastical institution, being this an act tax to the Latin clergy along its history. In Goiás, the priests constituted family and sons what didn t obey the codex of the celibacy. The association between priesthood and marriage did not constitute as a trammel to the exercise of the religious functions, but we effected as a problem for church, that wished to discipline the clergy and, consequently, the population, according to proposal promulgated by Trento's Council. The rules repetition and the insistence in frizzle the clergymen habits morality was a signal that this rule was hardly accomplished. The civil and ecclesiastical sources, mostly the ones that were produced by the priests, revealed the formation of an authentic family. The sacrilegious family little distinguished from the conjugal model promulgated by the council tridentine, except by the recognition absence granted by Church. Although I lacked you this prerogative, the society native of Goiás cohabited and backed naturally this heterodox family composition, because she was not determined by the law, but by the men priests and women humanity who took over within your everyday a possible family.
As famílias e paternidades sacrílegas se fizeram presentes de modo fidedigno na história milenar da Igreja Católica e na formação de um modelo familiar brasileiro e goiano. Tais conjugalidades e os filhos originados deste relacionamento foram titulados pela Igreja como ilegítimos, pois se opuseram ao modelo de família instituído pela legislação que rege os Sacramentos da Ordem e do Matrimônio. A historiografia, com base na documentação eclesiástica, reproduziu as assertivas celibatárias da Igreja em seus escritos, sem ponderar que o protótipo casto de sacerdócio foi uma representação criada pela instituição eclesiástica, sendo este um ato imposto ao clero latino ao longo de sua história. Em Goiás, os sacerdotes constituíram família e filhos à margem dos códices canônicos do celibato. A associação entre sacerdócio e matrimônio não se constituiu como um empecilho ao exercício das funções religiosas, mas se efetivou como um problema para a Igreja, que desejava disciplinar o clero e, conseqüentemente, a população, segundo a proposta promulgada pelo Concílio de Trento. A repetição das normas e a insistência em frizar a moralidade dos costumes dos clérigos foi um sinal de que esta regra dificilmente foi cumprida. As fontes civis e eclesiásticas, principalmente as que foram produzidas pelos sacerdotes, revelaram a formação de uma família autêntica. A família sacrílega pouco se distinguia do modelo conjugal promulgado pelo concílio tridentino, exceto pela ausência do reconhecimento outorgado pela Igreja. Embora lhe faltasse esta prerrogativa, a sociedade goiana conviveu e respaldou naturalmente esta composição familiar heterodoxa, pois ela não foi determinada pela lei, mas pela humanidade de homens/sacerdotes e mulheres que assumiram dentro de seu cotidiano uma família possível.

Este capítulo estudia una serie de escritos elaborados por las religiosas agustinas del Convento de Nuestra Señora de la Encarnación de Popayán con los que desobedecieron la autoridad episcopal y catedralicia que las juzgó por los delitos de sacrilegio y rebeldía entre 1608 y 1613. A través del análisis del expediente en su contra, que se encuentra en el Archivo General de Indias, fue posible concluir que la correspondencia de las religiosas sirvió para defenderlas, pero también operó como un dispositivo de expresión de la ilegitimidad que le atribuyeron al obispo fray Juan González de Mendoza, su juez. Este caso nos muestra que los conventos femeninos en el periodo virreinal neogranadino cotidianamente enfrentaban tensiones y conflictos con las autoridades eclesiásticas masculinas para defender sus costumbres.